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ADDITIONAL COPIES of this book and 


COMPLETE SETS OF THESE OFFICIAL PRO¬ 
CEEDINGS from 1856 to 1900 (twelve con¬ 
ventions) inclusive, may be obtained at any 
time from 

CHARLES W. JOHNSON, Secretary. 

602 Bank of Commerce Building, 


MINNEAPOLIS, MINN. 











.§ 1 . 

.YYW .ei.fO f IAav r /a, 




A-O/Vn. 





\ vOaIaJ^v \A 




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Protection and Sound Money —Blaine and Logan. 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS 


OF THE 


Republican National Convention 


HELD AT 


Chicago, June 3, 4, 5 and 6, 1884. 


Reprinted by authority of the resolution-of the Republican Rational Convention, 
of 1900, at Philadelphia as folloivs: 

“Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention be re¬ 
quested to republish the Official Proceedings of pre¬ 
ceding Republican National Conventions now out of 
print, under the direction of the National Committee.” 


CHARLES W. JOHNSON, Publisher, 
Minneapolis, Minn. 

1903 . 








In Exchange. 










MAR 8 1912 


Entered, according to act of Congress, in the year 1884, by 
RAND, McNALLY & COMPANY, 

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C. 


COPYRIGHTED 

BY 

CHARLES W. JOHNSON. 
1903. 


HISTORY OF THE CONVENTION. 


Chicago was selected as the place of holding the Eighth Re¬ 
publican National Convention at the meeting of the National 
Committee held in Washington, D. C., on the 12th day of De¬ 
cember, 1883. 

A sub-committee of the National Committee, consisting of Hon. 
John C. New, Indiana; Hon. John A. Logan, Illinois; Hon. D. 
M. Sabin, Minnesota; Hon. Christopher L. Magee, Pennsylvania; 
Hon. Powell Clayton, Arkansas; Hon. W. C. Cooper, Ohio; and 
Hon. John A. Martin, Kansas, were intrusted with the duty of 
visiting Chicago, appointing a local Committee of Arrangements, 
and taking charge of the preparations for the Convention. Hon. 
John C. New was made Chairman of this committee. 

Hon. John A. Logan being unable to act, Hon. John C. Clough, 
of Illinois, was appointed proxy in his stead. 

The sub-committee held a meeting at the Grand Pacific Hotel, 
Chicago, on Saturday, March 22, 1884, and appointed thp follow¬ 
ing named gentlemen as a 


local Committee of arrangements. 


Gen. William E. Strong. 
James T. Rawleigh. 

John M. Smythe. 

John Crerar. 

0. W. Potter. 

H. N. Higinbotham. 
Joseph Schoeninger. 
John M. Clark. 

A. H. Carpenter. 


S. B. Raymond, Chairman. 
W. K. Sullivan, Secretary. 
C. B. Farwell. 

Eugene Cary. 

Gen. Joseph Stockton. 

E. G. Keith. 

Morris Selz. 

Louis Hutt. 

John Hoffman. 


George E. White. 

A Finance Committee was appointed to provide means for pre¬ 
paring a proper hall in the Exposition Building, and to defray 
the other necessary expenses of the Convention. 


(iii) 



SEC RE TARTS CER TIFTCA TE. 


This Record of the Proceedings of the Republican National 
Convention , held at Chicago , in June , 1884 , is the only official pub¬ 
lication of the same; and to insure the most complete accuracy in this 
valuable Report, I have submitted the proof-sheets to the special revision 
of each prominent participator in the Convention i?iterested in the sa?ne y 
with the hope of making this publication as nearly absolutely correct 
as possible. 


Cassopolis, Mich., August to, 1884 . 


CHAS. W. CLISBEE , 

Secretary of the Convention. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION, 

1884. 


PROCEEDINGS. 

FIRST DAY. 


Tuesday, June 3, 1884. 

The Eighth National Convention of the Republican Party, 
for the nomination of candidates for President and Vice-President, 
convened, pursuant to the call of the National Committee, at the 
Exposition Building, in the city of Chicago, Tuesday, June 3, 1884, 
at 12 o’clock noon. 

The Convention was called to order at 12:28 p. m. by Hon. Dwight 
M. Sabin, Chairman of the National Committee, who said : 

Gentlemen of the Eighth Republican National Convention : The hour having 
arrived appointed for the meeting of this Convention, it will now be opened 
by prayer by the Rev. Mr. Bristol. 

PRAYER BY THE REV. FRANK M. BRISTOL. 

Let us pray. God of our fathers, we adore and worship Thee; and to Thee, 
by whose grace and providence we are what we are as a nation, we would lift 
our hearts in devout thanksgiving and everlasting praise. We thank Thee for 
our glorious National heritage; for this magnificent land of wealthy hills and 
fertile plains; for the laws and institutions which make it a land of progress 
and of liberty. We thank Thee for our Christian sires—lovers of freedom and 
of God; men of conscience and integrity, whose names have jeweled history, 
and the memory of whose deeds is an inspiration to heroism and patriotic pride. 
We thank Thee for Plymouth Rock, for Yorktown, for Appomattox, footsteps 
that mark the progress of righteousness and the higher law. We thank Thee 
for the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of the United States and 
the Emancipation Proclamation, our blood-bought charters of freedom. We 
thank Thee for the Republican party ; for its splendid history, and its still 
more splendid possibilities. 

And now as this great Convention enters upon the work which will involve 
the most precious interests of fifty millions of people, and in a large sense the 

( 3 ) 



4 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


destiny of free institutions, we devoutly and most earnestly supplicate the 
blessing of Almighty God. Bless the members of this body, the homes, the 
States' the party and the Nation which they represent, May the ambition of 
patriotism, the wisdom of statesmanship and the righteousness of Christian 
conscientiousness possess every breast and control every action; and may the 
results of this Convention be in harmony with the will of God concerning us, 
and be received with joy by the people of this whole land. 

And grant, Almighty God, that the coming political campaign may be con¬ 
ducted with that decency, intelligence, patriotism and dignity of temper which 
become a free and an intelligent people. Continue Thy mercies to us. Bless our 
country with peace, prosperity and universal enlightenment. May we never 
deny the faith of our fathers. May we never cease to be a temperate, a free, 
an industrious, a Sabbath-keeping, a God-fearing and a Christian people, 
blessed with the righteousness that exalteth a Nation. And to Thee, Father, 
Son and Holy Spirit, will we ascribe praise and offer worship forever. Amen. 

THE CALL FOR TIIE CONVENTION. 

The Secretary of the National Committee read the call for the 
Convention as follows : 

Washington, D. C., Dec. 12, 1883. 

A National Republican Convention will meet at Chicago, Ill., Tuesday, 
June 3d, 1884, at 12 o’clock noon, for the nomination of candidates to be 
supported for President and Vice-President at the next election. 

The Republican electors of the several States, and all other votors, without 
regard to past political differences, who are in favor of elevating and dignifying 
American labor, protecting and extending home industries, giving free popular 
education to the masses of the people, securing free suffrage and an honest 
counting of ballots, effectually protecting all human rights in every section of 
our common country; and who desire to promote friendly feeling and perma¬ 
nent harmony throughout the land by maintaining a National government 
pledged to these objects and principles, are cordially invited to send from each 
State four delegates-at-large, and from each Congressional district two dele¬ 
gates, and for each representative-at-large two delegates to the Convention. 

The delegates-at-large shall be chosen by popular State conventions, called 
on not less than twenty days’ published notice, and not less than thirty days 
before the time fixed for the meeting of the National Convention. 

The Republicans of the various Congressional districts shall have the option 
of electing their delegates at separate popular delegate conventions, called on 
similar notice, and held in the Congressional districts at any time within the 
fifteen days next prior to the meeting of the State Conventions, or by sub¬ 
divisions of the State Conventions into District Conventions; and such delegates 
shall be chosen in the latter method if not elected previous to the meeting of 
the State Conventions. All district delegates shall be accredited by the officers 
of such District Conventions. 

Two delegates shall be allowed from each Territory and from the District of 
Columbia, similarly chosen. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


5 


Notices of contests shall he given to the National Committee, accompanied 
by full printed statements of the grounds of contests, which shall also be made 
public; and preference in order of hearing and determining contests shall be 
given by the Convention according to the dates of the reception of such notices 
and statements by the National Committee. 

D. M. SABIN, Minnesota, Chairman. 

John A. Martin, Kansas, Secretary. 

OPENING ADDRESS BY THE CHAIRMAN OF THE NATIONAL 
COMMITTEE, HON. DWIGHT M. SABIN. 

Gentlemen of the Convention: On behalf of the National Republican Com¬ 
mittee, permit me to welcome you to Chicago. As Chairman of that Committee, 
it is both my duty and pleasure to call you to order as a National Republican 
Convention. 

This city, already known as the City of Conventions, is among the most 
cherished of all the spots of our country, sacred to the memories of a Repub¬ 
lican. It is the birthplace of Republican victory. On these fields of labor 
gathered the early fathers of our political faith, and planned the great battle 
for the preservation of the Union. Here they chose that immortal chief that 
led us on to victory—Abraham Lincoln. Here were gathered in council those 
gifted men who secured the fruits of that long struggle by elevating to the first 
place in the nation the foremost chieftain of that great contest—Gen. Grant. 
Here was afterward witnessed that signal triumph which anticipated the wish 
of the Nation by nominating as color-bearer of the party, that honored soldier, 
that shining citizen, that representative American, James A. Garfield. Every 
deliberation of Republican forces on this historic ground has been followed by 
signal success. And every contest planned on this spot has carried forward 
our line of battle, until to-day our banners overlook every position of the 
enemy. 

Indeed, so secure now is the integrity of the Union ; so firmly embodied in 
the constitution and laws of the land are the safeguards of individual liberty ; 
so fairly and fully achieved is the past, that by general consent, the time has 
now arrived for new dispositions of the party forces in contemplation of new 
lines of operation. 

Having compassed the defeat of our opponents on all former occasions, the 
party is about to set its house in order and take counsel as to the direction and 
management of its future course. In the comparative lull of party strife which 
distinguishes the present condition of National politics, there is observable an 
increasing disposition to look after the men who are to execute and the methods 
that are to guide them in the execution of the powers committed to them, for 
the management of the affairs of the Republic. 

As a result of a rule adopted in the last National Convention, this Convention 
finds itself constituted by a large majority of gentlemen who have been clothed 
with delegated powers by conventions in their several Congressional districts. 
On this consideration may be grounded a hope that the voice of the people will, 
beyond recent precedent, be felt in moulding the work you are summoned to 
perform, so that its results may be such as to win the unhesitating and undevi- 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


() 


ating support of every lover of those principles by which the party has here¬ 
tofore triumphed and yet will triumph. 

When we consider the memories of the past, so intimately connected with 
this city, and even with this edifice (which the people of Chicago have so 
generously placed at your disposal); when we reflect upon the deep-seated con¬ 
cern among all people in the result of your deliberations, and the various in¬ 
centives to the abandonment of personal ambitions in the interest of the party 
welfare, you can not wonder that the committee, and beyond it the great Re¬ 
publican masses, extend you a most hearty welcome to this scene of labor, in 
the confident hope that your efforts will result in such an exposition of Re¬ 
publican doctrine, and disclose such a just appreciation of Republican men in 
the choice of your nominees, as to rejoice the hearts of your constituents and 
keep victory on the side of our ever-victorious banners. 

NOMINATIONS FOR TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. 

In conclusion, gentlemen, and at the request of the National Republican 
Committee, I have to propose to you as Temporary Chairman of this Con¬ 
vention, the Hon. Powell Clayton, of Arkansas. 

Mr. Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts. In accordance with the vote 
of the majority of the committee, and in accordance with precedent, you have 
presented the name of a gentleman as Temporary Chairman. It is the right of 
this Convention to adopt that suggestion, or to revise it, if they deem it to be 
their duty to do so. With no view of introducing any personal contest, with 
no view of attempting to make any test vote as to the strength of candidates; 
but simply with a view to making a nomination for Temporary Chairman which 
shall have the best possible effect in strengthening the party throughout the 
country, there are many members of this Convention, I believe, who feel that 
a nomination which would strengthen the party more could be made than that 
which has been presented by the National Committee. I therefore have the 
honor to move, as it is certainly most desirable that we should recognize, as you 
have done, Mr. Chairman, the Republicans of the South—I therefore desire to 
present the name of a gentleman well known throughout the South for his 
conspicuous parliamentary ability, for his courage and his character. I move 
you, Mr. Chairman, to substitute the name of the Hon. John R. Lynch, of 
Mississippi. 

Mr. C. A. Simpson, of Mississippi. I second the motion. 

Mr. Lodge. I ask that in taking the vote the roll may be called on that 
question. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention : You hear the motion for a 
substitution of the name of John R. Lynch, of Mississippi, and on that motion 
a call of the roll is demanded. 

Mr. Silas P. Dutcher, of New York. I desire to heartily second the 
nomination of John R. Lynch, of Mississippi, and move that the roll be called, 
and that the delegates express their choice for either of the men presented. 

1 he Chairman. The roll will be called by the Secretary, and as their 
names are called by States, each gentleman will rise in his seat, and announce 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


the name of the gentleman whom he desires to vote for as Temporary Chairman 
of this Convention. 

Mr. William W. Morrow, of California. Before you proceed to the call 
of the roll of States, I desire to suggest that it appears to me that it is proper 
that we should proceed with deliberation in these preliminary proceedings in 
the formation of this Convention. I believe it to he a fact that for over forty 
years it has been the practice of the National Committees to name to the Na¬ 
tional Convention some gentleman who should act as Temporary Chairman. 
That practice has grown to be the common law of political parties in this 
country. 

Besides, I desire to say, Mr. Chairman, that it seems to me inappropriate on 
this great occasion, when we are proposing to start with unanimity and with 
courage to lay the foundation of a campaign that shall lead to victory, for us to 
commence here on this floor with suggestions of the possibility that there should 
be any division with respect to so simple a question. The National Committee, 
the representative of the great Republican party of this country, in its wisdom 
has selected the gentleman from Arkansas to act as the Temporary Chairman 
of this Convention. I have faith in the integrity and wisdom of the National 
Committee in their choice. And I do not think that this Convention is pre¬ 
pared to reverse the precedent of over forty years for the purpose of forming a 
contest in this preliminary matter. 

Mr. Chairman, allow me to suggest that we should take counsel from the 
wisdom and gallantry of those heroes of the party who heretofore in these Con 
ventions have suggested, and under their guiding wisdom have formed these 
Conventions in their preliminary matters with entire harmony and with entire 
success. We come here from all parts of this country with our separate views 
and advocating certain principles, and we come to this altar and lay them here, 
and say that whatever may be the judgment of this Convention upon the great 
principles of the party, let them be determined, arfd we will go home and we 
will carry your judgment to our respective sections of the country, and we will 
carry it forward to victory and to success. 

Now, let us sustain the National Committee in this matter, which I tell you, 
gentlemen, is for the success and harmony of the Republican party of this 
country. 

Mr. George William Curtis, of New York. This is the supreme council 
of the Republican party. Here at this moment, sir, American citizens profess¬ 
ing the Republican faith are met to open the great Republican campaign of 
1884, which, sir, by the grace of God and by the true hearts of the Republican 
party, shall be like those other campaigns to which you have so well and fitly 
alluded. Now, sir, what is done in the question now raised before this Con¬ 
vention is to be the first act done by the Republican party in that great cam¬ 
paign; and by that act, believe me, the people of this country will judge the 
purpose and the spirit of the Republican party. 

Unquestionably it has been the usual practice, as the gentleman from Cali¬ 
fornia [Mr. Morrow] has said, that the nomination of Temporary Chairman 
made by the National Committee should be ratified by the Convention itself. 
But the spirit of the nomination made to this Convention is a spirit of recogni- 


» 


8 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


tion of Southern Republicans; and when, sir, this Convention, without in the 
slightest degree impugning the purpose or the authority of that committee, 
within its bounds, proceeds to exercise its own unquestionable right to be 
judged in the first act of the campaign by its own unquestionable and responsi¬ 
ble action, then, sir, this Convention may rightfully, and with perfect respect, 
reconsider the nomination which has been submitted. 

In the person of Mr. Lynch we offer you a representative of those people 
who in great part and at unspeakable cost, constitute the Republican party of 
the South; being in himself a man who justifies the friendship and the devotion 
of the Republican party and the citizens whom he represents ; in himself, sir, 
a candidate such as this Convention will naturally seek without any imputation 
upon any gentleman who may be submitted; in himself a candidate of whom 
every Republican may be justly proud, and for whom in voting, as I believe, 
sir, every Republican in this hall, in the depths of his own consciousness at 
this moment knows, responds to the expectation and the demand and the hope 
of the great Republican masses of the country, whose eyes are at this moment 
fixed upon this hall, and who are waiting to hear that the first act of the Re¬ 
publican Convention of 1884 shall be an act which every one of us will glory 
to defend upon the stump, and to which the Republican party of the country 
will respond with a shout of victory. 

Mr. Josiah H. Drummond, of Maine. I desire to take up but a moment 
of the time of this Convention, and yet I desire to say that no one in Massa¬ 
chusetts or New York has a higher regard for the Republicans of the South, 
represented by the gentleman placed in nomination by my friend from Massa¬ 
chusetts [Mr. Lodge], than I have myself, and my fellow-delegates from the 
State of Maine. But, sir, it strikes me that the recognition of this principle by 
this Convention comes now at a late moment. At this time for the first moment 
is this matter brought forward. If we can trust the reports of the public press 
in relation to the proceedings of the National Committee, the name of the dis¬ 
tinguished gentleman from Mississippi was not presented to that committee. 
But it is presented now for the first time ; and I say, sir, that we who support 
the nominee of the National Committee must not and ought not to be charged 
with the slightest disrespect or the slightest want of appreciation of the Repub¬ 
licans of the South, or the particular class which is represented by the gentle¬ 
man who has been placed in nomination. 

But, sir, I rise for the purpose of making a suggestion. I understood the 
Chair to say that the roll of delegates—each individual delegate—was to be 
called ; and I rose to move that instead of that, the roll of States be called, that 
each State may announce its vote as usual. Am I right in my understanding of 
this? If so, I move that when the vote is taken, it be taken by a call of the 
roll of States. 

The Chaikman. In the absence of any parliamentary rules governing this 
body, the rules of the House of Representatives will be followed as closely as 
possible. It is evident to the Chair that at least one-fifth of this body desire the 
call of the roll, and will be entitled to that call, if so demanded. 

Mr. Drummond. The roll of delegates? 

The Chairman. The roll of delegates will be called at the proper time. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


9 


Mr. Drummond. Is my motion out of order? My motion is to proceed 
with the call by States. 

The Chairman. The Chair will rule that the motion is out of order at 
this time. 

Mr. John Stewart, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman —[Cries of “Roll 
call.”] 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Pennsylvania has the floor. 

Mr. Stewart. I make no dissent, Mr. Chairman, from the position taken 
by the distinguished gentleman from New York [Mr. Curtis], that this, the 
supreme council of the Republican party, has it within its power to negative 
the action of its committee; but I rise to question the expediency of any such 
action. Nothing short of something which would offend the dignity and 
which would compromise the honor of the Republican party will justify this 
Convention in putting that stigma upon their National Executive Committee. 
The proposition of the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Lodge] involves 
the violation of an established precedent of this party. Upon what ground is it 
demanded? That one is more worthy than the other? Not at all. I know 
nothing of the private record of either of these distinguished gentlemen. I do 
know something of their official record, and that which is public and written in 
the light of day. I do know that he who has been nominated by the Executive 
Committee of this body has rendered to his country distinguished services upon 
the field of battle. No man assails his worth. Why then deny or reject the 
action of your committee? This Convention will not listen to the voice of 
men who seek to excite sectional or personal animosities. This Convention will 
rise to a point where it will realize its great duty and the high responsibility 
resting upon it, and will ratify the action of its committee, and voice the senti¬ 
ment of the Republican party of the United States. 

Mr. Roswell G. Horr, of Michigan. I rise for the purpose of seconding 
the motion of the gentleman from Maine [Mr. Drummond]—such a motion as 
I understood that he made—that we proceed to settle this question by a call of 
the States. Let me explain why. It takes over two hours to call and receive 
the votes of 820 men called in their consecutive order. [Cries of “Roll call,” 
“ We’ll stay here if it takes ten hours,” “Yes, or all summer.”] If you call 
the roll by States, each State is at work taking its vote all at the same time, and 
we can do in thirty minutes what we can not do in the other form in an hour 
and a half; and it certainly can make no difference in the result, because, the 
question being before this Convention, each man is going to vote his convic¬ 
tions, whether he votes when his name is called by the Secretary or by the 
Chairman of his own State. Now, as a matter of economy of time, I move, sir, 
that the roll be called by States, permitting each State to collect its vote and 
announce it to the Chair. 

Mr. Ben M. Prentiss, of Missouri. I rise for a particular purpose. I know 
not the object of this motion to ignore the action of the National Committee. 
I understand that they have recommended to this Convention an old comrade of 
mine, Gen. Powell Clayton, of Arkansas. I wish to say I entertain the idea 
that a refusal to indorse the recommendation of our National Committee goes 
forth to' the American Republic as a stigma upon that man, and I am not 


10 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


r 

willing to remain silent while I know his conduct. I know him as a citizen; I 
have known him as a soldier; I have known him as a friend of the men a 
representative of whom has been nominated for the position of Temporary 
Chairman. And I rise in this Convention to say, gentlemen, be careful how 
you stigmatize a man placed before you by the National Committee. Powell 
Clayton carries the mark of loyalty to the flag to-day. He is a Southern Re¬ 
publican, and you recognize the Southern Republicans by electing him your 
Temporary Chairman. Go cautiously, gentlemen. If you seek by your votes 
to displace him from that platform, you seek to do that which ought not lo be 
done; and you will not succeed in placing there a more fitting servant than 
Powell Clayton, of Arkansas. 

Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, of New York. I trust that the motion made 
by the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Lodge] will be adopted, and that 
we will select as Chairman of this Convention that representative Republican, 
Mr. Lynch, of Mississippi. Mr. Chairman, it has been said by the distinguished 
gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Stewart], that it is without precedent to 
reverse the action of the National Committee. Who has not known numerous 
instances where the action of a State Committee has been reversed by the State 
Convention ? Not one of us but has known such instances. Now there are, 
as I understand it, but two delegates to this Convention .who have seats on the 
National Committee ; and I hold it to be derogatory to our honor, to our 
capacity for self-government, to say that we must accept the nomination of a 
presiding officer by another bod} 7 ; and that our hands are tied, and we dare not 
reverse its action. 

Now, one word more. I trust that the vote will be taken by individual mem¬ 
bers, and not by States. Let each man stand accountable to those whom he rep¬ 
resents for his vote. Let no man be able to shelter himself behind the shield of 
his State. What we say is, that one of the cardinal doctrines of the American 
political government is the accountability of each man to his people; and let 
each man stand up here and cast his vote, and then go home and abide by what 
he has done. 

It is now, Mr. Chairman, less than a quarter of a century since, in this city, 
the great Republican party for the first time organized for victory, and nomi¬ 
nated Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, who broke the fetters of the slave and rent 
them asunder forever. It is a fitting thing for us to choose to preside over this 
Convention one of that race whose right to sit within these walls is due to the 
blood and the treasure so lavishly spent by the founders of the Republican 
party. And it is but a further vindication of the principles for which the Re¬ 
publican party so long struggled. I trust that the Hon. Mr. Lynch will be 
elected Temporary Chairman of this Convention. 

Mr. Clark E. Carr, of Illinois. It seems to some gentlemen sitting in the 
neighborhood where I am, that the question to be considered at this time is, 
whether or not the action of the National Committee has been wise, prudent, 
and for the best interests of the Republican party; whether or not the National 
Committee have selected a fit, proper and wise man to be the Temporary Chair¬ 
man of this Convention. If the National Committee has failed in this, it is 
proper that its action should be overruled, and that another be put in his place. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


11 


If tli<* National Committee lias succeeded in this, it is proper that the action of 
the National Committee should be sustained by this Convention. The question, 
as it comes to us sitting here, is, whether Gen. Powell Clayton is or is not a fit 
man to preside here. Some of us have known him for many years. We have 
known his devotion to the principles for which we havd fought. Some of us 
have known how much he himself has done in fighting the battles of the freed- 
men in this country. Some of us are unwilling that a stigma should be placed 
upon his great and grand name. 

We know that there are five hundred other men in this Convention who 
would be fit and proper presiding officers; but, having been selected by this 
committee, we are unwilling that we should place a stigma upon Powell Clay¬ 
ton at this time by voting against the action of the National Committee. There 
are some gentlemen here from Illinois who do not feel that it would be proper 
and right for them to go before the world with a candidate from a Convention 
whose action, the first of all, had been to put down a man who carries an empty 
sleeve. 

Mr. W N. Taft, of South Carolina. Had not gentlemen who have spoken in 
behalf of the action of the National Committee, put it upon two grounds, I 
would not rise in this place to say one word. The first thing that is said to us 
is, that the National Committee have done this out of respect to the Southern 
Republicans; and again they say that, having done so, we should not reverse 
the action because it is the action of the National Committee. 

In the first place, Mr. Chairman, if the action of the National Committee be 
not in accord with the wishes of the majority of this Convention, it is not only 
our right, but our duty to ourselves, that w r e reverse the action here and now. 

And, again, it has been said, Mr. Chairman (and I regret that it has been 
injected into this debate), that w r e are casting a stigma upon Powell Clayton, of 
Arkansas, because he is an old soldier. I, too, am an old soldier of the Union 
army. And we have got more of them in the Southern delegations; and when 
you come to poll the vote, you will find that the old soldiers of the Union army, 
who have been in the South in the hard and rough days of reconstruction, in 
the rough days when we were trying to get a free ballot and a fair count, you 
will find their votes cast for the Hon. John R. Lynch, of Mississippi. 

Why do we do it? We do it because the majority, and the vast majority, of 
Southern delegates upon this floor believe that he more truly represents the 
spirit of the Republican party; that spirit that knows no shrinking; the spirit 
that dares go to the polls, shot-gun or what not, and vote with the Republican 
party. The question has been before this country for a long time; and when 
National Conventions meet they put a plank in their platform for a free ballot 
and a fair count. Only those that live in the South know what that means. 4 ‘A 
free ballot and a fair count ” means a great many things to us. It means our 
homes, our safety, our lives; and John R. Lynch, of Mississippi, represents 
that; and we, as Southern delegates, will stand by him and support him for that 
reason. 

And, Mr. Chairman, I don’t think it will be throwing any slur upon the Na¬ 
tional Committee. That committee is not entirely composed of delegates upon 
this floor; and, even if it were, they could more fully voice the sentiment of 


12 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


this Convention, in my opinion, than they have done. The committee have 
put it upon the ground that they want to recognize Southern Republicans. We, 
as Southern Republicans, say to this National Convention, if you wish to honor 
us and give us some recognition, then we, as Southern men, ask you to vote for 
the Hon. John R. Lynch, of Mississippi. 

Mr. Patrick II. Winston, Jr., of North Carolina. If I understand the 
action of this committee, it has no more force than a mere recommendation to 
this body. As such, and appreciating that recommendation, as a Southern 
Republican I have a right to say, with all courtesy to the committee, I prefer 
somebody else. I take it that, with the best of feeling, this Convention has 
the right to decide who shall preside over its deliberations. 

Now, Mr. Chairman, this is not the time to engender a bad spirit here; but, 
sir, the plea has been made that Mr. Clayton is a soldier. I honor him, that 
he lias fought under the flag of liberty; but, sir, I remember that there are 
three millions of Southern black Republicans, inhabitants of this country, who 
have no voice here, except what we are about to give them this day. And, sir, 
the men of Copiah and Danville, and many other places, appeal to this Con¬ 
vention, and will not appeal in vain. 

Mr. Chairman, this is a simple matter. There is a great to-do kicked up 
here to-day. Why haven’t we the right to decide whom we want for Chairman? 
I say, gentlemen, I propose to cast my vote for the distinguished gentleman 
from the great Southern State of Mississippi. 

The Chairman. The Chair desires to state, that on this matter being pre¬ 
sented to him a short time since, he felt called upon to call to his assistance 
some of the very best parliamentary talent in the country; and had presented 
the ruling which I will now read you, by the Chairman of the last National 
Republican Convention, that able parliamentarian, that distinguished jurist, 
Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts. In this ruling he took the position which the 
Chair feels called upon to assume and maintain at this time. It reads a,s follows : 
“ The Chair supposes that in the absence of any rules the method of taking the 
' ‘ question rests in the sound discretion of the Chair, subject, of course, to the 
“ order of the Convention,” etc. 

The Chair would state that this is emphatically a Convention of the people, 
and that every citizen representing a seat on this floor has the undoubted right to 
a free expression of his opinions, and a right to have that expression recorded. 
The Chair will, therefore, after a reasonable debate—and in this respect will 
not assume to follow any arbitrary rule, but to give the utmost liberality and 
latitude to debate—call the roll by individuals—by delegates. 

Mr. Wm. G. Green, of Maryland. Now that this Convention, after a long 
public discussion and public expectation, has reached this culminating hour of 
its purpose; now that there comes a lull, a throbbing of heart and bating of 
breath, awaiting the further purport and purpose of our proceedings; standing 
as we do in the presence of the whole land, the congregated millions of citizens 
of this Republic having halted to catch with bated breath the further progress 
and purpose of our proceedings; it is eminently proper that we should proceed 
deliberately and in order; and I submit, sir, that we should take abundant time 
upon a question like this, to give it full and free discussion. Speaking for my- 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


13 


self, for a Republican district in a border State, one on the southern side of 
that line once so fiercely contended for; speaking for Southern Republicans 
and in behalf of a constituency made up of native and foreigner, Northerner 
and Southerner, Confederate and Federal, white men and black men, I say in 
their behalf that the voice of my district will approve me in sustaining John R. 
Lynch as a proper candidate for Chairman of this Convention. 

Mr. Chairman, in saying this I abate not one jot or tittle of my regard for 
the men who carried that flag for four years through the fierce conflict of 
battle. There is no memory or association that will ever be dearer to me than 
the memory that I touched elbows and shouldered muskets with those vanished 
columns whose potent influence upon the age and the Nation shall never break 
rank. I remember our generals and our privates I have respect and,love 
for those men that led and commanded and won their fame and their name; 
but nearer and dearer to me is my memory of the dusty, and weary, and 
wounded columns that were commanded and obeyed. And I know that they 
who marched over Southern soil, shoulder to shoulder with the colored men 
and Southern Republicans, will indorse the man who is a representative of 
that people that make up the great bulk of the party, the bone and sinew of 
the Republican party in the Southern States. 

It has been said Gen. Clayton has an empty sleeve. I carry, too, an empty 
sleeve; and in that there is a chord of sympathy between us; but I carry also 
a heart in sympathy with the Republican party, and I believe it to be to their 
best interests that John R. Lynch should be selected as our Temporary Chair¬ 
man here to-day. 

Mr. John M. Thurston, of Nebraska. I appreciate the fact that this dis¬ 
cussion has already wearied the patience of this Convention, and yet I believe 
that we can better afford to stay here for a day or a year rather than that an in¬ 
justice shall be done to any man by this Convention. If this Convention is to 
overturn the action of its National Committee, let it not be done under a pre¬ 
text which masks the real design. If it be true that the spontaneous expression 
of this Convention is in favor of recognizing the colored element of the South; 
if that be the honest purpose of these gentlemen, as they have honestly said to 
us, then let the committee appointed by this Convention upon permanent or¬ 
ganization voice it in the selection of Mr. Lynch, of Mississippi, as Permanent 
Chairman. But, sir, in recognizing that colored element, let us not also do in¬ 
justice to that element which made it possible for a colored man to sit on the 
floor of this Convention. If it be true that there are any just, wise, potent, 
overwhelming reasons why the action of the Republican National Committee 
should be disregarded and sat down upon by this Convention, let the voice be 
heard here, where every man has a right to speak, before his people and his 
God. But on behalf of the Western country, where almost every quarter- 
section is the homestead of a man that proved his loyalty to the party by car¬ 
rying a musket and following the flag, we say, we are for Gen. Clayton, the 
choice of the National Committee. 

Mr. Mason W. Benjamin, of Arkansas. It seems to me that this is a very 
strange proceeding; an unusual one. It has never been attempted before, and 
now why is it? They say they want to recognize the Southern Republicans; 


14 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


and they want to do something for the Southern Republicans. Now, there is 
one thing I want to call the attention of this Convention to in regard to this 
candidate who is reported by the committee. The Hon. Powell Clayton, in 
1868, was Governor of the State of Arkansas. It is a well-known fact in his¬ 
tory that all over the Southern States there was organized what was known as 
a Ku-Klux Klan. There have been more Southern Republicans killed and 
wounded by this klan and others than were men killed during the Mexican 
war—than were killed during the war of 1812. Now, what did Powell Clay¬ 
ton, as Governor, do? He called out the militia of the State of Arkansas, and 
he whipped and overcame them, so that that was the end of it in that State; 
and never since that time have you heard anything of any troubles from the 
Ku-Klux of Arkansas. No. You find it in every other State; and had they 
called out the militia in other States at the start, thousands of colored men who 
have been murdered by these men would be able to be here and be in this Con¬ 
vention, instead of being in the grave as they are now. I say he has done more 
to elevate the cause of Republicanism in the South, in this one act alone, than 
anything else that was ever done by any Southern Republican. 

I do not have one word to say against Mr. Lynch. If he had been brought 
in here by this committee, I would have supported him. If he should be 
brought in by the Committee on Permanent Organization for Permanent Chair¬ 
man, no man would support him more cheerfully than I would. 

Mr. C. C. Sheats, of Alabama. I suppose that every man’s mind is made 
up on this question. We know that Mr. Clayton was Governor of Arkansas; 
we know that Mr. Lynch was a member of Congress from Mississippi. We 
know, sir, that they are both in nomination for Temporary Chairman of this 
Convention; and I think every delegate here is satisfied and is prepared to vote, 
and in order to cut this matter short, I now call the previous question. 

The Chairman. The Chair would state that the previous question is not 
to be called at this time, but will order the roll called by the Secretary. As the 
names of the various delegates are called, each delegate will rise in his seat and 
announce his preference for either Mr. Lynch or General Clayton. 

THE CALLING OF THE ROLL. 

The Secretary then began to call the roll. 

Mr. J. B. Foraker, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The call has been commenced. 

Mr. Foraker. We have no rule now governing this Convention that pre¬ 
vents the interruption of the call of the roll. Therefore, I rise to inquire of the 
Chair, by what authority have you dispensed with the motion which has been 
pending, and which has been under discussion, to the effect that the call of the 
States should be had instead of calling the members? As I understand, the 
Chair made this ruling and read it; that in the absence of organization the Chair 
should exercise a sound discretion, subject only to the control of the Conven¬ 
tion. Now the Convention has asked to be heard to say whether or not the 
discretion which the Chair intimated it would exercise, should be controlled by 
the Convention. We think we have a right to be heard upon that. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


15 


The Chairman. The Chair will announce, once for all, that he will recog¬ 
nize no gentleman in this Convention during the roll call. You will suspend 
the call for a moment. Gentlemen, there is a great deal of unnecessary noise in 
the Convention, which greatly annoys the Clerk, and retards the business. 

On calling the State of Arkansas, 

Mr. Logan H. Roots, of Arkansas, said: I am authorized by the delega¬ 
tion from Arkansas, thirteen of whom are present, Powell Clayton being ab¬ 
sent, to cast the thirteen votes for Powell Clayton. 

In calling the roll for Georgia, the Secretary called E. F. Johnson, 
as a delegate from the first district. 

Mr. W. A. Pledger, of Georgia. That is a mistake. E. F. Johnson is not 
a delegate to the Convention. A. N. Wilson and James Blue are from the 
first district. 

The Chairman. The Clerk will pass the first district until the certified 
copy is presented. The names of the regular delegates were on the corrected 
roll, but were not substituted in the printed roll. The names will be called 
later. 

When Indiana was called, 

Mr. Richard W. Thompson, of Indiana, said : The delegate who repre¬ 
sents at large the State of Indiana in place of General Harrison, is Mr. John II. 
Roelker, his alternate; General Harrison not being here. Shall his name be 
called ? 

The Chairman. His name will be called as the alternate. 

The announcements of the votes by the different delegates were 
greeted with loud applause, and caused considerable confusion. 

The Chairman. The Chair would state that the cheering on the announce¬ 
ment of votes will not change a single vote of this Convention, and it greatly 
retards the business and greatly annoys the reporters here, who claim they are 
not able to hear one-half of the responses. And the Chair would ask as a 
special favor that cheering from this time on during the roll call shall cease. 
You can devote any amount of time you need, after the announcement, to this 
recreation. 

In calling the roll for Massachusetts, when the Secretary reached 
the name of w Charles T. Gallagher,” 

Mr. George F. Hoar said: Mr. Gallagher is absent. 

The Chairman. The name of his alternate will be called. 

The Secretary called “ William N. Young.” 

Mr. Hoar. John Taylor will respond for Mr. Gallagher. 


16 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The Chairman. The Chair is informed that Mr. Young is the immediate 
alternate of Mr. Gallagher; and his name is entitled to he called first. If he is 
absent, then the other alternate will be called. 

The Secretary again called Mr. Young. 

The Chairman. Is Mr. Young present ? 

Mr. Hoar. Mr. Young is absent. 

The Secretary then called the other alternate, John Taylor, who 
voted. 

In the same delegation Mr. Theodore C. Bates being absent, the 
alternate, Calvin D. Paige, voted instead. 

As Mr. Levi L. Brown did not respond to his name, the Secretary 
called the alternate, Mr. Charles N. Yeomans. 

Mr. Hoar. You have not called the other alternate. 

The Secretary. Levi L. Brown. 

Mr. Hoar. He is absent. Edward S. Wilkinson has not been called. 

The Secretary. Mr. Yeomans is the immediate alternate; and he has 
voted. 

Mr. Hoar. Mr. Wilkinson is the proper alternate. Mr. Yeomans has voted 
as the alternate for Mr. Hyde. The alternate for Levi L. Brown is also absent. 
Mr. Wilkinson has not been called. 

Mr. Henry C. Lodge. The name of Mr. Yeomans, who has voted, should 
be withdrawn. Mr. Yeomans is the alternate for Mr. Hyde. Mr. Hyde is 
here, and has voted! Mr. Yeomans has voted; and his vote should be with¬ 
drawn. It was given under a mistake. Instead of Mr. Yeomans, call Mr. 
Wilkinson. He is the alternate of Mr. Brown. 

Mr. Chairman. It does not so appear on the record as presented by the 
committee. 

The Secretary. The printed roll contains the name of Mr. Yeomans as 
the alternate for Mr. Brown. 

The Chairman. The roll has been called as reported and made by the 
National Committee; and the proper alternate has been called for the name of 
Mr. Brown. 

After the vote of Minnesota had been announced, 

Mr. C. K. Davis said: I desire to change the vote of C. K. Davis to 
Powell Clayton. 

The Chairman. The vote will be changed. 

Mr. John M. Crane, of the New York delegation, did not respond, 
and the Secretary called, as the alternate, Thomas Young. 

Mr. George William Curtis. The alternate of Mr. Crane is Mr. John 
A. King. Mr. Crane is absent; Mr. King is present, and his name should be 
called. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


I 


17 


The Secretary then called Mr. John A. King, who voted. 

The Secretary called the name of u Leslie L. Proctor.” 

Mr. Leslie W. Russell, of New York. I think you have the name of the 
delegate wrong. It is Leslie W. Russell, and the alternate is W. L. Proctor. 

The Secretary. It is a typographical error. 

At the end of the roll call, Gen. Clayton arose and addressed 
the Chair as follows : 

Gen. Clayton. When the vote of Arkansas was called I was absent from 
my seat, and my vote was not recorded. I desire to cast my vote now for Mr. 
Lynch. 

The Chairman. Gen. Clayton desires to cast his vote for Mr. Lynch, and 
the record will be so amended. 


TIIE RESULT OF THE BALLOT. 


The Secretary announced the result of the vote to be : 


Whole Number of Votes Cast........ 818 

John R Lynch........424 

Powell Clayton.. ........ 384 


Majority for Lynch......... 40 

The following is the ballot in detail: 

Alabama. Lynch —George Turner, G. W. Braxdall, C. C. Sheals, J. C. 
Duke, James E. Slaughter, Frank H. Threet, G. W. Washington, Paul Stro- 
bach, I. Heyman, W. Youngblood, W. J. Stevens, II. A. Carson, W. J. An¬ 
thony, A. A. Mabson, L. J. Washington, R. A. Moseley Jr., Arthur Bingham, 
A. W. McCulloch, P. J. Crenshaw; 19. Clayton —L. E. Parsons; 1. 

Arkansas. Clayton —L. II. Roots, M. W. Gibbs, H. M. Cooper, J. Trieber, 
S. H. Holland, J. H. Johnson, F. Havis, A. A. Tufts, G. H. Thompson, M- 
AV. Benjamin, Jacob Yoes, L. Gregg, Kidder Kidd ; 13. Lynch —Powell 
Clayton; 1. 

California. Clayton —Thomas R. Bard, William W. Morrow, George A. 
Knight, Horace Davis, Cbauncey C. Bush, Byron O Carr, William H. Parks, 
George W. Schell, William Johnston, Eli S. Dennison, David McClure, Charles 
F. Crocker, Adolph B. Spreckels, Maurice C. Blake, David C. Reed, Oregon 
Sanders; 16. 

Colorado. Clayton —W. A. Hamill, S. H. Elbert, C. C. Davis, Alexander 
Gullitt, A. L. Emigli, Benjamin F. Crowell; 6. 

Connecticut. Clayton —F. Miles, J. L. Houston, L. 1. Munson, Ira G. 
Briggs, Eugene S. Boss, E. J. Hill; 6. Lynch— A. Brandegee, S. E. Merwin 
Jr., V. B. Chamberlain, Ralph P. Gilbert, John G. Edmonds, O. R. Fyler; 6. 

Delaware. Clayton —J. Pilling, G. Y. Massey, Daniel J. Layton, John II. 
Hoffecker, William J. Stewart; 5. I^ynch— Washington Hastings; 1. 

2 






IS 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Florida. Lynch —I). Eagan, J. E. Lee, J. D. Cole, W. G. Stewart, J. N. 
Combs, A. C. Lightborne, H. W. Chandler; 7. Clayton —J. G. Long; 1. 

Georgia. Lynch —A. E. Buck, W. A. Pledger, L. M. Pleasant, C. D. For 
syth, Alex. 1ST. Wilson, James Blue, C. W. Arnold, J. C. Few, Elbert Head, E. 
S. Small, W. H. Johnson, J. C. Beall, J. E. Bryant, W. D. Moore, W. W. 
Brown, P. O. Holt, G. P. Burnett, J. Q. Gassett, M. A. Wood, Madison Davis, 
W. T. B. Wilson, J. B. Gaston, W. F. Holden, R. R. Wright; 24. 

Illinois. Clayton —C. E. Carr, W. H. Ruger, C. E. Piper, J. R. Wheeler, 

L. C. Collins Jr., L. M. Kelly, C. E. Fuller. N. Lewis, O. C. Towne, S. G. 
Baldwin, H. T. Noble, R. W. Willett, A. J. Bell, T. Yennum, W. W. Wright, 

R. H. Whiting, C. A. Ballard, W. Jayne, J. W. Fifer, George K. Ingham, L. 

S. Wilcox, C. Churchill, Harrison Black, John I. Rinaker, J. M. Truitt, C. T. 
Strattan, T. M. Simpson, W. McAdams; 28. Lynch —Shelby M. Cullom, John 

M. Hamilton, Burton C. Cook, J. L. Woodard, Abner Taylor, George R. Davis, 
Samuel B. Raymond, S. T. Rogers, C. Y. Chandler, A. C. Matthews, W. W. 
Berry, D. C. Smith, Charles G. Eckhart, R. A. Halbert, F Reuter, T. S. Ridg- 
way; 16. 

Indiana. Clayton —John H. Roelker (alternate), John H. Baker, J. O. Cravens, 
Eugene G. Hay, W. A. Montgomery, C. H. Burchenal, J. II. Mellett, 
L. T. Micliener, II. C. Adams, William C. Smith, W. R. Mclveen, George B. 
Williams, A. C. Daily, Simon P. Thompson, George W. Holman, J. B. Ken¬ 
ner, Jonas Yotaw, Oscar S. Simons, Orville Carver, Joseph D. Oliver; 20. 
Lynch —R. W. Thompson, Morris McDonald, James C. Yeatch, Frank B. Posey, 
George G. Riley, W. R. Gardiner, D. M. Alspaugli, A. P. Charles, Joseph I. 
Irwin, George Moon; 10. 

Iowa. Clayton —J. S. Clarkson, John Y. Stone, N. M. Hubbard, W. Wil¬ 
son Jr., John Hilsinger, W. T. Shaw, H. C. Hemenway, W. H. Norris, A. G. 
Stewart, O. H. Lyon, J. W. Willett, H. S. Winslow, Calvin Manning, C. H. 
Gatch, E. W. Weeks, W. H. Christie, W. M. Wilson, E. A. Consigney, T. M. 
C. Logan, R. S. Benson, C. C. T. Mason, A. B. Funk, J. D. Ainsworth; 23. 
Lynch —W. G. Donnan, Dennis A. Morrison, Merritt Green Jr.; 3. 

Kansas. Clayton —P. B. Plumb, James S. Merritt, A. W. Mann, Cyrus Le- 
land Jr., H. E. Insley, R. Aikman, J. R. Hallowell, W. P. Hackney, George 

R. Peck, William Martindale, E. A. Berry, J. S McDowell, C. C. Wood, J. W. 
Ady; 14. Lynch —J. G. Woods, J. P. Root, C. C. Culp, R. L. Walker; 4. 

Kentucky. Lynch —W. Evans, W. O. Bradley, W. W. Culbertson, J. W. 
Lewis, E. Farley, P. C. Bragg, J. Z. Moore, J. J. Landes, W. L. Hazslip, A. 
Allensworth, G. P. Jolly, Edward Hilpp, Silas F. Miller, John M. Brown, D. 

N. Comingore, James A. Scarlett, Richard P. Stoll, G. M. Thomas, Andrew J. 
Auxier, R. A. Buckner Jr.; 20. Clayton —William C. Goodloe, R. Boyd, 
George Denny Jr., T. S. Bradford, J. C. Eversole, H. G. Trimble; 6. 

Louisiana. Lynch —W. Pitt Kellogg, A. J. Dumont, P. B. S. Pincliback, A. 

S. Badger, W. B. Merchant, P. F. Herwig, Henry Demas, George Drury, L. A. 
Martinet, E. W. Wall, Louis J. S'ouer; 11. Clayton —William Harper, Clifford 
Morgan, R. F. Guichard, Frank Morey; 4. Absent , or not voting , A. H. Leon¬ 
ard; 1. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


19 


Maine. Clayton —George C. Wing, Josiah H. Drummond, Joseph R. Bod- 
well, Joseph S. Wheelwright, Albion Little, Charles E. Hussey, A. E. Crockett, 
R. B. Fuller, J. M. Haynes, Andrew P. Wiswell, Austin Harris, E. A. Thomp¬ 
son; 12. 

Maryland. Clayton —L. N. Phillips, James Wallace, C. T. Westcott, J. C. 
Mullikin, John T. Ensor, H. M. Clabaugh, William Coath, J. W. Jordan, J. 
McPherson Scott, G. L. Wellington; 10. Lynch— H. B. Holton, Thomas S. 
Hodson, D. P. West, H. W. Rogers, J. A. Gary, W. G. Green; 6. 

Massachusetts. Lynch—George F. Hoar, W. W. Crapo, J. D. Long, 
H. C. Lodge, Jonathan Bourne, F. S. Stevens, E. L. Ripley, H. P. Kidder, 
E. L. Pierce, E. Stearns, John F. Andrew, Amos F. Breed, C. D. Wright, E. H. 
Haskell, G. W. Cate, F. T. Greenhalze, A. C. Stone, J. G. Ray, R. R. Bishop, 
W. W. Rice, C. C. Conant, R. Wallace, H. S. Hyde, Charles N. Yeamans (alter¬ 
nate)—24. Clayton —F. M. Ames, J. M. Gove, John Taylor (alternate), 
C. D. Paige (alternate); 4. 

Michigan. Clayton —R. G. Horr, J. C. Burrows, W. H. Coats (alternate), 
W. S. Morey, E. C. Nichols, W. II. Powers, S. T. Read, G. W. Webber, J. E. 
Sawyer, J. P. Sanborn, W. S. Tuck, W. E. Watson, M. P. Gale, G. W. Bell; 
14. Lynch —W. F. Swift, S. C. Watson, W. A Underwood, J. T. Jacobs, J. 
Andrews, H. F. Thomas, M. D. Chatterton, B. R. Noble, Abel Anderson, H. 
H. Aplin, S. C. Moffatt, S. M. Stevenson; 12. 

Minnesota. Clayton —C. K. Davis, T. II. Armstrong, C. H. Conkey. A. 
M. Crosby, V. Canfield, L. Hall, A. Barto, H. G. Page; 8. Lynch— D. M. 
Sabin, C. H. Graves, O. B. Gould, L. Z. Rogers, R. B. Langdon, S. Newel; 6. 

Mississippi. Lynch —B. K. Bruce, J. Hill, R. F. Beck, J. M. Bynum, W. 
H. Kennon, D. T. J. Mathews, W. H. Allen, J. S. Burton, W. Creighton, H. 
H. Harrington, J. W. Longstreet, F. C. Cranberry, W. M. Hancock, C. A. 
Simpson, T. Richardson, J. A. Galbreath; 16. Clayton —H. C. Powers, John R. 
Lynch; 2. 

Missouri. Clayton*— B. M. Prentiss, H. E. Havens, J. B. Henderson, R. D. 
Cramer, A. C. Dawes, O. C. Hill, W. Warner, H. C. Meyer, J. C. Bensiek, C. I. 
Filley, J. H. McLean, K. W. Weber, E. B. Sankey, J. B. Upton, N. Gibbs, B. 
Duncan; 16. Lynch —R. T. Van Horn, J. T. Barber, J. H. Turner, A. W. 
Mullens, J. H. Thomas, Ira B. Hyde, J. B. Jones, Odin Guitar, W. S. Shirk, 
T. Bruere, M. G. Reynolds, E. Neuenhahn, C. G. Burton, A. B. Carroll; 14. 
Absent or not voting —F. W. Mott, W. D. Tyler; 2. 

Nebraska. Clayton —J. M. Thurston, N. S. Harwood, J. Jenson, G. A. 
Brooks, W. T. Scott, 'G. W. Burton, C. P. Matthewson, J. H. McCall; 8. 
Lynch— E. L. Reed, C. Howe; 2. 

Nevada. Clayton —M. D. Foley, C. A. Stevenson, S. L. Lee, J. A. Palmer 
(alternate), J. H. Rand, C. S. Young (alternate); 6. 

New Hampshire. Lynch— Charles H. Sawyer, George II. Stowell, Edward 
H. Rollins, Joseph B. Clark, Charles B. McDuffie, Warren Brown, Frank D. 
Currier, Henry B. Atherton; 8. 

New Jersey. Clayton —W. W. Phelps, W. J. Sewell, J. J. Gardner, I. T. 
Nichols, T. B. Harned, W. H. Skein, M. Hutchinson, J. I. Blair, W. Cook; 9. 


20 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Lynch- J. F. Fort, J. W. Herbert, J. R. English, W. H. Long, W. H. Howell, 
H. Lehbach, W. Riker, J. Gopsill, J. Ramsey; 9. 

New York. Lynch— T. Roosevelt, A. D. White, J. I. Gilbert, E. Packard, 
G. W. Curtis, J. A. King (alternate), E. H. Hobbs, S. B. Dutcher, A. D. Baird, 

G. L. Pease, W. H. Beard, M. N. Day, C. D. Rhinehart, G. C. Bennett, J. J. 
O’Brien, J. H. Brady, J. D. Lawson, P. Y. R. Van Wyck (alternate), R. G. 
McCord, John Collins, George Starr (alternate), George Hilliard, M. Cregan, 
B. Biglin, J. R. Lydecker, J. L. Perley (alternate), W. Dowd, F. Raymond, J. 

A. Eagleston, B. B. Odell, D. J. Blauvelt, B. P. Carpenter, H. Fish Jr., M. I. 
Townsend, H. G. Burleigh, G. Campbell, A. S. Draper (alternate), John Ham¬ 
mond, George Chahoon, L. Burrett, H H. Warner, J. W. Wadsworth, J. D. 
Warren, J. Jewett, George Urban Jr., Lee R. Sanborn; 46. Clayton —A. G. 
McCook, W. H. Robertson, J. W. Husted, Thomas Cornell, D. Ballentine, 
George West, John Kellogg, L. W. Russell, G. A. Bagley, W. E. Scripture, A. 
M. Lampher, Hobart Krum, Titus Sheard, C. E. Smith, James Frazee (alter¬ 
nate), T. C. Platt, M. DeLano, D. D. Osborne, T. G. Yeomans, J. W. Dwight, 
W. L. Smith, S. T. Hayt, G. R. Cornwell, E. L. Pitts, N. M. Allen, F. S. 
Smith; 26. 

North Carolina. Lynch —J. J. Mott, J. H. Harris, J. E. O’Hara, J. B. 
Hill, I. J. Young, J. C. Daney, L. W. Humphrey, J. S. Leary, C. D. Upchurch, 
T. B. Keogh, P. H. Winston Jr., W. W. Jenkins (alternate), E. J. Penny- 
backer, H. C. Cowles, A. S. Richardson, W. S. Pearson, J. B. Eaves; 17. 
Clayton —W. S. Dockey, E. A. White, J. H. Williamson; 3. Absent or not 
voting —L. L. Green, T. J. Candler; 2. 

Ohio. Clayton —Wm. McKinley Jr., W. H. West, A. M. Pratt, J. N. High, 
R. W. McMahon, W. C. Lemert, O. T. Martin, G. M. Eichelberger, T. E. 
Duncan, J. F. Locke, C. L. Luce, J. B. Rice, E. L. Lybarger, C. H. Baltzell, 
M. R. Patterson, C. H. Andrews, W. Monaghan, E. L. Lampson, J. O. Con¬ 
verse, A. L. Conger, T. D. Loomis, Edwin Cowles, A. C. Hord; 23. Lynch —J. 

B. Foraker, M. A. Hanna, L. A. Staley (alternate), W, B. Smith, C. Fleishman, 

H. L. Morey, M. J. W. Holter, S. Craighead, A. R. Byrkett, J. S. Robinson, 
J. Morris, A. Hart, B. F. Stone (alternate), O. B. Gould, H. S. Bundy, C. D. 
Firestone, C. E. Groce, W. I. Shriver, A. W. Vorhes, H. C. Van Vorhis, E. G. 
Johnson, W. L. Sewell; 22. Absent or not voting —Amor Smith Jr.; 1. 

Oregon. Clayton— Joseph N. Dolph, O. N. Denney, J. M. Swift, W. J. 
McConnell, A. G. Hovey, John T. Apperson; 6. 

Pennsylvania. Clayton— W. E. Littleton (alternate), P. L. Kimberly, J. 
W. Lee, L. Emery Jr., W. H. Jessup, B. F.Fisher, R. Young, R. M. Yardley, 
J. P. Hale Jenkins, S. R. Deppen, F. S. Livengood, E. Reimbold, L. S. Hart¬ 
man, S. Thomas, W. S. Kirkpatrick, J. Cruikshank, J. C. Brown, H. B. Payne, 
H. M. Boies, Horace Brock, J. II. Wagner, F. F. Lyon, G. A. Grow, E. G. 
Schieffelin, C. W. Hill, D. J. Morrell, Edward Scull, John Stewart, B. F. 
Wagonseller (alternate), W. H. Lanius, J. A. Kitzmiller, E. A. Irvin, T. C. 
Thornton, J. K. Ewing, J. E. Sayers, T. M. Bayne, E. M. Byers, E. F. Acheson, 
J. W. Wallace, J. B. Henderson, H. C. Howard, T. C. Cochran, W. H. II. 
Riddle, E. W. Echols, J. Johnson; 45. Lynch— James McManes, H. H. 
Bingham, W. J Pollock, W. R. Leeds, David H. Lane, H. Hunter, A. Crowe, 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


21 


W. E. Rowan, J. T. Thompson, John Ruhl, J. A. M. Passmore, J. S. Sollen- 
berger, William Flynn; 13. 

Rhode Island. Lynch —Gorham P. Pomeroy, Frank M. Bates, Ellery II. 
Wilson, Daniel G. Littlefield, William A. Steadman, John C. Burrington, 
Thomas C. Peckham, Albert L. Chester; 8. 

South Carolina. Lynch— R. Smalls, W. N.Taft, E. M. Brayton, Samuel 
Lee, J. M. Freeman, E. H. Webster, Paris Simpkins, S. E. Smith, E. F. 
Blodgett, R. W. Boone, C. M. Wilder, Wilson Cook, C. C. Macoy, E. IT. Dibble, 
E. H. Deas, D. T. Corbin, T. B. Johnson, W. H. Thompson; 18. 

Tennessee. Lynch —W. P. Brownlow, L. C. Houck, J. C. Napier, T. F. 
Cassells, John W. Browjn, W. C. Chandler, W. C. Chumlea, H. F. Griscom, B. 
W. Burford, John Pruitt, J. C. McAdams (alternate), H. L. W. Cheatham, B. 
J. Hadley, A. M. HugheS Jr., R. Harris, S. W. Hawkins, J. C. Watson, M. E. 
Bell, S. A. McElwee, Carter Harris, J. H. Smith; 21. Clayton —A. H. Petti- 
bone, W. M. Ekin; 2. Absent or not voting —F. V. Brown; 1. 

Texas. Lynch —C. C. Binkley, R. Allen, J. B. Farris, G. W. Burkitt, W. 
Flanagan, A. G. Malloy, F. L. Cleve, J. C. Akers, B. B. Renfro, Nathan Patton, 
J. C. DeGress, H. H. McConnell; 12. Clayton —N. W. Cuney, R. Zapp, R. J. 
Evans, J. D. Davis, J. R. Carter, O. T. Lyon, J. S. Witner, H. C. Ferguson, 

A. J. Rosenthal, Henry Green, C. H. Blont, R. Hanschke; 12. Absent or not 
voting —A. Burge, R. F. Campbell; 2. 

Vermont. Lynch —J. Gregory Smith, Redfield Proctor, Frederick Billings, 

B. D. Harris, A. B. Valentine, Henry Ballard, B. F. Fifield, T. C. Fletcher; 8. 
Virginia. Lynch —W. Malione, J. D. Brady, F. S. Blair, S. M. Yost, W. 

H. Pleasants, A. A. Dodson, Duff Green, H. Libbey, J. Thompson, W. C. 
Elam, J. A. Taylor, W. E. Gaines, A. W. Harris, J. A. Frazier, J. M. Mc¬ 
Laughlin, L. S. Walker, J. L. Dunn, R. L. Mitchell, T. G. Popliam, H. C. 
Wood; 20. Clayton —L. R. Steward, W. E. Sims, Winfield Scott, D. F. 
Houston; 4. 

West Virginia. Clayton —B. B. Dovener, W. M. O. Dawson, E. L. 
Buttrick, Warren Miller, C. D. Thompson, T. B. Jacobs, A. C. Sherr, L. C. 
Powell, Neil Robinson, J. W. Heavener, B. J. Redmond, M. C. C. Church; 12. 

Wisconsin. Lynch —E. B. Brodhead, T. B. Scott, W. T. Rambush, S. S. 
Barney, F. C. Winkler, E. Sanderson, J. H. Mead, C. E. Estabrook, C. M. 
Butt, O. F. Temple, H. A. Taylor; 11. Clayton^E. W. Keyes, J. Bowman, IT. 
A. Cooper, J. W. Sayles, C. Spenseley, A. C. Dodge, A. M. Kimball, G. B. 
Shaw, A. Stewart, O. A. Ellis; 10. Absent or not voting— C. B. Clark; 1. 
Arizona. Clayton —C. Churchill, A. H. Stebbins; 2. 

Dakota. Clayton —N. E. Nelson, J. L. Jolly; 2. 

District of Columbia. Clayton —P. H. Carson; 1. Lynch —F. B. 
Conger; 1. 

Idaho. Lynch —D. P. B. Pride, W. N. Shilling; 2. 

Montana. Clayton —W. F. Saunders ; 1. Lynch —Lee Mantle; 1. 

New Mexico. Lynch —E. Romere, W. H. IT. Llewellyn; 2. 

Utah. Clayton —Joseph E. Galigher (alternate), N. Kimball; 2. 
Washington. Lynch —J. L. Wilson; 1 Clayton —Geo. D. TIill; 1. 
Wyoming. Lynch —James France, J. W. Meldrum; 2. 


22 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


RECAPITULATION. 


STATES, ETC. 

Alabama _.. 

LYNCH. 

.. 19 

CLAYTON. 

1 

STATES, ETC. 

New Jersey. 

LYNCH. 

9 

CLATTON. 

9 

Arkansas. 

.. 1 

13 

New York .. 

. 46 

26 

California. 


16 

North Carolina- 

17 

22 

3 

Colorado. 

Connecticut.-. 

6 

6 

6 

Ohio... 

Oregon .. 

2a 

6 

Delaware. 

.. 1 

5 

Pennsylvania- 

13 

45 

Florida ... 

... 7 

1 

Rhode Island- 

8 


Georgia... 

... 24 


South Carolina- 

18 

-- 

Illinois_ 

... 16 

28 

Tennessee- 

_ 21 

2 

Indiana.. 

... 10 

20 

Texas_ 

12 

12 

Iowa.. 

... 3 

23 

Vermont-- 

8 

-- 

Kansas ... 

... 4 

14 

Virginia .. ----- 

20 

4 

Kentucky. 

... 20 

6 

West Virginia- 

- -- 

12 

Louisiana.... 

11 

4 

Wisconsin__ 

. 11 

10 

Maine .. 


•12 

Arizona-- 

. 

2 

Maryland ... 

6 

10 

Dakota-- 

_ 

2 

Massachusetts. 

... 24 

4 

District of Columbia 

1 

1 

Michigan .. 

... 12 

14 

Idaho.. - 

. 2 

-- 

Minnesota.. 

... 6 

8 

Montana_ 

1 

1 

Mississippi.... 

... 16 

2 

New Mexico... 

. 2 

-. 

Missouri... 

... 14 

16 

Utah.. 


2 

Nebraska. 

... 2 

8 

Washington. 

. 1 

1 

Nevada. 


6 

Wyoming_ 

. 2 

.. 

New Hampshire... 

... 8 • 

-- ‘ 


424 

384 


The Chairman. Mr. John R. Lynch, having received a majority, of the 
votes of this Convention, is declared elected as Temporary Chairman. 

Gen. Clayton. I move to make the election of Mr. Lynch unanimous. 


The motion was carried. 

The Chairman. John R. Lynch is declared the Temporary Chairman of 
this Convention. The Chair will appoint as a committee to escort Mr. Lynch 
to the platform: Gen. Powell Clayton of Arkansas, Mr. Henry Cabot Lodge 
of Massachusetts, and Mr. Taft of South Carolina. The gentlemen will please 
escort Mr. Lynch to the platform. 

The committee met Mr. Lynch at his seat, and escorted him to the chair. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention: I have the honor and the 
great pleasure to present to you, as Temporary Chairman of this Convention, 
the Hon. John R. Lynch, of Mississippi. • 

ADDRESS OP THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. 

Mr. Lynch, on assuming the chair, addressed the Convention as 
follows: 

Gentlemen of the Convention: I feel that I ought not to say that I thank you 
for the distinguished honor which you have conferred upon me, for I do not. 
Nevertheless, from a standpoint that no patriot should fail to respond to his 
country’s call, and that no loyal member of his party should fail to comply with 
the demands of his party, I yield with reluctance to your decision, and assume 
the duties of the position to which you have assigned me. Every member of 
this Convention who approached me upon this subject within the last few 













































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


23 


hours, knows that this position was neither expected nor desired by me. If, 
therefore, there is any such thing as a man having honors thrust upon him, you 
have an exemplification of it in this instance. 

I wish to say, gentlemen, that I came to this Convention, not so much for 
the purpose of securing the defeat of any man, or the success of any man, as 
for the purpose of contributing to the extent of my vote and my influence to 
make Republican success in November next an assured fact. I hope and be¬ 
lieve that the assembled wisdom of the Republican party of this Nation, through 
its chosen representatives in this hall, will so shape our policy, and will present 
such candidates before the American people, as will make that victory beyond 
a shadow of a doubt. 

I wish to say, so far as the different candidates for the Presidential nomina¬ 
tion are concerned, that I do not wish any gentleman to feel that my election 
by your votes is indicative of anything relative to the preference of one candi¬ 
date over another. I am prepared, and I hope.that every member of this Con¬ 
vention is prepared, to return to his home with an unmistakable determination 
to give the candidates of this Convention a loyal and hearty support, whoever 
they may be. 

Gentlemen of the Convention, I am satisfied in my own mina that when 
we go before the people of this country our action will be ratified, because the 
great part of the American people will never consent for any political party to 
gain the ascendency in this government, whose chief reliance for that support 
is a fraudulent ballot and violence at the polls. I am satisfied that the people 
of this country are too loyal ever to allow a man to be inaugurated President 
of the United States, whose'title to the position may be brought forth in fraud, 
and whose garments may be saturated with the innocent blood of hundreds 
of his countrymen. I am satisfied that the American people will ratify 
our action, because they will never consent to a revenue system in this 
government, otherwise than that which will not only raise the necessary reve¬ 
nue for its support, but will also be sufficient to protect every American citizen 
in his occupation. 

Gentlemen, not for myself, but in obedience to custom, I thank you for the 
honor you have conferred upon me. 

FORMATION OF STANDING COMMITTEES. 

Mr. William J. Sewell, of New Jersey. I move that the roll of the 
States be called, and the Chairmen of the different delegations respond with the 
members of the Committees on Credentials, Permanent Organization, Rules 
and Order of Business, and Platform and Resolutions. I move that resolution. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from New Jersey moves that the roll be 
called, and that the Chairman of each State delegation announce the names of 
the different persons to serve on the several committees. 

Mr. Leslie W. Russell, of New York. I would suggest to the Chair¬ 
man that before that motion be put, it is advisable to inquire of the National 
Committee whom they have recommended for Secretaries of this Convention. 
For the present there are none. We ought to have two. It should be the duty 
of the National Committee to recommend some person for that position. 


24 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The Chairman. Pending the motion of the gentleman from New Jer¬ 
sey— 

REVISION OF APPORTIONMENT OF DELEGATES. 

Mr. Edward L. Pierce, of Massachusetts. I rise to move an amendment. 
The National Committee has considered at different times the subject of a re¬ 
vision of the apportionment of delegates to the National Convention, and it 
has by common report referred that subject to this Convention as the source of 
all Republican power. I therefore move to add to the committees, one of eight 
members, to be named the “Committee on Revision of the Apportionment of 
Delegates to Future National Conventions, and of Members of the National 
Committee.” I move to add that to the list^of committees as proposed by the 
gentleman. 

The Chairman. The Chair thinks that would not be in order pending this 
motion. 

Mr. Pierce. I move it as an amendment to the list of committees. 

The Chairman. The Chair thinks it would be in order only after this mo¬ 
tion is disposed of. 

TEMPORARY SECRETARIES. 

Mr. Russell. I rise to a point of order. This Convention is not organized 
until we have two Secretaries. 

The Chairman. The Chair is informed that the custom heretofore has 
been not to have any Secretaries until they are announced by the different 
delegations. 

Mr. Russell. I will call your attention to the proceedings of the last Con 
vention. At the close of the speech of the presiding officer, he refers to the 
National Committee having presented the names of two persons for Temporary 
Secretaries of the Convention. Mr. Chairman, I move that JVIr. Titus Sheard 
of New York, and Mr. Joseph W. Lee of Pennsylvania, be Secretaries, to act 
until the permanent organization is effected. 

The motion was carried. 

The motion of Mr. Sewell was then put and carried. 

Mr. Roswell G. Horr, of Michigan. Mr. Chairman: I rise to a question 
of order. 

The Chairman. The gentleman will state it. 

adoption of rules. 

Mr. Horr. I move that we adopt the rules of the last National Convention 
to guide us until the permanent organization is perfected. 

The motion was carried. 

formation of committees resumed. 

The Chairman. The Secretary thinks it would facilitate the business of 
the Convention if the roll of States be called for.each State separately; if that 
be the sense of the Convention, it will be done in that manner. 

Mr. Sewell, of New Jersey. From my experience in these Conventions 
I think it quicker and better to have them all given at once. I know that in 


REPUBLICAN - NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


25 


the last two or three Conventions the Chairmen would just hand in all the 
names. 

The Chairman. All at once? 

Mr. Sewell. Yes; and it saves time. 

The Chairman. The Chairmen of the different delegations will give the 
names all at once. The Secretary will call the State of Alabama. 

Mr. George Turner, of Alabama. I would like to ask what is the order 
of the Convention? 

The Chairman. The order of the Convention is, that persons selected to 
serve on the several committees be now announced, beginning with the Com¬ 
mittee on Credentials. The Chair will suggest that three names be written out 
and sent up to the desk to be read. 

Mr. George V. Massey, of Delaware. I would like to suggest that there 
may be some misunderstanding arising out of the suggestion. The precedent, 
sir, as I understand it, is that as each delegation is called, the Chairman here¬ 
tofore has announced, from time to time, as the call was made, the name of the 
particular member who is designated to act upon each committee. And if a 
mistake be made, the delegation thus has its attention directed to it, and there 
is an opportunity then to correct it, I apprehend that there might be a possi¬ 
bility of difficulty arising out of misunderstanding by reason of the cliirogra- 
phy of the Chairman; and, therefore, I think we should insist on following the 
precedent already established. 

The Chairman. That is true. The Chair will adhere to it. The Chair¬ 
men of the different delegations will present all the names at the same time. 

The Secretary then proceeded with the call; and the committees 
as reported are as follows: 


Alabama.. 

Arkansas. 

California__ 

Colorado. 

Connecticut.... 

Delaware_ 

Florida_ 

Georgia... 

Illinois_ 

Indiana. 

Iowa. 

Kansas... 

Kentucky_ 

Louisiana_ 

Maine.. 

Maryland...... 

Massachusetts.. 

Michigan_ 

Minnesota_ 

Mississippi_ 

Missouri ..._ 

Nebraska_ 

Nevada.. 

New Hampshire 


COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 


-Isaac Heyman 

_Jacob Trieber 

_David McClure 

.William A. Hamid 

_Eugene S. Boss 

.William J. Stewart 

_Dennis Eagan 

_John E. Bryant 

_Burton C. Cook 

.Joshua II. Mellett 

_N. M. Hubbard 

...James S. Merritt 
...John W. Lewis 

.George Drury 

.J. M. Haynes 

.John T. Ensor 

.William W. Crapo 
Edward C. Nichols 
Robert B. Langdon 
.John A. Galbreath 
. Charles G. Burton 
.William T. Scott 

_M. D. Foley 

...Joseph B. Clark 


New Jersey. J. Frank Fort 

New York.Edward H. Hobbs 

North Carolina_J. E. O’Hara 

Ohio. Mark A. Hanna 

Oregon.. O. N. Denney 

Pennsylvania - .B. F. Fisher 

Rhode Island_Gorham P. Pomroy 

South Carolina_E. F. Blodgett 

Tennessee..A. M. Hughes, Jr 

Texas.....Alex, Burge 

Vermont_Henry Ballard 

Virginia.... .James D. Brady 

West Virginia_D. B. Dovener 

Wisconsin.__J. H. Mead 

Arizona....Clark Churchill 

Dakota.__ J. L. Jolly 

District of Columbia.Frank B. Conger 

Idaho_D. P. B. Pride 

Montana_ Lee Mantle 

New Mexico.W. H. LI. Llewellyn 

Utah_Joseph E. Galigher 

Washington.....George D. Hill 

Wyoming.James France 












































26 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 


Alabama_George W. Braxdall 

Arkansas..George H. Thompson 

California.Thomas R. Bard 

Colorado..... 

Connecticut... Samuel E. Merwin, Jr. 

Delaware_George V. Massey 

Florida.H. W. Chandler 

Georgia.W. W. Brown 

Illinois..R. A. Halbert 

Indiana .. - .George B. Williams 

Iowa.....C. C. T. Mason 

Kansas____ .Joseph W. Ady 

Kentucky.George M. Thomas 

Louisiana_Henry Demas 

Maine_Amos E. Crockett 

Maryland. _George L. Wellington 

Massachusetts.Carroll Wright 

Michigan.S. T. Read 

Minnesota. __O. B. Gould 

Mississippi.Thomas Richardson 

Missouri...Joseph B. Upton 

Nebraska....John H. McCall 

Nevada__C. C. Stevenson 


New Hampshire-. .George IJ. Stowell 


New Jersey...Watts Cook 

New York_Henry G. Burleigh 

North Carolina_W. W. Jenkins 

Ohio. Samuel Craighead 

Oregon_John M. Swift 

Pennsylvania._Wm. R. Leeds 

Rhode Island_John C. Burrington 

South Carolina_John M. Freeman 

Tennessee__James H. Smith 

Texas__H. C. Ferguson 

Vermont_Frederick Billings 

Virginia__A. Dodson 

West Virginia_C. D. Thompson 

Wisconsin..F. C. Winkler 

Arizona... A. H. Stebbins 

Dakota_N. E. Nelson 

District of Columbia.Perry H. Carson 

Idaho..D. P. B. Pride 

Montana..Lee Mantle 

New Mexico_Eugenie Romere 

Utah..Nathan Kimball 

Washington_George D. Hill 

Wyoming_John W. Meldrum 


COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. 


Alabama__C. C. Sheats 

Arkansas.Nason W. Benjamin 

California...Horace Davis 

Colorado...S. H. Elbert 

Connecticut.John L. Houston 

Delaware.Washington Hastings 

Florida_Jesse D. Cole 

Georgia..R. R. Wright 

Illinois...Clark E. Carr 

Indiana...John H. Baker 

Iowa...H. S. Winslow 

Kansas__George R. Peck 

Kentucky.William C. Goodloe 

Louisiana..Louis J. Souer 

Maine_Andrew P. Wiswell 

Maryland_James Wallace 

Massachusetts_Henry Cabot Lodge 

Michigan-W. A. Underwood 

Minnesota...... Liberty Hall 

Mississippi..J. M. Bynum 

Missouri_R. D. Cramer 

Nebraska__Nathan S. Harwood 

Nevada.J. H. Rand 

New Hampshire_Frank D. Currier 


New Jersey_Wm. Walter Phelps- 

New York_x--..William Doud 

North Carolina._Elihu A. White 

Ohio_Hon. William McKinley, Jr. 

Oregon...W. J. McConnell 

Pennsylvania_W. H. Jessup 

Rhode Island.. - William A. Steadman 

South Carolina_C. M. Wilder 

Tennessee_S. W. Hawkins 

Texas__A. J. Rosenthal 

Vermont.—Broughton D. Harris 

Virginia___W. C. Elan 

West Virginia_M. C. C. Church 

Wisconsin_Calvin Spenseley 

Arizona.. A. H. Stebbins 

Dakota_J. L. Jolly 

District of Columbia. Perry II. Carson 

Idaho..Watson N. Shilling 

Montana..Wilbur F. Saunders 

New Mexico.Eugenie Romere 

Utah..Nathan Kimball 

Washington..John L. Wilson 

Wyoming.John W. Meldrum 













































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


27 


COMMITTEE ON RULES AND ORDER OF BUSINESS. 


Alabama__H. A. Carson 

Arkansas-Lafayette Gregg 

California.William H. Parks 

Colorado..Alex Gullitt 

Connecticut_Ebenezer J. Hill 

Delaware-John H. Iloffecker 

Florida-W. J. Gillbot 

Georgia.....W. D. Moore 

Illinois.......L. C. Collins, Jr. 

Indiana.I_George G. Reiley 

Iowa...R. S. Benson 

Kansas.. C. C. Culp 

Kentucky. George Denny 

Louisiana_ . _W. B. Merchant 

Maine—.Josiah H. Drummond 

Maryland_Thomas S. Hodson 

Massachusetts... .. Robert R. Bishop 

Michigan.. George W. Bell 

Minnesota_Thomas H. Armstrong 

Mississippi_W. H. Allen 

Missouri..Ira B. Hyde 

Nebraska.Charles P. Mathewson 

Nevada_ J. A. Palmer 


New Hampshire. .Henry B. Atherton 


New Jersey.John J. Gardiner 

New York...George Chahoon 

North Carolina.JolmS. Leary 

Ohio. Alphonso Hart 

Oregon_John T. Apperson 

Pennsylvania_Thomas M. Bayne 

Rhode Island.. .Thomas C. Peckham 

South Carolina_ _D. T. Corbin 

Tennessee.J. C. Napier 

Texas. .. Richard Allen 

Vermont_Redfield Proctor 

Virginia_James A. Frazier 

West Virginia_Wm. M. O. Dawson 

Wisconsin.. C. M. Butt 

Arizona__Clark Churchill 

Dakota....Nelson E. Nelson 

District of Columbia.Frank B. Conger 

Idaho__D. P. B. Pride 

Montana_Wilbur F. Saunders 

New Mexico_W. H. H. Llewellyn 

Utah..Joseph E. Galigher 

Washington.John L. Wilson 

Wyoming.James France 


When the State of Virginia was called, 

Mr. B. F. Fisher, of Pennsylvania, said: I rise to state that there is a con¬ 
test in relation to the delegation from the State of Virginia, the papers in which 
contest are now before the Committee on Credentials, or Contested Seats; and I 
move that we postpone the receiving of names of Committeemen from that 
State until action by the Committee on Credentials as to the standing of that 
delegation. 

The Chairman. The Chair can not do otherwise than recognize the list of 
delegates participating in the organization of the Convention until the Conven¬ 
tion itself shall have decided otherwise. 


After the call of States had been completed, 

Mr. P. H. Carson, of the District of Columbia, said: Mr. Chairman: There 
is a mistake in regard to the District of Columbia. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from the District of Columbia desires to 
make a correction. 

Mr. P. H. Carson. The name of Mr. Conger is placed on there as a member 
of the Committee on Credentials; and I object to it. 

The Chairman. That will have to be decided between Mr. Conger and 
you. The Secretary says that the names of both delegates are signed to the 
report. That will have to be decided between you. 

Mr. P. II. Carson. How does the Secretary know ? 

The Chairman. The report is signed by both delegates. If there is any 
misunderstanding you must settle it between the two delegates. 







































28 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. P. H. Carson. There is a misunderstanding. And I don’t like to 
see it. 

The Chairman. It is not for the Convention. 

Mr. Geo. Wm. Curtis, of New York. I move that the Convention do now 
adjourn until to-morrow morning. 

Mr. Pierce, of Massachusetts. Will the gentleman withdraw his motion 
for a moment ? I wish to offer a resolution. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Massachusetts has the floor. 

Mr. Curtis. I withdraw the motion. 

REVISION OF APPORTIONMENT OF DELEGATES. 

Mr. Pierce. The Chair ruled that the motion for the appointment of the 
committees was not amendable. Perhaps it is too late now, and perhaps it is 
unnecessary to have, any additional committee on the subject of a new appor¬ 
tionment, and I make the following motion: That the subject of a revised 
apportionment of delegates to future National Conventions and a revised appor¬ 
tionment of members of the National Committee be referred to the Committee 
on Rules and Order of Business, with leave to report at any time before the 
ballot for President; and I send that motion to the Chair. 

The Chairman. The Convention will be in order and hear this resolution. 
It is one of considerable importance. 

The Secretary read the resolution as follows : 

Resolved, That the subject of a revised apportionment of delegates to future 
National Conventions, and of a revised apportionment of members of the 
National Committee, be referred to the Committee on Rules and Order of 
Business, with leave to report at any time before the ballot for President. 

Mr. Curtis, of New York. I second that resolution. 

The Chairman. The question is upon the adoption of the resolution. 

Mr. L. C. Houck, of Tennessee. It is a very important matter, and I would 
like to hear the resolution read again. 

The Secretary again read the resolution. 

Mr. Frank B. Conger, of the District of Columbia. I move to strike out 
the words “at any time ” so that it will read, “ with leave to report before the 
nomination is made.” 

The Chairman. The Chair hears no second to the motion. 

Mr. Houck. I move to lay the whole subject on the table. 

Mr. Thomas M. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman - 

The Chairman. For what purpose does the gentleman from Pennsylvania 
rise? 

Mr. Bayne. I want to appeal to my friend from Tennessee [Mr. Houck] to 
withdraw that motion. It is simply to refer a resolution to a committee. No 
action will be taken until the committee shall report. And then, if the report 
of the committee shall be adverse to the view which the gentleman takes on the 
question, he can make any objection he may desire to make. There are many 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


29 


here who would like to have that matter considered; and the resolution ought 
to go to that committee. 

Mr. Houck. I don’t want to take any advantage of the gentleman, but I 
want to make just one remark- 

The Chairman. The Chair will state that if the gentleman wants to make 
a remark, he must withdraw his motion to lay upon the table. 

Mr. Houck. I can not see any good I can do by making a remark, and 
therefore I ask for a vote on the question. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Tennessee moves to lay the resolu¬ 
tion of the gentleman from Massachusetts upon the table. 

Mr. Houck. On reflection I withdraw my motion to lay on the table, and 
let it go. 

The Chairman. The motion to lay upon the table is withdrawn. 

Mr. Pierce. I rise to accept the amendment to leave out the words ‘ ‘ at 
any time.” 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Massachusetts modifies his resolution. 

Mr. Conger. He accepts my amendment. 

The Chairman. That is the same thing. The resolution is modified as 
suggested by the gentleman from the District of Columbia [Mr. Conger]. 

Mr. William Johnson, of California. I move that the resolution be re¬ 
ferred to the Committee on Resolutions instead of the Committee on Rules and 
Order of Business. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from California moves that the resolu¬ 
tion, or the subject, be referred to the Committee on Resolutions instead of 
to the Committee on Rules and Order of Business. The question is upon that 
motion. 

Mr. Turner, of Alabama. I will renew the motion to lay the whole sub¬ 
ject on the table. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from A]abama / renews the motion 
to lay the resolution and the amendment upon the table. The question 
is now upon the motion to lay upon the table. The question is not de¬ 
batable. 

Mr. Turner. I ask that the roll of States be now called on that question. 
I desire to have a call of the roll. 

The Chairman. The question is not now up. The vote must first be 
taken viva voce; and then the gentleman can call for the roll call afterward. 

Mr. Turner. All right. 

The motion to lay upon the table was lost. 

Mr. E. W. Keyes, of Wisconsin. I move that the whole subject be post¬ 
poned until after the permanent organization of this Convention. 

The Chairman. The motion now is that this resolution be postponed until 
after the permanent organization of Hie Convention. 

Mr. Pierce. I trust the Convention will not postpone until the permanent 
organization. If this subject is to be considered at all, it should be done at 
once, and not left to a subsequent time. 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


30 


Mr. Houck. I rise to a question of order. 

The Chairman. State your point of order. 

Mr. Houck. I make the point of order that no such committee as a Com¬ 
mittee on Rules exists; and it is entirely out of order to refer it to any com¬ 
mittee until there is a committee to refer it to. 

The Chairman. That question is not now up. The question now is to 
postpone. 

Mr. Houck. The same point of order is applicable. It can lie upon the 
table under the rules. 

The Chairman. The question now pending is to postpone the considera¬ 
tion of the resolution. 

Mr. Pierce. I have one word to say in relation to the amendment to sub¬ 
stitute the Committee on Resolutions. That committee is an overworked com¬ 
mittee. Tlje Committee on Rules has little more to do than to adopt the rules 
and orders of the last Convention and submit them to us, and have them 
amended; whereas, the Committee on Resolutions will probably have to sit 
for one or two days perhaps, to do the work it now has before it. And I there¬ 
fore object to the substitution of the Committee on Resolutions for the Com¬ 
mittee on Rules and Order of Business. 

Mr. Keyes. What is the question before the Convention? 

The Chairman. The question before the Convention is, that the further 
consideration of this resolution be postponed until after the permanent organi¬ 
zation of the Convention. 

Mr. Keyes. That is what I thought. 

The motion to postpone was lost. , 

The Chairman. The question now is upon the amendment proposed by 
the gentleman from California, to refer this subject to the Committee on Reso¬ 
lutions instead of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business. 

A Delegate. I trust that that motion will not prevail. 

The Chairman. The question will first be taken upon the amendment. 

Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. It is not proper to refer it to the Committee 
on Resolutions. It is not properly within the jurisdiction of that committee. 
The Committee on Resolutions is selected for the purpose of setting forth a 
platform of principles, on which the party is to go into the campaign. It is 
properly referable to the Committee on Rules and Order of Business, and I 
trust it will go there, and that this matter will receive the candid and honest 
consideration of this Convention. It is a subject that was before the last 
National Committee, and the last National Committee saw the importance of it, 
and was desirous of disposing of it, but found that it had no authority; and it 
postponed the consideration of the matter that it might be referred to the next 
National Convention, meaning thereby this Convention. And it supposed and 
it hoped that this Convention would act upon the question. Now, let it go, 
therefore, to the appropriate committee, and let that committee report according 
to the tenor of the proposition as it was originally offered. 

The Chairman. The question is upon the amendment of the gentleman 
from California. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


31 


Mr. Johnston. With the consent of my second I will withdraw the motion 
to refer it to the Committee on Resolutions. 

The resolution was then adopted. 

Mr. Curtis, of New York. I would inquire, Mr. Chairman, on behalf of 
several of the committees, if the places of meeting of the committees have been 
announced from the Chair. 

The Chairman. The Chair is informed that the arrangement is that these 
different committees remain in the building after the recess is taken, and then 
agree among themselves when and where they will meet. 

Mr. Curtis. Mr. Chairman : If that is the understanding, I will renew my 
motion for an adjournment until to-morrow morning. 

Mr. Russell, of New York. Will the gentleman withdraw his motion for 
a moment? 

Mr. Curtis. I withdraw it if the gentleman wishes me to. 

OWNERSHIP of realty by foreigners. 

Mr. Russell. I am requested on behalf of the Irish National League to 
ask of this Convention that the Committee on Resolutions be directed to accord 
them a hearing upon the subject of placing a resolution in the platform upon 
the subject of foreigners owning real estate, and not simply a reference to the 
Committee on Resolutions. I therefore ask that the resolution be referred to 
the Committee on Resolutions. 

The Chairman. Do you introduce a resolution for reference? 

Mr. Russell. Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. The Chair will state that, all resolutions go to the com¬ 
mittee. If the gentleman has a resolution to introduce, it will be referred. 

Mr. Russell. I wish to offer such a resolution. 

The Chairman. You will have to prepare it. 

Mr. Russell. Shall I send it up in writing? 

The Chairman. Yes, sir. 

memorial on prohibition. 

Mr. W. G. Donnan, of Iowa. I hold in my hand a memorial of the women 
of the United States, the Women’s Christian Temperance Union : a memorial 
representing twenty-eight States and Territories, asking for a prohibitory 
amendment to the National Constitution. The memorial is brief, and I ask 
that it be read at the Secretaries’ desk—it will not occupy to exceed three 
minutes—and have it then referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Iowa asks that the memorial pre¬ 
sented by him, which he says is brief, be read from the Clerk’s desk and 
referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

Mr. David McClure, of California. I move that the memorial be referred 
to the Committee on Resolutions without being read. 

Mr. Donnan. It is a very small courtesy, which it seems to me is due to 
the noble women of America who are engaged in this cause. I ask this Con¬ 
vention to delay three minutes to hear that memorial read. 


32 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The Chairman. The question is upon the motion of the gentleman from 
California. 

Mr. Horr, of Michigan. Mr. Chairman: If we commence reading resolu¬ 
tions— 

Mr. McClure. I withdraw my motion. We have no time to debate such 
matters. 

Mr. Horr [continuing]. I am going to make a motion that all resolutions 
be referred, without reading, to the committee. And I would further suggest 
to the Chair that the rules which we adopted at my instance—we adopted the 
rules of the last Convention; and under those rules all resolutions must be 
referred, without reading and without debate, to the Committee on Resolutions; 
and until you change that order or that ruling, no other order is in order. 
[Cries of “Read the memorial.”] 

The Chairman. The Chair will state that he is of the opinion that the 
point made by the gentleman from Michigan [Mr. Horr] is well taken. The Chair 
thinks that is embraced in the rule, and therefore it would require a suspension 
of the rules or unanimous consent to have any resolution or memorial read. 
The gentleman from Iowa, the Chair understands, asks that this memorial be 
read. 

Mr. Donnan. I ask that it be read. I ask for no debate. This is a 
memorial, not a resolution. There is nothing in conflict with the order of this 
Convention, or its rules of proceeding, in having it read. 

The Chairman. The gentleman asks unanimous consent that this memo¬ 
rial, which he says is very brief, be read for the information of the Convention. 

A Voice. I object. 

The Chairman. Objection is made. 

Mr. E. L. Lampson, of Ohio. I move that the rules be suspended and the 
memorial read. 

Mr. John I. Gilbert, of New York. I rise to a point of order. I under¬ 
stand that the rule under which the ruling of the Chair was made reads as 
follows: “ All resolutions relating to the platform shall be referred to the Com¬ 
mittee on Resolutions without debate.” It does not touch the point of reading; 
the rule does not exclude the reading; and I certainly hope that three minutes 
will be accorded to the reading of this resolution or memorial. 

The Chairman. Does the gentleman read from the rules of the Convention? 

Mr. Gilbert. I read from the printed copy of 1880. 

The Chairman. What is the page of it? 

Mr. Gilbert. On page 152; the last rule. 

The Chairman. The Chair is of the opinion that under the language of 
the rule the reading is not excluded. The Secretary will read. 

The Secretary read the memorial as follows : 

“To the National Convention of the Republican Party: We, 
members of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union of the United States, 
herein represented by the signatures of our officers, believing that while the 
poison habits of the Nation can be largely restrained by an appeal to the intel¬ 
lect through argument, to the heart through sympathy, to the conscience 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


33 


through the motives of religion, the traffic in those poisons will be best con¬ 
trolled by prohibitory laws. We believe the teachings of science, experience 
and the Golden Rule, combine to testify against the traffic in alcoholic liquors 
as a drink, and that the homes of America, which are the citadels of patriotism, 
purity and happiness, have no enemy so relentless as the American saloon. 

“ Therefore, as citizens of the United States, irrespective of sect, or religion, 
or section, but having deeply at heart the protection of our homes, we do hereby 
respectfully and earnestly petition you to advocate and to adopt such measures 
as are requisite to the end that prohibition of the importation and exportation, 
manufacture and sale of alcoholic beverages, may become an integral part of 
the National Constitution, and that our party candidate shall be by character 
and public pledge committed to a National prohibitory constitutional amend¬ 
ment. ” 

The Chairman. It will be referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. I move the Convention do now adjourn 
until to-morrow morning at 10 o’clock. At the suggestion of several gentlemen 
I move that we take a recess until to-morrow morning at 11 o’clock. 

OWNERSHIP OF REALTY BY FOREIGNERS. 

The Chairman. The gentleman in front of the Chair [Mr. Russell, of New 
York] was recognized a few minutes ago to introduce a resolution which he 
had not then reduced to writing. He lias now written it out, and it is ready 
for the Secretary. 

The resolution was as follows : 

Resolved, That the Committee on Resolutions be, and they are hereby directed, 
to give a hearing to a committee appointed by the Irish National League of 
America to present a memorial to the Convention on the subject of the owner¬ 
ship of realty in the United States by foreigners. 

The Chairman. The resolution will be referred to the committee. 

Mr. Bayne. Now I renew my motion to take a recess. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Pennsylvania moves that the Conven¬ 
tion do now take a recess. 

Mr. Shelby M. Cullom, of Illinois. I desire, before the motion to adjourn 
is put, to make a statement to the Convention, if the gentleman from Pennsyl¬ 
vania will yield. 

Mr. Bayne. I yield. 

Mr. Cullom. In the call of the States for the votes of the different dele¬ 
gates on the question of the election of Temporary Chairman, Mr. Cook, one 
of my colleagues, w*as called, and the alternate voted in his name without his 
own name being called.- Mr. Cook is now present, and if he had been in his 
place when the roll was called, would have voted for the gentleman from Ar¬ 
kansas, instead of the present Temporary Chairman of the Convention. 

The Chairman. If there is no objection the correction will be made. 

Mr. Bayne. I now renew my motion. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Pennsylvania moves that the Con¬ 
vention take a recess until to-morrow morning at 11 o’clock. The question is 
upon that motion. 

3 


?>4 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The question was put and carried, and the Convention took a 
recess until 11 o’clock a. m., June 4, 1884. 


SECOND DAY. 

Wednesday, June 4, 1884. 

The Temporary Chairman called the Convention to order at eight¬ 
een minutes past eleven o’clock, and said : 

“The Convention will now he opened with prayer by the Rev. John H. 
Barrows, of this city.’’ 

PRAYER BY REV. JOHN H. BARROWS. 

Let us unite in prayer. Lord, Thou hast been our dwelling-place in all 
generations. We bless Thee, God of our fathers, that Thou hast dealt so gra¬ 
ciously with this American people; that a Nation conceived in liberty and dedi¬ 
cated to the sublime truth that all men are created equal, has endured to this 
hour. We praise Thee that Thou hast delivered us from dismemberment and 
shameful overthrow. We’magnify Thy name, O King of kings and Ruler of 
mankind, that institutions founded upon the precepts of the New Testament, 
and in which there is so much of the life-blood of Jesus Christ, have survived 
the shocks of war and the wastings of time and corruption. 

And we thank Thee for the vast moral and political changes indicated by the 
presence here of him who now so worthily presides o^er this Convention. We 
thank Thee, O God, for every service to the cause of human rights, of good 
government and of popular education, rendered by the political organization 
whose representatives are assembled here at this time. We thank Thee for the 
names of Lincoln and Lovejoy, of Sumner and Garfield—names which have 
been given to the imperishable galaxy of history; names associated forever with 
triumphs of humanity. And we pray Thee, O God, that the men of to-day may 
be equally faithful to duty; that they may be equally loyal to the new duties 
which new occasions ever teach. May the leaven of unrighteousness, wherever 
it lurks, be cast out utterly. 

God grant that among the people North and South, and East and West, 
there may not only be a deepening sentiment of Nationality, but also a growing 
enlightenment, a more vigorous conscience, and a strengthened purpose that 
iniquity and folly shall not be enacted into law. 

God bless and perpetuate the Union of these American States, to which Thou 
hast given at last the impregnable defense of freedom and of justice. 

And we pray Thee, O Lord, that the spirit of wisdom and of fraternity may 
prevail in all the deliberations of this great Convention, overruling differences 
and divisions, for our National welfare. And may Thy favor which is life, and 
Thy loving kindness which is better than life, abide with him who now pre¬ 
sides over this body; and wilt Thou bless the race and the commonwealth and 
the cause which he represents. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


35 


And we pray Thee, O God, that when this Convention is dissolved, it may 
have presented*to the suffrages of the Nation, for the highest office in the peo¬ 
ple’s gift, a candidate who in personal character, in devotion to duty, in loyalty 
to American institutions, in courage, experience and wisdom, shall worthily 
succeed to the chair of Washington, and thus help the Nation to become, not 
only more prosperous and just and peaceful, but also to be an inspiration and a 
blessing to the struggling peoples of mankind. And to Thy name shall be all 
praise. Amen. 

The Chairman. What is the pleasure of the Convention? 

TEMPERANCE MEMORIAL. 

Mr. James A. Gary, of Maryland. I desire to present to this Convention 
a memorial from the Maryland State Temperance Alliance. And it is exceed¬ 
ingly brief—will not occupy more than a minute and a half—I ask consent that 
it may be read, and referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

The Chairman. The memorial will be read by the Secretary. 

The Secretary read the memorial as follows: 

“ The undersigned, the President and Secretary of the Maryland State Tem¬ 
perance Alliance, as well as the Central Executive Committee thereof, do hereby 
certify that the following resolutions were passed by the Central Executive 
Committee of the Maryland State Temperance Alliance at a regular meeting held 
the 6th of May, 1884.” 

Mr A. J. Rosenthal, of Texas. I move that the memorial be referred 
to the Committee on Resolutions. 

The Chairman. The Secretary is not through reading it yet, and will 
proceed. 

The Secretary proceeded : 

“ Resolved , By the Central Executive Committee of the Maryland State Tem¬ 
perance Alliance, acting under the advice and by the authority of the Maryland 
State Temperance Alliance, and which latter being the representative of the 
temperance organizations, churches, schools and all moral and reform associa¬ 
tions of the State, that we do hereby earnestly appeal to the Republican and 
Democratic Conventions that will nominate candidates for President of the 
United States in the present year of 1884, to adopt an article in their platform 
of principles distinctly recognizing the right and policy of the people to sup¬ 
press or prohibit by law the liquor traffic, and to nominate candidates in accord 
with this declaration. 

‘ ‘ Resolved, That the President and Secretary of this Executive Committee be 
directed to certify and forward the above resolution, together with a copy of 
the resolution recently adopted by the late convention of the Maryland State 
Temperance Alliance in relation to the same subject matter, to each of these 
nominating conventions or to the presiding officers thereof. 

“And we do hereby further certify that the following resolution -was passed 
by the late annual meeting of the Maryland State Temperance Alliance in con¬ 
vention assembled on the 17th day of April, 1884, every county of this State 
being duly represented, excepting one, therein. 

“ Resolved , That the question of the suppression of the liquor traffic has 
become one of such vital political importance to the Nation as to justify the 
prohibitionists of both the Democratic and Republican parties in requiring of 
them, at their next nominating Conventions for President and Vice-President of 


36 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


the United States, to distinctly and positively recognize this question in their 
respective platforms, and to nominate candidates who are in acdord therewith; 
and if both parties shall do so we will not make the question a political one in 
this Presidential campaign; and if either party shall distinctly do so, and the 
other refuse or decline, we will cast our suffrages for the party thus favoring 
this question in preference to the one refusing, regardless of our political 
affiliations. ” 

The Chairman, It will be referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

PRESIDENTIAL TERM OF OFFICE. 

Mr. Geo. V. Massey, of Delaware. I hold in my hand, sir, a resolution, 
which on behalf and by direction of the unanimous sentiment of my delegation, 

I am instructed to present to this Convention. I ask permission to send it to 
the Secretary’s table to be read, and then desire to submit a motion for its 
adoption. 

The Chairman. The resolution will be read by the Secretary. The Secre¬ 
tary will read. 

The resolution was read by the Secretary as follows : 

Whereas, The propriety of the adoption of such an amendment to the 
Federal Constitution as will enlarge the term of office of the President of the 
United States to six years, and render the incumbent of that office ineligible to 
re-election, is a subject well worthy of the consideration of this Convention, in 
order that the possibilities of an abuse or misuse of the public patronage may 
be avoided; therefore, 

Resolved, That the subject be referred to the 'Committee on Resolutions 
to the end that it may be duly considered and a suitable deliverance made on 
that behalf. 

Mr. Massey. I now move its adoption, sir. 

The Chairman. The motion is not in order. The resolution will be 
referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

land ownership. 

Mr. Preston B. Plumb, of Kansas. I offer the following resolution: 

The Chairman. The Senator will send up his resolution. The resolution 
will be read as offered by the gentleman from Kansas. 

The Secretary read the resolution as follows: 

Resolved, That American land should belong alone to those willing to assume 
the duties and responsibilities of American citizenship. The best interests of 
the Republic are with those who are bound to it by the ties of ownership and 
possession of the soil. The system of tenant-farming and absent landlordism, 
which has disturbed Ireland and destroyed the peace of Europe, is opposed to 
the doctrines of the fathers, and has no place in the policy of a Republic. 

Mr. Plumb. I move it to be referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

The Chairman. It will be referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

Mr. S. W. Hawkins, of Tennessee. I send a resolution to the Secretary’s 
desk which I ask to be read; and I move that the rules be suspended and the 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 




resolution passed, because it is a resolution pledging the support of this Con¬ 
vention to its nominee, whoever he may be. 

PLEDGING MEMBERS TO SUPPORT THE NOMINEE. 

The Chairman. The Secretary will read the resolution. 

The Secretary read the resolution, which was as follows : 

Resolved, As the sense of this Convention, that every member of it is bound 
in honor to support its nominee, whoever that nominee may be; and that no 
man should hold a seat here who is not ready to so agree. 

Mr. Hawkins. I move that the rules be suspended, and that this resolution 
be passed. I ask for a vote by States upon that. 

Mr. Pierce, of Massachusetts. I trust that that resolution will not pass. I 
have come to this Convention, as I believe every member has come, expecting 
in good faith to support its nominee, and believing that this Convention will 
nominate no man who will not command the universal support of the members 
of this Convention, and of the Republican party of the United States. That 
resolution has had in the past a bad paternity—brought here never when 
Lincoln was nominated; brought here only by a delegate from New York— 
Mr. Conkling, the late Mr. Conkling. I trust this Convention will not bind its 
conscience by a mere perfunctory pledge like that. 

Mr. F. C. Winkler, of Wisconsin. I take it that our presence here is an 
assertion in itself on the part of every one of us that we propose to support the 
nominee of the Convention; and that it needs no resolution in order to enforce 
that assertion; and it is for that reason that I am opposed to adopting any reso¬ 
lution upon that subject. 

Mr. Hawkins. In offering that resolution, I do it in good faith, and I trust 
that there is no delegate here that is not willing and ready to subscribe to that 
resolution; and if there be here a delegate who is not willing and ready to sub¬ 
scribe to that resolution; if there be here a delegate who is not willing to sup¬ 
port the nominee of this Convention, he surely ought not to participate in the 
deliberations of this Convention, I don’t care where he comes from. I know 
of no harm that can come to a man who is here for the purpose of participating 
in making this nomination—I know of no harm that can come to him for 
indorsing that resolution and being willing to stand by the nominee of this 
Convention. I have heard whispers in the air as to the course of some gentle¬ 
men. I don’t believe that they are true; but for the purpose of showing to the 
world that the Republican party stands here to-day, united and determined to 
support the nominee of this Convention, I introduced that resolution and moved 
its adoption. 

Mr. George A. Knight, of California. I hope that that resolution will 
pass. No honest Republican, no man having the good of the great Republican 
party at heart, should dare to stand on the floor of this Convention and vote 
down that resolution. There are already whisperings in the air, of men high 
in the Republican party, or that once stood high in the Republican party, openly 
and avowedly declaring that they will not support one man if he be nominated 
by this Convention—a Convention of the most intelligent men of this Nation. 


3S 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


That kind of men we want to know, and the sooner they are out of the Repub¬ 
lican party the better for the party. 

Gentlemen of the Convention, no more enthusiastic people are under the 
shadow of the American flag than those of the section that I come from. No 
more enthusiastic people for their candidate can be found in this Convention; 
but if he should not be the choice, I believe we would be false to every prin¬ 
ciple of the Republican party, we would be false to the constituency which we 
represent, we would be false to ourselves, if we did not abide by the nominee 
of this party of intelligence. Tell me one reason that can be urged why the 
members of this Convention, selected alone for their intelligence, their patriot¬ 
ism and their zeal in behalf of the Republican party, should not support the 
nominee of this Convention. None can be given. 

Therefore, gentlemen of the Convention, I hope, and I insist for the section 
of the country that we come from, that this resolution will be adopted; and 
that the nominee of this Convention, whoever he may be, will have the hearty 
support and the votes of the Convention; and let all those, be they editors of 
newspapers or conducting great periodical journals, who refuse to support the 
nominee, let them be branded, that they not only come here and violate the 
implied faith that was put in them, but the direct and honest convictions of 
this Convention, expressed by a direct vote upon the subject. 

Mr. George William Curtis, of New York. A Republican and a free 
man I came into this Convention. By the grace of God, a Republican and a 
free man will I go out of this Convention. Twenty-four years ago I was here 
in Chicago. Twenty-four years ago I look part with the men of this country 
who nominated the man who bears the most illustrious name in the Republican 
party; and the brightest ray in whose halo of glory and immortality is that he 
was the great emancipator. In that Convention, sir, a resolution was offered 
in amendment of the plat form. It introduced into that platform certain words 
from the Declaration of Independence. That amendment was voted down in 
that Convention, and Joshua R. Giddings, of Ohio, rose from his seat and was 
passing out of the Convention. As he went he passed by my chair, and I 
reached out my hand—I was well nigh a boy, and unknown to him. I said, 
“Sir, where are you going?” He said to me, “ Young man, I am going out of 
this Convention, for I find there is no place in a Republican Convention for an 
original anti-slavery man like me.” 

Well, gentlemen, he yielded to persuasion and took his seat; and before that 
Convention proceeded to its nomination, by a universal roar of assent, the 
Republican party there assembled declared, without one word of doubt or 
dissent, that no sound should ever be heard in a Republican Convention that 
in the slightest degree reflected upon the honor or upon the loyalty of the men 
who took part in that Convention. 

The gentleman last upon the floor says that he dares any man upon this 
floor to vote against that resolution. I say to him, in reply, that the presentation 
of such a resolution in such a Convention as this is a stigma, is an insult, to 
every honorable member who sits here. 

Ah, Mr. Chairman, this question is not a new question. In precisely, if I 
do not mistake, the same terms in which this is couched, it was brought into 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


39 


the last Republican Convention. And a man from West Virginia—I honor his 
name—that man said in the face of the roar of the gallery; in the face of all 
dissent—Mr. Campbell, of West Virginia—said: “Hold! I am a Republican 
who carries his sovereignty under his own hat.” 

Now, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Campbell’s position in that Convention, the wise 
reflection and the afterthought of the Republican Convention of 1880, under 
the lead of that great and immortal leader, whose face confronts us there— 
James A. Garfield, of Ohio—under the lead of Garfield, I remind my friend 
from California, the Convention in taking its action, induced the gentleman 
who presented the resolution to withdraw the resolution from the consideration 
of the Convention. 

Now r , sir, in the light of the character of the Republican party, in the light 
of the action of the last Republican Convention, the first Convention which I 
have known in which such a pledge was required of candidates or the members, 
I ask this Convention—mindful of all that hangs upon the wisdom, the modera¬ 
tion, the tolerance, the patriotism of our action—I beg this Convention to re¬ 
member Lincoln, to remember Garfield, to remember the very vital principles 
of the Republican party, and assume that every man here is an honest and an 
honorable man; and vote down this resolution, which should never have ap¬ 
peared in a Republican Convention, as unworthy to be ratified by this con¬ 
course of free men that I see before me. 

Mr. Francis B. Posey, of Indiana. Mr. Chairman - 

The Chairman. For or against the resolution? The Chair will state that 
under the rules of the Convention- 

Mr. Posey. Against the resolution. 

The Chairman. The rules of the House of Representatives have t)een 
adopted for the government, as far as applicable, of this Convention. Under 
the rules of the House, or, at any rate, under its usage and custom, speeches 
are allowed to be made alternately for and against a proposition. That is why 
the Chair asked which side the gentleman was upon. 

Mr. Posey. I desire to say a few words against the resolution. 

The Chairman. Then the Chair would be obliged to recognize somebody 
who would like to speak on the other side, if any gentleman desires. 

Mr. Hawkins. Please have the resolution read again. 

The Chairman. The Secretary will again read the resolution. 

The Secretary read as follows : 

Resolved, As the sense of this Convention, that every member of it is bound 
in honor to support its nominee, whoever that nominee may be; and that no 
man should hold a seat here who is not willing to so agree. 

Mr. Joseph N. Docpn, of Oregon I move to lay the resolution on the 
table. I think it is ill-timed and injudicious. 

The motion was seconded from several parts of the house. 

Mr. Hawkins, of Tennessee. Before the vote on that resolution shall be 
taken I wish to withdraw it; it was voted for in the last Convention by Chester 


40 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


A. Arthur and James A. Garfield. If this Convention does not want to be 
pledged to it, I withdraw it. 

The Chairman. The resolution is withdrawn. 

REPRESENTATION IN DISTRICT CONVENTION. 

Mr. J. K. Ewing, of Pennsylvania. I desire to offer a resolution; and I 
wish first to explain it. 

The Chairman. The gentleman will send up his resolution. 

Mr. McClure, of California. I desire to make a partial report from the 
Committee on Credentials, so that we may go back to our work. 

The Chairman. The Chair will recognize the gentleman for that purpose, 
as soon as the resolution is read. 

Mr. Keyes, of Wisconsin. I call for the report of the Committee on Rules 
and Order of Business. 

The Chairman. As soon as this is disposed of. The Secretary will read 
the resolution of the gentleman from Pennsylvania. 

The Secretary then read the following': 

Resolved, That hereafter in the selection by District Conventions of delegates 
to Republican National Conventions, the basis of representation of the several 
counties, parts of counties, or wards, comprising the Congressional district, 
shall be the same as that which at that time prevails in each district respectively 
for the nomination of Republican candidates for members of Congress; and 
wherever a majority of the counties or subdivisions containing not less than 
one-half of the population of the district shall uegularly unite in the call and 
conduct of the Convention, the action thereof shall be valid. 

Mr. Ewing. I move that the rules be suspended and that resolution 
adopted. The resolution provides an amendment to the present rule. . The rule 
heretofore prevailing is somewhat vague and indefinite. I therefore move that 
the rules be suspended and that the resolution be adopted. 

The Chairman. The Chair sees that this subject has already been referred 
to a committee; and the Chair thinks that this is proper to be referred in con¬ 
nection with the same matter. 

Mr. Alphonso Hart, of Ohio. I move that it be referred to the Com¬ 
mittee on Rules and Order of Business. 

The Chairman. It will be so referred. 

Mr. McClure, of California. Mr. Chairman - 

The Chairman. Does the gentleman rise to make a report from a com¬ 
mittee? 

Mr. McClure. I am instructed by the Committee on Credentials to report 
progress; and to say that we hope to be able to make a complete report early 
this afternoon or early in the evening. 

CONSTITUTIONAL PROHIBITION AMENDMENT. 

A 

Mr. Edward H. Rollins, of New Hampshire. I am directed to present 
this preamble and resolution, and I would like to have them read. 

The Chairman. The Secretary will read the resolution. 




/ 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 41 


The Secretary read the following: 

Whereas, The evils of the traffic in alcoholic beverages are great and gen 
'Cral; and, in the belief of many of the people, are such as to require a change 
in the Constitution of the JUnited States in order that by the co-operation of 
State and National legislation, there may be a more efficient exercise of the 
right of society to control that traffic and to remove the evils thereof; and 

Whereas, It is essential to the growth of Republican institutions, and the 
preservation of constitutional liberty, that the right of the people to amend the 
fundamental law should be fully exercised; therefore, 

Resolved, That this Convention recommends the submission by Congress to 
the legislatures of the States of a joint resolution proposing an amendment to 
the Constitution of the United States providing for the prohibition of the traffic 
in alcoholic beverages, that the same may be adopted or rejected according to 
the will of the people. 

The Chairman. It will be referred to the Committee on Resolutions. The 
Chair is informed that the Committee on Permanent Organization are ready to 
make their report. The report of the Committee on Permanent Organization 
will now be received. 

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 

Mr. George B. Williams, of Indiana, the Chairman of the Committee 
on Permanent Organization. Mr. Chairman: I am directed by the Committee 
on Permanent Organization to report the name of Gen. John B. Henderson, of 
Missouri, for Permanent President. I will place the list of Vice Presidents 
and Assistant Secretaries in the hands of the Reading Clerks for the purpose 
of being read. 

The Chairman. The committee reports the name of Gen. John B. Hen¬ 
derson, of Missouri, as Permanent President of the Convention, and the other 
officers as agreed upon by the State delegations. The Chair thinks it is not 
necessary to read them. 

The remainder of the report, including the names of the Vice- 
Presidents and Secretaries, was as follows : 


Secretary—Hon. Charles W. Clisbee, of Michigan. 

VICE-PRESIDENTS. 


Alabama.Paul Strobacli 

Arkansas_Samuel H. Holland 

California_William Johnston 

Colorado_D. F. Crowell 

Connecticut ...Frederick Miles 

Delaware__John Pilling 

Florida..John G. Long 

Georgia.W. A. Pledger 

Illinois..John I. Rinaker 

Indiana..James C. Veatch 

Iowa_T. M. C. Logan 

Kansas_John G. Woods 

Kentucky..W. L. Hazslip 

Louisiana_R. F. Guichard 

Maine.__Joseph R. Bodwell 


Maryland_J. McPherson Scott 

Massachusetts_William W. Rice 

Michigan...George W. Webber 

Minnesota...Alphonso Barto 

Mississippi. _R. F. Beck 

Missouri_B. M. Prentiss 

Nebraska__Eugene L. Reed 

Nevada....S. L. Lee 

New Hampshire..Charles H. Sawyer 

New Jersey. John I. Biair 

New York..Thomas Cornell 

North Carolina_Thomas B. Keogh 

Ohio....Edwin Cowles 

Oregon__Joseph N. Dolph 

Pennsylvania_Hamilton Disston 





























42 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


vice-presidents — continued. 


Rhode Island_Daniel G. Littlefield 

South Carolina_ Samuel Lee 

Tennessee_A. II. Pettibone 

Texas...N. W. Cuney 

Vermont.Alonzo B. Valentine 

Virginia . ._L. S. Walker 

West Virginia. E. L. Buttrick 

Wisconsin.E. B. Brodhead 

Arizona...._L. II. Goodrich 


Dakota_ _ J. L. Jolly 

Idaho..W. N. Shilling 

Montana. ...Lee Mantle 

New Mexico_Eugenie Romere 

Utah.. Nathan Kimball 

Washington.John L. Wilson 

Wyoming...James France 

Dist. of Columbia...Perry H. Carson 


ASSISTANT SECRETARIES. 


Alabama....J. C. Duke 

Arkansas.A. A. Tufts 

California_George W. Schell 

Colorado.. A. L. Emigh 

Connecticut_Luzerne I. Munson 

Delaware...Daniel J. Layton 

Florida__A. C. Lightborne 

Georgia_W. T. B. Wilson 

Illinois. Charles T. Stratton 

Indiana ____Eugene G. Hay 

Iowa..Calvin Manning 

Kansas ...J. S McDowell 

Kentucky_R. A. Buckner, Jr. 

Louisiana... .Clifford Morgan 

Maine_Austin Harris 

Maryland_William Coath 

Massachusetts... Edward II. Haskell 

Michigan_S. C. Moffatt 

Minnesota_C. H. Graves 

Mississippi_W. H. Kennon 

Missouri. .O. C. Hill 

Nebraska.George W. Burton 

Nevada_C. S. Young 

New Hampshire_Frank D. Currier 


New Jersey_Thomas B. Harned 

New York_ Titus Sheard 

North Carolina. .Charles D. Upchurch 

Ohio__Clarence Brown 

Oregon. A. G. Hovey 

Pennsylvania....H. H. Bingham 

Rhode Island_Albert L. Chester 

South Carolina_S. E. Smith 

Tennessee..H. F. Griscom 

Texas.... R. J. Evans 

Vermont_Truman C. Fletcher 

Virginia___ _ R. L. Mitchell 

West Virginia_ T. B. Jacobs 

Wisconsin_George B. Shaw 

Arizona..,_A. H. Stebbins 

Dakota... Nelson E. Nelson 

Idaho.... D. P. B. Pride 

Montana.Wilbur F. Saunders 

New Mexico-W. II. H. Llewellyn 

Utah-Joseph E. Galigher 

Washington_George D. Hill 

Wyoming... J. W. Meldrum 

Dist. of Columbia_Frank B. Conger 


All of which is respectfully submitted. GEORGE B. WILLIAMS, 

Chairman. 


Mr. John D. Lawson, of New York. Is it in order, before the settlement 
of the contested seats, to elect a permanent President ? 

The Chairman. That is a matter within the discretion of the Convention. 

Mr. Lawson. I raise that point of order. 

The Chairman. The Chair thinks that that is a matter within the discre 
tion of the Convention. It seems that is what was done four years ago. 

Mr. Robert Smalls, of South Carolina. I would like to ask a question. 
Can we elect a President before the Committee on Credentials have reported 
and we know who are the members of this Convention ? 

The Chairman. That is for the Convention to decide. It is what was 
done four years ago. 

Mr. George B. Williams, of Indiana. I move that we adopt the report 
of the Committee on Permanent Organization. 
















































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


43 


The Chairman. It is moved that the report of the Committee on Perma 
nent Organization be received and agreed to. 

The motion was carried. 

The Chairman. The Chair will appoint, as the committee to conduct the 
Permanent President of this Convention to the stand, the lions. G. A. Grow of 
Pennsylvania, George F. Hoar of Massachusetts, and George B. Williams of 
Indiana. 

The committee conducted the Permanent President to the plat¬ 
form, and the Temporary Chairman introduced him to the Conven¬ 
tion in the following words : 

“Gentlemen of the Convention : I take pleasure in introducing to you your 
Permanent President. the Hon. John B. Henderson.” 

ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT. 

Gentlemen of the Convention: We have assembled on this occasion to survey 
the past history of the party, to rejoice as we may because of the good it has 
done; to correct its errors, if errors there be; to discover, if possible the wants 
of the present, and with patriotic firmness provide for the future. 

Gentlemen, our past history is the Union preserved, slavery abolished, and 
its former victims equally and honorably by our sides in this Convention; the 
public faith maintained; unbounded credit at home and abroad; a currency 
convertible into coin, and the pulses of industry throbbing with renewed health 
and vigor in every section of a prosperous and peaceful country. These are 
the fruits of triumphs over adverse policies, gained in the military and civil con¬ 
flicts of the last twenty-four years. Out of these conflicts has come a race of 
heroes and statesmen challenging confidence and love at home and respect and 
admiration abroad. 

And when we now come to select a standard-bearer for the approaching 
contest, our embarrassment is not in the want but in the multiplicity of Presi¬ 
dential material. New York has her true and tried statesman, upon whose 
administration the fierce and even unfriendly light of public scrutiny has been 
turned, and the universal verdict is: “ Well done, thou good and faithful serv¬ 
ant.” Vermont lias her great statesman, whose mind is as clear as the crys¬ 
tal springs of his native State, and whose virtue is as firm as its granite 
hills. Ohio can come with a name whose history is but the history of the 
Republican party. Illinois can come with a man who never failed in the 
discharge of public duty, whether in the council chamber or upon the field of 
battle. Maine has her favorite, whose splendid abilities and personal qualities' 
have endeared him to the hearts of his friends, and the brilliancy of whose 
genius challenges the admiration of mankind. Connecticut and Indiana also 
come With names scarcely less illustrious than any of these. 

And now, gentlemen, in conclusion, if because of personal disagreements 
amongst us, or the emergencies of the occasion, another name is sought, there 
yet remains that grand old hero of Kenesaw Mountain and Atlanta. When 


44 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


patriotism calls, lie can not, if lie would, be silent; but grasping that banner, to 
him so dear, which he has already borne in triumph upon many a bloody field, 
he would march to a civic victory no less renowned than those of war. 

Gentlemen, I thank you for this distinguished mark of your confidence, and 
will discharge the duties imposed at least with impartiality. 

PRESENTATION OF A GAYEL. 

The Secretary. I am requested to read the following: 

To the President of the Republican National Convention —Bear 
Sir . We have the pleasure no less than the honor of presenting to you a gavel 
which is made of wood from every State and Territory in the Union, including 
Alaska, and the handle of it is from the old Charter Oak tree of Hartford, Conn. 
The gavel is a solid unit, and through it the States speak with one voice. If 
the delegates from all the States and Territories from which this gavel comes, 
will act in a manner equally united, the best interests of the country will be 
subserved. Respectfully, A. H. ANDREWS & CO. 

The President. An omen, no doubt, gentlemen, of our success in Novem¬ 
ber next, a Union of the States once more. What is now the pleasure of 
the Convention? 

Mr. A. II. Stebbins, of Arizona. I have a resolution which I wish to have 
read and referred. 

Mr. J. B. Foraker, of Ohio. I move that the present of that gavel be 
accepted, and that the thanks of this Convention be tendered to those present 
ing it. 

The motion was carried. 

APPOINTMENTS TO OFFICES IN TERRITORIES. 

The Secretary then read the following' resolution, offered by Mr. 
Stebbins, of Arizona: 

Resolved , That appointments to office in the Territories by the President 
ought to be made from the bona-fide residents of the Territories, and in accord 
ance with the wishes of the people thereof. 

The President. The resolution of the gentleman from Arizona will go to 
the Committee on Resolutions, as a matter of course. 

A DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE. 

Mr. Wm. JonNSTON, of California. I have a resolution which I will read 
and ask to have it referred. 

The President. The gentleman will send it up to the Clerk. 

The Secretary. Mr. Johnston, of California, offers the following resolu¬ 
tion: 

In behalf of those who represent the great and fundamental industry of our 
country we demand that agriculture shall have a special representative in the 
President’s Cabinet, therefore be it 

Resolved, That the Commissioner of Agriculture be made a Cabinet officer. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


45 


Tlie President. The resolution will go to the Committee on Resolutions, 
a?, a matter of course. 

Mr. Sewell, of New Jersey. I would ask for information, if the Com¬ 
mittee on Rules are ready to report. 

The Secretary. We have an announcement here to read, that the Com¬ 
mittee on Rules aud Order of Business are requested to meet in ante-room No. 
1, immediately after the adjournment of this session. 

Mr. Sewell. Then I move that this Convention take a recess until 7 o’clock 
this evening. 

The President. Is that motion seconded? 

A Delegate. I second it. 

The President. It has been moved and seconded that this Convention 
now take a recess until 7 o’clock this evening. 

% 

FEMALE SUFFRAGE. 

Mr. Geo. F. Hoar, of Massachusetts. Will the gentleman withdraw that 
motion while 1 send up a resolution to be referred? 

Mr. Sewell. Yes. 

The President. It will be sent to the desk. 

The Secretary read the resolution as follows: 

Whereas, The women of this country are citizens, producers and tax¬ 
payers, and are amenable to all the laws of the land, civil and criminal, which 
they thus far have had no part in making; therefore 

Resolved , That we favor the right of the women of the country to vote. 

The President. The resolution will go to the Committee on Resolutions 
as a matter of course. 

The motion of Mr. Sewell was then agreed to, and the Conven¬ 
tion took a recess till 7 o’clock. 

EVENING SESSION. 

The Convention was called to order by the President at 7:35 p. m. 

The President. There is a communication in the hands of the Secretary 
from the Committee on Credentials, which will be read. 

The Secretary read as follows: 

To the President of the National Republican Convention — Sir: 
The Committee on Credentials have the honor to notify the Convention that, as 
important business is occupying the time of the committee, the committee will 
not be able to report to the Convention this evening. (Signed by the Chairman.) 

Mr. Curtis, of New York. I hold in my hand a resolution of the AmdHcan 
Peace Union which I ask to have referred to the Committee on Resolutions. 

The President. The resolution will be so referred. 

TICKETS OF ADMISSION TO VETERANS. 

Mr. A. C. Matthews, of Illinois. I desire to introduce and put upca its 


40 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


passage a resolution which I will forward to the Secretary to be read to the 
Convention. 

The Secretary read as follows : 

Resolved, That the Committee on Distribution of Tickets be hereby 
instructed to furnish five hundred tickets of admission to this hall during the 
sessions of this Convention to the veteran soldiers who desire to witness the 
proceedings. 

Mr. Matthews. I ask the unanimous consent of this Convention to place 
upon its passage that resolution. 

The President. Is the motion seconded? 

Several Delegates. Second it; second it. 

Mr. Matthews. It will be observed, sir, that there are vacant seats here. 
I “wish to say to the Convention that there are veteran soldiers here who have 
come hundreds of miles to witness the proceedings of this Convention. And to 
that end this resolution is introduced, and I hope the Convention will adopt it 
unanimously. 

Mr. John M. Thurston, of Nebraska. I rise to ask a question. I wish to 
ask in what manner and to what persons for distribution these tickets will be 
issued? 

Mr. W. H. Jessup, of Pennsylvania. I would move to amend by adding, 
that they be distributed according to the representation upon the floor of this 
Convention to the Chairmen of the various delegations.” 

Mr. Taft, of North Carolina. I second the amendment. That is right. 

Mr. Powell Clayton, of Arkansas, Having been one of the members of 
the sub committee who had charge of the apportionment of seats in this Con¬ 
vention; and, having some knowledge of the seating capacity of the hall, I 
desire to say that, in the apportionment of these seats, every seat was provided 
for by tickets; that tickets were provided sufficient to fill every seat in this 
hall. Now, if these additional tickets are to be issued, I would like to know 
where the gentlemen are to be seated. Otherwise I would be very glad to see 
them here. But, unless you have seats for these gentlemen, if they come, they 
will stand in the aisles, and it will cause interminable confusion. If you can 
devise some plan by which they can be seated, I would be exceedingly gratified 
to vote for the resolution. 

Mr. Matthews. In reply to the remarks of the gentleman from Arkansas, 
I have to say that, while it may be true that tickets are issued for every seat in 
this hall, it is equally true that these seats are not occupied half of the time. If 
one of these veterans should happen to occupy a seat, and the holder of the 
ticket therefor should come along and demand it, I will say to this Convention, 
he will yield to the authority of that ticket. I want to say further that, while 
these seats are occupied, these men will be glad to lay around the hall and 
passages, to the end that they might witness these proceedings; and all these 
men ask is to be permitted to come into the hall and occupy such seats as are 
not occupied by gentlemen or ladies holding accredited tickets to this Con¬ 
vention. 

Mr. Joseph E. Lee, of Florid*, The State of Florida was entitled to so 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


47 


many tickets, and yet that State lias been unable to obtain those tickets. There 
are, I understand, twenty-five seats that belong to that State; and if that State 
can not in any other manner obtain the benefit of those tickets, she is willing to 
yield those twenty-five seats that the veterans might obtain those seats and 
witness the proceedings here. 

The President. You have heard the resolution. The first question before 
the Convention is the amendment offered by the gentleman on the left [Mr. 
Jessup]. 

Mr. Matthews. I most cheerfully accept the amendment of the gentle¬ 
man. 

The President. The amendment is accepted. The resolution as amended 
will now be read. 

The Secretary read the resolution, as follows : 

Resolved, That the Committee on Distribution of Tickets be hereby in¬ 
structed to furnish five hundred tickets of admission to this hall during the 
sessions of this Convention to the veteran soldiers who desire to witness the pro¬ 
ceedings, to be distributed in proportion to the representation from the States, 
and delivered for such distribution to the Chairmen of the respective State 
delegations. 

Mr. L. E. Parsons, of Alabama. I would suggest, Mr. President, that 
there are States here represented upon this floor which have quite large delega¬ 
tions here, and under the amendment that has been offered they would be enti¬ 
tled to tickets to distribute; and we, unfortunately, have but a few veteran sol¬ 
diers among us that we know anything about, and I think that this amendment 
ought to apply to the States that had veteran soldiers in the cause of the Union, 
to place them in the hands of the Chairmen of the States that have soldiers 
here, and not in the hands of States that have no soldiers on this floor of that 
class and of that character. 

Mr. Massey, of Delaware. I rise to suggest another amendment, sir; and 
that is, that the resolution be so modified that the distribution shall be made of 
those tickets by a special committee from the delegation from Illinois, so that 
those tickets will be placed where they are wanted. If the suggestion made by 
a gentleman on the right of the hall—by whom I know not, for I did not recog¬ 
nize the member — is to be carried into effect, then it necessarily will be that, in 
a great many of the States represented here on this floor, from which there are 
%o Union soldiers present, the purpose intended to be accomplished by the reso¬ 
lution will have failed, sir; the purpose being that those soldiers of the Union— 
men who need no apology to be made for them in a Republican Convention or 
their right to be here, although they stand upon the floor and are not seated—I 
say, that if no other arrangement than that now contemplated by the sugges¬ 
tion be carried into effect, it will be futile to reach the object desired; and, 
therefore, I would suggest that the resolution be so modified as to contemplate 
distribution through the agency of a special committee from the Illinois dele¬ 
gation, to be selected by themselves. 

Mr. Calvin Manning, of Iowa. I suggest, in response to the gentleman 
from Delaware [Mr. Massey], that if there is any delegation present that have 


48 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


no Union soldiers or veterans, the Chairman of that delegation turn their tickets 
over to the National Committee, with the request that they be reapportioned to 
the States that have the Union soldiers. 

The President. Before the vote shall have been taken, I desire to state 
that I am just informed by the National Committee that tickets have been 
issued for every seat in the hall. 

The President put the question. 

The President. The noes seem to have it, and the resolution is defeated. 

Mr. John D. Long, of Massachusetts. I move that the Convention adjourn 
until 10 o’clock to-morrow morning. 

Mr. McLean. I move to amend that by making it 11 o’clock. 

Mr. Long. I accept the amendment. 

Mr. Charles B. Hussey, of M;iine. I move to amend that by making it 
10 o’clock. I understand that at that time the Committee on Credentials will be 
ready to report. It must necessarily be a lengthy session, and there will be also 
a report from the Committee on Rules, and it is necessary to transact this busi¬ 
ness more expeditiously, in order to get to the close of this Convention. 

At this point there was some confusion, and a number of dele¬ 
gates were calling for recognition by the Chairman. 

Mr. Greenhalze, of Massachusetts. I ask for the putting of the motion 
to adjourn until 10 o’clock to-morrow morning. 

The motion to adjourn prevailed, and the Convention adjourned 
to 10 o’clock a. m., June 5, 1884. 


THIRD DAY. 

June 5th, 1884. 

The Convention was called to order at ten minutes to 11, by the 
President, Gen. John B. Henderson. 

The President. The Convention this morning will be opened with prayer 
by the Rev. Dr. Fallows, of Chicago. 

Bishop Fallows offered the following prayer : ft 

Almighty God, the fountain of all life and light, we devoutly bless Thee 
for the national and individual blessings Thou hast mercifully vouchsafed to 
us. Thou wast with our fathers as in their weakness and feebleness they laid 
the foundations of the Republic. Thou didst give victory to our struggling 
armies during the dark and stormy days of the Revolution. Thou didst lead 
us forth out of our terrible civil conflict, with an emancipated and enfranchised 
race and an undivided union of the States. 

We thank Thee, O God, for the precious heritage of memory, thought and 
service, bequeathed to us by the labors, the sacrifices and the surrendered lives 
of heroic, devoted men. We thank Thee that in every period of our history 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


41 ) 


Thou didst raise up leaders of the people to meet the needs and emergencies of 
their own time; and we praise Thee that the bright succession has not died out. 

We thank Thee for the blessings of free speech, free schools, a free ballot 
and a free press, so extensively enjoyed. We pray for Thy blessing now upon 
our common country. Weld it more closely together in a union of fraternity, 
charity and loyalty. 

Bless Thy servant, the President of the United States, and all others in 
authority. Grant them in health and prosperity long to live. Bless him who 
presides over this Convention. Give him wisdom and strength for his arduous 
task. We thank Thee, O God, for the glorious record made in winning oppor¬ 
tunity for all, justice for all, liberty for all, equality before the law for all, by 
the party whose representatives are here assembled. 

Direct these before Thee, we pray Thee, in their deliberations and discus¬ 
sions. Save them from error, ignorance, pride and prejudice. Check the hasty 
word; prevent the inconsiderate act. May those who shall be selected for the 
loftiest political positions to which mortal man can aspire, be those who shall 
possess every qualification of body, mind and heart for that high and holy 
trust. Grant, we pray Thee, that personal preferences and interests may yield 
to the just demands of a true and broad patriotism; and grant, we pray Thee, 
that when the time shall come for the suffrages of the American people to be 
cast, such shall be the declaration of principles adopted by this great body, 
such the measures devised, such the candidates presented, that the hearty and 
unanimous support of these here before Thee shall be secured, and the final 
ratifications made by the people in an unmistakable manner. And the name 
of the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost, shall have the glory, world without 
end. Amen. 

REPORT OF COMMITTEE OX CREDENTIALS. 

Mr. Keyes, of Wisconsin. I would call for the report of the Committee on 
Credentials, or of some other committee. 

The President. Mr. Ballard, of Vermont, the Chairman of the Committee 
on Credentials, announces to the Chair his readiness now to report. 

Mr. Ballard, of Vermont. As Chairman of the Committee on Credentials, 
before presenting our report, you will pardon me a word. Since the organiza¬ 
tion of that committee last Tuesday night, the committee have been almost in 
one continuous session. The members of the committee have had no time for 
rest, recreation, or the pleasure of booming for favorite candidates. Our labors 
have been difficult and arduous. The questions that have been submitted to 
us have been, many of them, difficult and delicate; but I am happy to say that 
the deliberations of the committee were entirely harmonious. There was no 
discord in our councils. There was no inquiry whether the claimant to a seat 
was a Blaine man, an Arthur man, a Logan man, a Sherman man, or an 
Edmunds man. The question was solely this: Is the claimant rightfully 
entitled to a seat in this Convention? I congratulate this Convention on 
the harmony in this Republican party, evidenced by the fact that this com¬ 
mittee, gathered from all the States and Territories, have presented an entirely 
unanimous report. There is no firebrand thrust into this Convention in the 
shape of a minority report. Our report, which, of course, was hastily written 
4 


50 


OFFIC IAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


this morning at the close of our labors (which lasted all through the night), 
and which I trust will commend itself to the good judgment of the members of 
this Convention, will now be read to you by Judge Fort, of New Jersey, a 
member of our committee, who has efficiently aided me as Temporary Chair¬ 
man during the sessions of our committee at times. He will assist me, and 
will answer any questions, if any are put to us by the Convention, in regard to 
this report. 

The President. Read the report. 

Mr. J. Frank Fort, of New Jersey, then read the report as follows : 

To the President and Members of the National Republican 
Convention —Gentlemen : Your Committee on Credentials respectfully report 
that they met for organization on the evening of June 3d instant, and selected 
Hon. Henry Ballard, of Vermont, as their Chairman; and Edwin C. Nichols, 
Esq., of the State of Michigan, as Secretary, and proceeded to the consideration 
of the contests in this body. 

Your committee report that they annex hereto the printed roll of member¬ 
ship prepared by the National Committee, with the changes therein made by 
your committee. As to the several contested cases, your committee report upon 
each as they have considered them, as follows : 

First. In the case of the First District of Alabama the committee find the 
sitting members, James E. Slaughter and Frank H. Threet, and their alter¬ 
nates, as on the roll of the National Committee, entitled to their seats. 

Second. In the case of the Seventh District of Alabama the committee find 
the sitting members, Robert A. Moseley Jr., and Arthur Bingham, and their 
alternates, as on the roll of the National Committee, entitled to their seats. 

Third. In the case of the Fourth District of Texas the committee find the 
sitting members, A. G. Malloy and J. R. Carter, and their alternates, entitled 
to their seats. 

Fourth. In the case of the First District of Georgia the committee find the 
sitting members, A. N. Wilson and James Blue, entitled to their seats. 

Fifth. In the case of the Second District of Illinois the committee find the 
sitting members, W. II. Ruger and C. E. Piper, and their alternates, entitled 
to their seats. 

Sixth. In the case of the First District of Kentucky, the committee find 
the sitting members, Edwin Farley and P. C. Bragg, with their alternates, 
entitled to their seats. 

Seventh. In the case of the Fourth District of Maryland the committee find 
the sitting members, James W. Jordan and Henry W. Rogers, with their alter¬ 
nates, entitled to their seats. 

Eighth. In the case of the Sixth District of New York the committee find 
the sitting members, John J. O’Brien and John H. Brady, with their alternates, 
entitled to their seats. 

Ninth. In the case of the Nineteenth District of New York the committee 
recommend that the sitting delegates, George Campbell and Hiram Griggs, 
with their alternates, Andrew S. Draper and Madison Covert, and the contest¬ 
ants, James Lamb and James A. Houck, with their alternates, William H. Has- 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


51 


kell and Nathan D. Wendell, be each admitted to seats in the Convention with 
one-half a vote to each delegate. 

Tenth. In the case of the Twenty-first District of Pennsylvania, the com¬ 
mittee find the sitting member [there was a contest only as to one member], 
James E. Sayers, with his alternate, entitled to his seat. 

Eleventh. In the case of. the contest of the State of Virginia, the commit¬ 
tee, by a unanimous vote, find that the delegation from said State headed by 
Senator William Mahone are each and all entitled to their seats in this Conven¬ 
tion. in accordance with the roll of delegates and alternates as made up by the 
National Republican Committee. 

Twelfth. In the case of the Fifth District of Kentucky, the committee make 
the unanimous recommendation that the sitting members, Silas F. Miller and 
John Mason Brown, with their alternates, John Barrett and George W. Brown, 
and the contestants, Augustus E. Wilson and Michael Minton, and their alter¬ 
nates, Hugh Mulholland and August Kahlert, be each admitted as delegates 
and alternates to this Convention, with the right to cast one-half a vote each. 
This recommendation is consented to by the sitting members and contestants. 

All of which is respectfully submitted. 

HENRY BALLARD, Chairman. 

Edwin C. Niciiols, Secretary. 

The following is the list of delegates and alternates, with post- 
office address, attached to the report: 


Delegates. 


George Turner_ 

George W. Braxdall 

C. C. Sheats. 

J. C. Duke. 


1— James E. Slaughter_ 

Frank H. Threet. 

2— George W. Washington. 

Paul Strobach. 

3 — Isaac Heyman. 

William Youngblood... 

4— William J. Stevens. 

Hugh A. Carson. 

5— Lewis E. Parsons, Jr- 

William J. Anthony- 

6— Algernon A. Mabson— 
Lewis J. Washington... 

7— Robert A. Moseley, Jr... 

Arthur Bingham ... 

8— Augustus W. McCulloch 

Peter J. Crenshaw. 


ALABAMA. 

AT LARGE. 


Alternates. 


Montgomery Benjamin de Lemas .Haynesville 

...Talladega Thomas J. Lake.Athens 

..Decatur John H. Thomason.Athens 

.Selma C. S. Giddens.Opelika 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


-Mobile Anthony R. Davidson.Mobile 

-Demopolis Allen Alexander.Mobile 

..Montgomery Augustus W. Johnson.Evergreen 

. .Montgomery John Blount.Montgomery 

.Opelika J. C. Flournoy.Clayton 

Union Springs Jack Brown.Fort Mitchell 

..Selma Elbert W. Locke.Camden 

...Haynesville George B. Griffin.Greensboro 

..Rockford Charles A. Edwards.....Prattville 

_La Fayette Randall J. Storrs.Wetumpka 

..Birmingham Henry Hall.Birmingham 

_Tuscaloosa Henry C. Bryan.Birmingham 

.Talladega Isaac Frank.Jacksonville 

.Talladega John B. Simpson.Helena 

.. .Huntsville Reuben W. Lowe.Huntsville 

.Athens P. B. Barton....Barton 


Powell Clayton.. 
Logan H. Roots.. 

M. W. Gibbs. 

Henry M. Cooper 


ARKANSAS. 

AT LARGE. 


Eureka Springs Harmon L. Remmel.Newport 

.Little Rock E. C. Morris.Helena 

.LittleRock R. B. Thomas.Rocky Comfort 

.LittleRock Moses A. Clark.Marianna 


















































52 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Arkansas— Continued. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


1— Jacob Trieber.Helena 

Samuel H. Holland.Dermott 

2— John H. Johnson.Augusta 

Ferd. Havis...Pine Bluff 

3— A. A. Tufts.Camden 

George H. Thompson.Lewisville 

4 — Mason W. Benjamin.Little Rock 

Jacob Yoes. Mountainburg 

5— Lafayette Gregg.Fayetteville 

Kidder Kidd.Bentonville 


J. Pennoyer Jones.Arkansas City 

M. G. Turner.Helena 

O. M. Norman.Brinkley 

Oscar M. Spellman.Racine 

H. W. Wadkins.Hampton 

B. G. Bryant.Prescott 

William Laporte.Little Rock 

Josiah Clark.Hot Springs 

J. W. True. .Eureka Springs 

James A. Spradling.Harrison 


CALIFORNIA. 


AT LARGE. 


William W. Morrow.San Francisco Horace F. Page. 

Geo. A. Knight...Eureka Frank M. Pixley 

Thomas R. Bard.Hueneme Rollin C. Gaskill 

Horace Davis.San Francisco James McM. Shafter 


... .Placerville 
San Francisco 

_Oakland 

San Francisco 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


1— Chauncey C. Bush...Redding 

Byron O. Carr.St. Helena 

2— William H. Parks.Marysville 

George W. Schell.Modesto 

3— William Johnston. Sacramento 

Eli S. Dennison..Oakland 

4— David McClure.San Francisco 

Charles F. Crocker.San Francisco 

5— Adolph B. Spreckels.San Francisco 

Maurice C. Blake.San Francisco 

6— David C. Reed.San Diego 

Oregon Sanders.Visalia 


Horace W. Byington.Santa Rosa 

James D. Byers. Janesville 

David E. Kuight... Marysville 

Timothy H. Barnard..Chico 

Wallace R. Pond.. Woodland 

Thomas H. Thompson.Oakland 

Frank J. French.San Francisco 

WilliaimB. May.San Francisco 

James W. Rea.Santa Clara 

Sargent S. Morton.San Francisco 

Thomas Flint.San Juan 

Edwin W. Crooks.Santa Barbara 


COLORADO. 


AT LARGE. 


W. A. Hamill.. 

S. H. Elbert. 

C. C. Davis. 

Alexander Gullitt. 

B. F. Crowell. 

A. L. Emigh.. 


.Georgetown 

.Denver 

..Leadville 

.Gunnison 

Colorado Springs 
.Fort Collins 


F. E. Osbiston 
J. W. Graham. 
S. W. Jones... 

J. II. Stead_ 

J. A. Smith_ 

D. P. Kingsley. 


...Idaho Springs 

.Denver 

...Breckenridge 

.Salida 

.Boulder 

Grand Junction 


CONNECTICUT. 


AT LARGE. 


Augustus Brandegee.New London John A. Tibbitts_ 

Frederick Miles.— Chapinville Samuel Fessenden... 

Samuel E. Merwin, Jr.New Haven John S. Fowler.. 

John L. Houston.Thompsonville Morgan G. Bulkeley 


New London 
.. ..Stamford 
..New Haven 
-Hartford 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


1—Valentine B. Chamberlain...New Britain 


Ralph P. Gilbert.Hebron 

2— Luzerne I. Munson.Waterbury 

John G. Edmonds.Deep River 

3— Eugene S. Boss- Willimantic 

Ira G. Briggs...Voluntown 

4 — Orsamus R. Fyler.Torrington 

Ebenezer J. Hill_Norwalk 


Charles S. Landers_New Britain 

George Belding.Rockville 

David S. Plume...___Waterbury 

Henry W. Stocking.Cromwell 

Charles A. Russell.Killingly 

John R. Buck.Hartford 

James L. Carson_Torrington 

Andrew J. Crofut.South Norwalk 

























































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 


53 


DELAWARE. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

AT LARGE. 


Washington Hastings.Wilmington 

John Pilling.....Newark 

Geo. V. Massey.Dover 

Daniel J. Layton...Georgetown 


Joseph T. Bass.Wilmington 

Minot S. Curtis....Newark 

D. P. Barnard. Lebanon 

Jno. H. Johnson.Milford 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


1—John H. Hoffecker.Smyrna 

W. J. Stewart_......._Seaford 


Joseph S. Truitt 
H. R. Burton_ 


Milford 

..Lewes 


FLORIDA. 

AT LARGE. 


Dennis Eagan.Jacksonville 

Joseph E. Lee.Jacksonville 

Jesse D. Cole___ Monticello 

Wm. G. Stewart.Tallahassee 

DISTRICT 

1— Jas. N. Combs.Apalachicola 

A C. Lightborne.Quincy 

2— John G. Long...St. Augustine 

H. W. Chandler.Ocala 


Emanuel Fortune.Jacksonville 

M. M. Lewey.Gainesville 

D. D. Rogers.Daytona 

J. W. Mitchell.Tallahassee 

DELEGATES. 

B. F. Livingstone.Marianna 

M. A. Trapp.Marianna 

Thomas Hinds.Georgetown 

D. C. Martin.Gainesville 


GEORGIA. 


AT LARGE. 


A. E Buck. 



Aaron Collins.. 


W. A. Pledger.. 



Smith W. Easley, Jr. 


L. M. Pleasant. 



E. T. Flemming.. 

.Augusta 

C. D. Forsyth. 


• 

J. N. Blackshear. 




DISTRICT 

DELEGATES. 

• 

1—A. N. Wilson. 

- 


James A. Sykes. 


Jas. Blue... 



Richard Jackson. 

..Darien 

2 —C. W. Arnold. 



W. H. Henderson. 


Jno. C. Few.. 



Carey Barnes.. 


3—Elbert Head. 



W. D. King.. 


E. Seward Small_ 



B. C. Mitchell.. 


4—W. H. Johnson. 


.. ..Atlanta 

R. F. Milner. 

.Newnan 

J. C. Beall.. 


..La Grange 

E. H. Miller. 

.Columbus 

5—John E. Bryant_ 



W. L. Shumate. 


W. I). Moore.. 



William Wilkins.. 


6—W. W. Brown. 


.Macon 

Richard Nelson.. 

.Gordon 

P. O. Holt.. 


__Macon 

W. F. Jackson. 


7—G. P. Burnett.. 


....Rome 

Benj. F. Duncan. 

.Rome 

J. Q. Gas sett. 



T. H. Triplett. 

_Dalton 

8—Marcus A. Wood.. 


_..Madison 

Felix R. Rogers. 


Madison Davis. 


.Athens 

Monroe B. Morton. 

..Athens 

9—W. T. B. Wilson... 



W. O. n. Shepard. 


James B. Gaston.. 


.Gainesville 

John M. Allred.. 

...Jasper 

10—W. F. Holden. 



Jesse Wimberly. 


It. R. Wright. 



0. T. Gonder. 

.Warrenton 


ILLINOIS. 


Shelby M. Cullom. 
John M. Hamilton 

Burton C. Cook_ 

Clark E. Carr. 


AT LARGE. 


.Springfield ThomasB. Needles.Nashville 

.Springfield C. S. Smith.Bloomington 

_Chicago Jacob Stampen...Cook 

.Galesburg Benson Wood.Effingham 






















































































5 + 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Delegates. 


1 - J. L. Woodward. 

Abner Taylor. 

2— W. H. Ruger. 

C. E. Piper.. 

3— George R. Davis- 

J. R. Wheeler. 

4 Samuel B. Raymond. 
L. C. Collins, Jr. 

5— L. M. Kelly. 

C. E. Fuller. 

6— Norman Lewis. 

O. C. Towne. 

7— S. G. Baldwin. 

Henry T. Noble_ 

8— R. W. Willett. 

A. J. Bell. 

9— S. T. Rogers.. 

Thomas Vennum.... 

10— W. W. Wright. 

R. H. Whiting_ 

11— C. V. Chandler. 

C. A. Ballard. 

12— A. C. Matthews. 

W. W. Berry .. 

13— Dr. William Jayne... 

Dietrich O. Smith_ 

14— J. W.Fifer.. 

George K. Ingham... 

15— Charles G. Eckhart.. 

L. S. Wilcox. 

16— Charles Churchill... 

Harrison Black. 

17— John I. Rinaker. 

J. M. Truitt. 

18— R. A. Halbert. 

H. Reuter. 

19— T. S. Ridgway. 

C. T. Stratton. 

20— T. M. Simpson.. 

W. McAdams. 


ILLINOIS— Continued. 

Alternates. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


.Chicago Pliny B. Smith..Chicago 

.Chicago W. J. Campbell....Blue Island 

.Chicago John F. Scanlan.... Chicago 

.Chicago William Ludewig.Chicago 

_Chicago A. J. Snell.Chicago 

.Chicago C. H. Plautz.Chicago 

.Chicago John C. Ender...Chicago 

Norwood Park Christian Dahnke .Chicago 

.Elgin A. C. Murray.. 

.Belvidere S. Aldin.-.Sycamore 

.Thomson H. A. Mix..Oregon 

.. .Pecatonica W. F. Hodgson.Galena 

.Prophetstown R. Harrington.... Geneseo 

. Dixon J. W. Hopkins.Granville 

.Yorkville J. R. Ely....Mazon 

.Naperville Walter Reeves.Streator 

.El Paso J. Weir.Lacon 

.Watseka M. J. Sheridan.Kankakee 

.Toulon Z. Beatty.Galesburg 

.Peoria C. E. Snively...Canton 

.Macomb Col. S. W. King.La Harpe 

...New Boston Morris Rosenfield. Moline 

.Pittsfield A. K. Lowery...Mount Sterling 

. Quincy John R. Coats.Winchester 

_Springfield Dr. G. S. Weagley.Jacksonville 

.Pekin John J. Sqnier.Taylorville 

...Bloomington J. W. Haworth .Decatur 

.Clinton Julius A. Brown...Bement 

.Tuscola C. P. Hitch.. Paris 

_Champaign Thomas A. Lewis. Urbana 

.Albion H. F. Wilson...Toledo 

..Marshall D. W. Barklev.Fairfield 

.Carlinville Benson Wood.Effingham 

.Hillsboro R. T. Higgins.Vandalia 

.Belleville A. J. Gullick.Greenville 

.Nashville R. A. Morgan .Nashville 

..Shawneetown A. E. Eismeyer.Trenton 

_Mt. Vernon C. M. Lyon.McLeansboro 

...Vienna T. T. Fountain.Pinckneyville 

.Chester N. B. Thistlewood..Cairo 


INDIANA. 


Richard W. Thompson 

Benjamin Harrison_ 

John H. Baker. 

Morris McDonald. 


1— James C. Veatch.... 

Francis B. Posey_ 

2— George G. Reiley_ 

Wm. R. Gardiner_ 

3— David M. Alspaugh. 
Albert P. Charles... 

4— Jno. O. Cravens_ 

Eugene G. Hay.. 

5— Joseph I. Irwin. 

W. A. Montgomery. 

6— Chas. II. Burchenal. 
Joshua H. Mellett... 

7— L. T. Michener. 

Henry C. Adams_ 

8— Wm.'C. Smith. 

William R. McKeen 

9— Geo. B. Williams_ 

Americas C. Daily.. 


AT LARGE. 

.Terre Haute Edwin F. Horn_ 

.Indianapolis John H. Roelker.. 

.Goshen Moses Fowler. 

New Albany Granville B. Ward 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


....Rockport 

..Petersburgh 

...Vincennes 

.Washington 

.Salem 

.Seymour 

.Osgood 

.Madison 

...Columbus 

.Gosport 

...Richmond 
..New Castle 
... Shelby ville 
.Indianapolis 
Williamsport 
..Terre Haute 
...La Fayette 
.Lebanon 


Gilbert R. Stormont . 
Philander Cooper.... 

C. C. Schreeder. 

William Farrell. 

Francis Norton. 

Will T. Walker. 

J. P. Hemphill. 

E. C. Thompson.. 

C. S. Hammond. 

James O. Parker_ 

Andrew M. Kennedy 

James N. Huston_ 

Otto H. Hasselman.. 

J. M. Freeman. 

M. L. Hall .. 

Ed. A. Rosser. 

Robert Graham. 

O. S. Torrer. 


Indianapolis 
..Evansville 
.. La Fayette 
..Monticello 


....Princeton 

...Evansville 

lluntingburg 

.Paoli 

.New Albany 
...Scottsburg 
..Rising Sun 
...Rensselaer 
.. Gret ncastle 

-Danville 

....Rushville 

.Connersville 

.Indianapolis 

...Greenfield 

-Newport 

.Brazil 

..Noblesville 
..Tipton 































































































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


55 


Indiana—District Delegates — Continued. 


Delegates. 


10— Simon P. Thompson.Rensselaer 

Geo. W. Holman.-Rochester 

11— James B. Kenner.Huntington 

Jonas Votaw. . Portland 

12— Oscar S. Simons.Fort Wayne 

Orville Carver.Angola 

13— Joseph D. Oliver.South Bend 

George Moon.Warsaw 


Alternates. 


Ulric Z. Wiley.. Fowler 

Chas. F. Griffin.Crown Point 

R. S. Peterson.Decatur 

John A. Cantwell.Hartford 

John Mitchell.Kendallville 

Williamson Rawles.La Grange 

Alba M. Tucker.Elkhart 

Amasa Johnson.Plymouth 


IOWA. 


J. S. Clarkson. 
W. G. Donnan. 

J. Y. Stone_ 

N. M. Hubbard 


1— D. A. Morrison_ 

Wm. Wilson, Jr. . 

2— John Hilsinger .. 

W. T. Shaw. 

3— H. C. Hemenway. 

W. H. Norris_ 

4— A. G. Stewart_ 

O. H. Lyon. 

5— J. W. Willett.... 
Merritt Green, Jr. 

6— H. S. Winslow_ 

Calvin Manning.. 

7— C. H. Gatch.. 

E. W. Weeks_ 

S—W. H. Christie ... 

W. Wilson . 

9 -E. A. Cousigney.. 
T. M. C. Logan... 

10— R. S. Benson. 

C. C. T. Mason... 

11— A. B. Funk. 

J. D. Ainsworth . 


AT LARGE. 


....Des Moines 
.Independence 

.Glen wood 

..Cedar Rapids 


Albert Swalm... 

J. H. Gear.. 

E. G. Hartshorn 
W. Vandever_ 


district delegates. 


..Fort Madison 
...Washington 

..Sabula 

.Anamosa 

....Cedar Falls 
.... Manchester 

.Waukon 

..Rockford 

.Tama City 

..Marshalltown 

..N ewton 

.Ottumwa 

....Des Moines 
Guthrie Centre 

.Creston 

.Osceola 

.Avoca 

.Logan 

.Hampton 

.Boone 

. ...Spirit Lake 
.Onawa 


Arthur Springer.... 

C. M Junkin.. 

H. R. Whitehouse.. 

C. W. McManus.... 

G. A. McIntyre. 

J. M. Rea. 

D. W. Clements_ 

William Kellow.... 

L. H. Jackson. 

J. L. Gcddes.. 

J. P. Lyman. 

F. W. Eichelberger 

Lewis Igo. 

J. H. Twombly_ 

D. T. Sigler. 

S. T. Sherrod. 

George Gray.. 

D. B. Miller. 

O. C. Nelson. 

J. C. K. Smith. 

F. D. Piper.. 

W. L Culbertson... 


.Oscaloosa 

...Burlington 
Emmetsburgh 
.Dubuque 


Columbus June. 

.Fairfield 

. Clinton 

.Davenport 

. ...Shell Rock 
..Grundy <'entre 
....West Union 

.Cresco 

.Iowa City 

.Vinton 

.Grinnell 

.Bloomfield 

.Indian ol a 

..Stuart 

.Corning 

....Walnut City 

.Gray 

.Red Oak 

.N evada 

.Eldora 

.Sheldon 

.Carroll 


KANSAS. 


at large. 


Preston B. Plumb.. ..Washington, D. C. J. H. Ricksecker 

James S. Merritt.Wamego W. H. Douglas.. 

J. G. Woods.Wellington C. J. Jones. 

A W. Mann.Burr Oak Henry Fuell- 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


1— Cyrus Leland, Jr. Troy 

Henry E. Insley.Leavenworth 

2— J P. Root.Wyandotte 

R. Aikman.....Fort Scott 

3— J. R. Hallowell .Columbus 

W. P. Hackney.Winfield 

4— Geo. R. Peck..Topeka 

William Martindale.Eureka 

5— E. A. Berry.Waterville 

C. C. Culp.Salina 

6— J. S. McDowell.Smith Centre 

C. C. Wood.Stocktown 

7— Jos. W. Ady.Newton 

R. L. Walker.Wichita 


W. R. Smith. 

Dr. H. A. Warner. 

O. A. Gesick. 

R. B. Stevenson.. 

Jno. Veits. 

Geo. Miller.. 

J. V. Admire. 

IL C. Lockwood.. 
W. S. Blakesly .. 

P. F. Thompson.. 
D. A . Freeman — 
J. II. Franklin... 

Henry Booth. 

A. J. Hoisington. 


.Lyons 

..El Dorado 
Garden City 
...Lawrence 


.Atchison 

.Meriden 

..Ottawa 

.Iola 

.Hepler 

.Elk City 

....Osage City 

..Marion 

Junction City 
..Minneapolis 

__Beloit 

..Russell 

..Larned 

..Garden City 









































































































50 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


KENTUCKY. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

AT LARGE. 


William O. Bradley.Lancaster 

William W. Culbertson.Ashland 

John W. Lewis.Springfield 

Walter Evans.Louisville 


William H. Holt. Mt. Sterling 

Henry Scroggins.Lexington 

Speed L. Fry...Danville 

J. R. Puryear.Paducah 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


1— Edwin Farley. Owensborough 

P. C. Bragg.Mayfield 

2— J.Z. Moore. Owensborough 

Joseph I. Landes.Hopkinsville 

3— W. L. Hazslip.Glasgow June. 

Allen Allensworth.Bowling Green 

4— G. P. Jolly.Cloverport 

Edw. Hilpp. ...Lebanon 

5— Silas F. Miller, one-half vote... 1 onisville 
John Mason Brown, one-half vote, 

Louisville 

Augustus E. Wilson, one-half vote, 

Louisville 

Michael Minton, one-half vote.. Louisville 


6— David N. Comingore.Covington 

James A. Scarlett.Newport 

7— William Cassius Goodloe.Lexington 

Richard P. Stoll.Lexington 

8— Robert Boyd. London 

George Denny, Jr....I ancaster 

9— George M. Thomas.Yanceburg 

T. S. Bradf. rd.Augusta 

10— Andrew J. Auxier. Louisville 

J. C. Eversole.Hazard 

11— R. A. Buckner, Jr.Greensburgh 

H. G. Tremble.Somerset 


E. M. Manion_ 

D. M. Brown. 

Peter Postell. 

James McLaughlin 
J. B. Harris.. 

E. L. Yontes. 

W. S. McFarland.. 

Dan O’Riley. 

John Barrett. 

George W. Brown 


...Hopkinsville 

.Henderson 

.Franklin 

.Greenville 

Mt. Washington 

.Litchfield 

.Louisville 

.Louisville 


Hugh Mulholland 


. Louisville 


August Ivahlert. 

John Woodliead-..- 

L. R. Hawthorne_ 

L. A. Slade. 

J. M. Walker. 

James M. Sebastian 

P. P. Ballard. 

D. J. Burchett.. 

R. C. Bums.. 

S. II. Kash. 

J. N. Baughman... 

L. B. Hurt. 

J. C. Evans. 


....Louisville 

....Falmouth 

.Newport 

..Georgetown 

.Owentou 

...Booneville 

...Richmond 

.Louisa 

-Catlettsburg 
.Mt. Sterling 
Barboursville 
....Columbia 
..Glasgow 


LOUISIANA. 


AT LARGE. 


Wm. P. Kellogg.Washington H. C. Warmoth. 

A. J. Dumont.New Orleans H. K. Jones. 

P. B. S. Pinchbeck.New Orleans James M. Vance 

A. S. Badger.New Orleans Wm. Roy.. 


....Lawrence 
New Orleans 
.New Orleans 
New Orleans 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


1— W. B. Merchant.New Orleans L. P. Smith_ 

R. F. Guichard..New Orleans Felix Faguet... 

2— P. F. Hernig.New Orleans L. Gilliaud. 

Henry Demas.Edgar W. S. Wilson.. 

3— George Drury.Napoleonvfile A. Davis. 

L. A. Martinet.St. Martin T. A. Cage. 

4— A. H. Leonard.Shreveport W. P. Peck_ 

William Harper.Shreveport A. J. Smith_ 

5— Frank Morey.Washington John W. Cook. 

E. W- Wall.Vidalia E. A. Neal. 

6— Louis J. Souer...Marksville B. Y. Barance.. 

Clifford Morgan.New Roads Oscar Holt_ 


.New Orleans 

.New Orleans 

.New Orleans 

.New Orleans 

.Franklin 

.Homer 

..Coushatta 

...Rocky Mount 
Lake Providence 

.St. Joseph 

-Baton Rouge 

.Port Allen 


MAINE. 


Josiah H. Drummond 

George C. Wing. 

Joseph R. Bodwell_ 

Joseph S. Wheelwright 


AT LARGE. 


.Portland Gilman N. Dearing.Saco 

..Auburn Edwin O. Clark.Waldoborough 

Hollowell Edmund F. Webb.Waterville 

...Bangor Samuel N. Campbell.Cherryfield 






























































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


57 


M aine— Continued. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


1— Albion Little. Portland 

Charles E. Hussey.Biddeford 

2— Amos E. Crockett.:_Rockland 

Ruel B. Fuller.Wilton 

3— Andrew P. Wiswell.Ellsworth 

J. Machester Haynes.Augusta 

4— Austin Harris.East Machias 

Elbridge A. Thompson.Dover 


Isaac L. Came. Standish 

Samuel Hanson.Buxton 

Samuel H. Allen.Thomastou 

Alonzo F. Lewis.Fryeburg 

Eben D. Haley.Gardiner 

Luther H. Webb. Skowhegan 

Eben Woodbury. Houlton 

Edward C. Goodnow.Calais 


MARYLAND. 


AT LARGE. 


Hart B. Holton.Washington, D. C. Daniel Chisolm 

Thomas S. Hodson.Crisfield J. L. H. Smith. 

Lycurgus N. Phillips.Mechanicstown A. L. Tharp_ 

James Wallace.Cambridge Wm. J. Hand .. 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


...Oakland 
.Baltimore 
.. ..Easton 
Centreville 


1— Chas T. Westcott.. 
James C. Mullikin. 

2— John T. Eusor. 

II. M. Clabaugh_ 

3— D. Pinkney West.. 

Wm. Coath. 

4— James W. Jordan.. 
Henry W. Rogers.. 

5— Jas. A. Gary. 

Wm. G. Green. 

6 —J. McPherson Scott 
Geo. L Wellington. 


..Chestertown 

.Easton 

....Towson 

.Westminster 

.Baltimore 

.Baltimore 

.Baltimore 

.Baltimore 

.Baltimore 

Washington, D. C. 

..Hagerstown 

..Cumberland 


Wilbur Eliason.... 

N. W. Dixon. 

Francis Sanderson 

R. F. Tull.. 

W. W. Johnson_ 

Isidor D. Oliver_ 

Wm. J. Gray. 

Jas. F. Spriggs_ 

Jas. T. Caulk. 

James C. Chaney.. 

John A. Davis.. 

Jno. W. Lancaster. 


Chestertown 

.Crisfield 

....Arlington 

.Elkton 

...Baltimore 
...Baltimore 
...Baltimore 
...Baltimore 
... Baltimore 
....Dunkirk 
. Hagerstown 
....Rockville 


MASSACHUSETTS. 


AT LARGE. 


George F. Hoar.Worcester Benjamin S. Lovell 

Wm. W. Crapo.New Bedford Lewis J. Power... 

John D. Long.Hingham A. H. Grinke. 

Henry Cabot Lodge.Nahant T. W. Higginaon.. 


Weymouth 
Springfield 
Hyde Park 
.Cambridge 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


1— Jonathan Bourne.New Bedford 

Frank S. Stevens.Swansea 

2— Frank M. Ames.Canton 

Eben L. Ripley.:.Hingham 

3— Henry P. Kidder_ Boston 

Edward L. Pierce.. Milton 

4— Jesse M. Gove. Boston 

Chas. T. Gallagher.Boston 

5— Ephraim Stearns.Waltham 

John F. Andrew.Boston 

6— Amos F. Breed .Lynn 

Carroll D. Wright.Reading 

7— Edward II. Haskell.Gloucester 

Geo. W. Cate.Amesbury 

8— Frederick T. Greenhalze.Lowell 

Andrew C. Stone.Lawrence 

9 -Joseph G. Ray.Franklin 

Robert R. Bishop.Newton 

10- Wm. W. Rice.Worcester 

Theodore C. Bates.North Brookfield 

11- Chester C. Conant.Greenfield 

Rodney Wallace.Fitchburg 

12- Henry S. Hyde.Springfield 

Levi L. Brown...Adams 


Joseph K. Baker. 

Alphonso S. Covell... 

H. W. Durgin. 

J. J. Whipple.. 

Henry W. Putnam ... 

Roger Wolcott. 

John Taylor. 

Wm. N. Young. 

Julius Chappclle .... 

Geo. C. Bent. 

Francis Childs. 

Daniel A. Gleason_ 

Milton Stover. 

Simeon Dodge. 

Joseph L. Sargent_ 

F. C. Clark. 

O. T. Gray. 

S. Herbert Howe. 

Geo. L. Gibbs. 

Calvin D. Paige. 

Samuel M. Cook. 

Edward P. Loring- 

Edward S. Wilkinson 
Chas. N. Yeamans... 


.Dennis 

. ....Fall River 

.Taunton 

.Brockton 

.Boston 

..Boston 

.Boston 

.Boston 

.Boston 

_Cambridge 

.Boston 

..Medford 

.Haverhill 

...Marblehead 

..._Dracut 

.Lawrence 

_Hyde Park 

..Marlborough 

...Northbridge 

...Southbridge 

.Granby 

. ..Fitchburgh 
North Adams 
.Westfield 










































































































58 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Delegates. 

MICHIGAN. 

AT LARGE. 

Alternates. 


Roswell G. Horr. 

William F. Swift. 

Samuel C. Watson. 

Julius C. Burrows. 

.Ishpeming 

...Detroit 

Joseph B. Moore.. 

Ezra L. Koon. 

Aaron B. Turner.. 
George W. Robie.. 

..Hillsdale 

.Grand Rapids 

..Mason 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


1— Russell A. Alger... 

W. S. Morey. 

2 — W. A. Underwood. 
Joseph T. Jacobs.. 

3— Edward C. Nichols. 
William H. Powers 

4— S. T. Read. 

Josiah Andrews.... 

5— Geo. W. Webber... 

H. F. Thomas. 

6— M. D. Chatterton... 

J. E. Sawyer. 

7— John P. Sanborn... 

B. R. Noble. 

8— W. S. Tuck. 

W. E. Watson. 

9— M. P. Gale. 

Abel Anderson. 

10— II. II. Aplin... 

George W. Bell_ 

11— S. C. Moffatt.. 

S.M. Stevenson_ 


.Detroit 

.Flat Rock 

. ....Adrian 

_Ann Arbor 

...Battle Creek 

..Hastings 

_Cassopolis 

.Paw Paw 

.Ionia 

.Allegan 

.Mason 

.Pontiac 

....Port Huron 

.Lexington 

..St. Louis 

.Bancroft 

_Big Rapids 

. ...Muskegon 
.West Bay City 

_ Cheboygan 

Grand Traverse 
....Menominee 


W. H. Coats. 

John Greusel. 

W. A. French. 

Edwin J. March. 

John C. Sharp. 

W. H. Coombs. 

William L. Stoughton_ 

W. Irving Babcock.. 

Don J. Leathers. 

J. M. Ferguson. 

H. B. Blackman. 

J. B. Atwood. 

Alexander Grant. 

Geo. W. Jenks. 

S. R. Stevens. 

S. W. Hopkins.. 

J. R. Bishop.. 

F. R. Williams. 

Charles Montague. 

A. H. Swartout.. 

Thomas B. Dunstan. 

J. H. Steere. 


.Detroit 

.Detroit 

..Dundee 

.Hillsdale 

.Jackson 

...Barry County 

. ..Sturgis 

.Niles 

...Grand Rapids 

_Coopersville 

.Howell 

.Flint 

.Utica 

.Sand Beach 

.Stanton 

_Mt. Pleasant 

..Ludington 

.Antrim 

.Cairo 

.Grayling 

.Hancock 

Sault Ste. Marie- 


MINNESOTA. 

AT LARGE. 


Dwight M. Sabin.. 
Cushman K. Davis 

C. H. Graves. 

O. B. Gould. 


Washington 

_St. Paul 

_Duluth 

_Winona 


C. D. Wright 
W. G. Ward. 
J. A. James. 
L. P. Fluke.. 


Fergus Falls 

.Waseca 

_Mankato 

. Farmington 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


1— Thomas H. Armstrong.Albert Lea 

C. H. Conkey.Preston 

2— A. M. Crosby..Adrian 

L. Z. Rogers.Waterville 

3— E. V. Canfield..Zumbrota 

Liberty Hall.Glencoe 

4— Robert B Langdon.Minneapolis 

Stanford Newel.St. Paul 

5— Alphonso Barto.Sauk Centre 

Henry G. Page.Fergus Falls 


W. II. Officer.Austin 

Lewis S. Peck.. Kasson 

Joseph Bobleter.New Ulm 

Gordon Powers.Granite Falls 

H. E. Barron.Faribault 

W. II. Greenlief.Litchfield 

J. N. Stacy.Monticello 

II. F. Barker.Cambridge 

H. W. Stone. Morris 

Halvor Steenerson.Crookston 


MISSISSIPPI. 


AT LARGE. 


Blanche K. Bruce 

James Hill. 

R. F. Beck. 

J. M. Bynum. 


Washington, D. C. 

. Jackson 

.Vicksburg 

..Rienzi 


Thomas W. Stringer.Vicksburg 

B. F. Garrett ..Canton 

William Noonan.Natchez 

A. M. Middlebrook. Columbus 


























































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 


59 


Delegates. 


1— H. C. Powers.. 

W. II. Kennon. 

2— John S. Burton. 

D. T. J. Matthews... 

3— W H. Allen. 

Wesley Creighton... 

4— II. H. Harrington_ 

J. W. Longstreet_ 

5— F. C. Gran berry_ 

William M. Hancock 

6— John R. Lynch. 

C. A. Simpson. 

7— Thomas Richardson 
John A. Galbreath.. 


Mississippi— Continued. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


Alternates. 


.Starkville F. L. Hatch.Aberdeen 

-Columbus W. H. Chandler.Corinth 

Holly Springs Jerry Robinson.Charleston 

.Sardis F. P. Hill .Sardis 

..Friar's Point W. E. Mollison..<_Mayersville 

-Vicksburg J. D. Webster.Greenville 

...West Point G. W. Miller..West Point 

.Macon B. G. Booth.Water Valley 

-Lexington S. P. Hurst.Lexington 

.Meridian C. Simmons. Meridian 

.Natchez A. Newberger.Natchez 

.Scranton John L. Collins.Bay St. Louis 

...Port Gibson M. M. McLeod. .Jackson 

.Jackson G. E. Matthews.Hazlchurst. 


B. M. Prentiss... 
H. E. Havens... 
R. T. Van Horn 
J. B. Henderson 


1— Rob. D. Cramer... 

J. T. Barber.. 

2— Joseph H. Turner. 
A. W. Mullens. ... 

3— J. H. Thomas. 

Ira B. Hyde. 

4— A. C. Dawes. 

O. C. Hill. 

5— John B. Jones. 

Wm. Warner. 

6— Odin Guitar. 

W. S. Shirk. 

7— Theodore Bruere... 

M. G. Reynolds_ 

8— Henry C. Meyer... 
John C. Benseik... 

9— Chauncey I. Filley. 

Jas. H. McLean_ 

10— Fred. W. Mott. 

Kossuth W. Weber. 

11— Edw’d Neuenhahn. 
Eben B. Sankey... 

12— Chas. G. Burton_ 

W. D. Tyler.. 

13— Joseph B. Upton.. 

Norman Gibbs_ 

14— A. B. Carroll.. 

Byrd Duncan. 


MISSOURI. 


AT LARGE. 


-Bethany 

.Springfield 
Kansas City 
... St. Louis 


David Wagner . 
Chas. H. Brown 
J. M. Turner... 
T. C. Fletcher.. 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


.Memphis 

.Hannibal 

.Carrollton 

.Linneus 

....Plattsburgh 

.Princeton 

.St. Joseph 

. Oregon 

.Concordia 

....Kansas City 

.Columbia 

.Sedalia 

.St. Charles 

.Louisiana 

.St. Louis 

.St. Louis 

.St. Louis 

.St. Louis 

.St. Louis 

....Farmington 

.Hermann 

.Salem 

.Nevada 

.Clinton 

.Bolivar 

_Mt. Vernon 

Cape Girardeau 
....Poplar Bluff 


Wm. Logan.. 

C. A. Slavens. 

W. B. Rogers. 

J. B. Brantner_... 

F. II. Braden. 

Jackson Walker. 

P. A. Thompson. 

J. A. Price. 

A. B. Logan. 

C. Crysler... 

O. O. Vaughn. 

C. R. Simpson. 

Daniel Q,. Gale. 

Ira Hall. 

Antony Kessler. 

J. Ben Nichols. 

Jos. G. Chapman. 

Charles Schweickardt 
Louis Grund.. 

G. W. Mitchell. 

L. F. Parker. 

Jas. A. Bradshaw. 

R. E. Beach. 

J. T. Burney.. 

C. C. Allen. 

J. P. O’Bannon. 

W. A. Love. 

T. C. Watkins.. 


.. Canton 
...Lamar 
St. Louis 
St. Louis 


_Glen wood 

... .Unionville 

.Trenton 

..Milan 

.Breckenridge 

.Bethany 

.Laugdon 

.Weston 

. Warren sburg 
.Independence 

.Slater 

_Versailles 

..Washington 

.Mexico 

..St. Louis 

..St. Louis 

.St. Louis 

.St. Louis 

.St. Louis 

.Mt. Olive 

..Rolla 

....^Richland 

.Butler 

.Harrisonville 
.Carthage 


West Plains 
..Charleston 


i 


NEBRASKA. 


AT LARGE. 


Jno. M. Thurston.Omaha Leonard W. Gilchrist 

Nathan S. Harwood.Lincoln Emory M. Stenberg.. 

John Jenson.Geneva Peter Jansen...:. 

Geo. A. Brooks.Bazile Mills Albert G. Scott. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

1— Eugene L. Reed.Weeping Water Wm. Broatch. 

Church Howe...Auburn G. Larsh . 

2— Wm. T. Scott.York Thomas H. Matters... 

Geo. W. Burton.Orleans Frank H. Sweezy. 

3— Chas. P. Mathewson.Norfolk Jno. W. Boggs- 

Jno. H. MacColl.Plum Creek Lucius D. Richards .. 


. Wauhoo 
..Omaha 
Fairbury 
. Kearney 


.Omaha 

Nebraska City 

..Harvard 

..Blue Hill 

.Blair 

..Fremont 


/ 


















































































































60 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


NEVADA. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

AT LARGE. 

.Hawthorne 

.Austin 

.... Eureka 

.Carlin 

Carson City 
Carson City , 


(J. C. Stevenson.Gold Hill M. A. Murphy...., 

M. D. Foley.Eureka Andrew Nichols... 

J. H. Rand..Elko John McNaughton 

John E. Dixon.Tuscarora J. A. Palmer. 

S. L. Lee.Carson City Wells Drury. 

A. J. Blair.Pioche C. S. Young. 


NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

AT LARGE. 


Charles H. Sawyer..Dover John H. Hurd.- 

George H. Stowell.Claremont George L. Balcom.. 

Edward H Rollins.Concord George P. Rowell... 

Joseph B. Clark.Manchester Herman W. Greene 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


1— Charles D. McDuffie.Manchester 

W T arren Brown.Hampton Falls 

2— Frank D. Currier.Canaan 

Henry B. Atherton.Nashua 


Charles W. Talpey.. 
Edward II. Gilman. 
Shepard L. Bowers 
John B. Smith. 


.Dover 

.Claremont 

.Lancaster 

Ilopkinton 


.Farmington 

..Exeter 

.Newport 

Hillsborough 


NEW JERSEY 


AT LARGE. 


Wm. Walter Phelps.Teaneck 

Wm. J. Sewell.Camden 

Jno. J. Gardiner..Atlantic City 

J. Frank Fort.Newark 


J. Toffey.Jersey City 

Fred A. Potts.New York City, N. Y. 

John Hill..Boonton. N. J. 

Jesse Lawson.Plainfield 


1— Isaac T. Nichols_ 

Thomas B. Harned. 

2— Wm. II. Skein. 

Mahlon Hutchinson 

3— Jno. W. Herbert_ 

James R. English.. 

4— Jno. I. Blair. 

Wm. H. Long. 

5— Wm. II. Howell.... 

Watts Cook. 

6— Herman Lehbach... 

Wm. Hiker. 

7— James Gopsill. 

John Ramsey.. 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


...Bridgeton ... 

-Camden .. 

_Trenton H. C. Gulick.Barnegut City 

Bordentown J. Perrot Ogden. Riverton 

.Wickarunk J. N. Carpenter.New Brunswick 

...Elizabeth D. Valentine.New Brunswick 

. .Blairstown D. W. Decker...Deckertown 

..Somerville Genas Ely.Flemington 

.Morristown Donald McKay.Englewood 

_Paterson Joseph L. Cunningham.Ringwood 

.Newark Geo. W. Hubbell..Newark 

.Newark Chas N. Theberath.Newark 

.Jersey City Jno. D. Carscallen.Jersey City 

.Jersey City David W. Lawrence.Jersey City 


NEW YORK. 


AT LARGE. 


Theodore Roosevelt.New York City Edward B. Thomas 

Andrew D. White.Ithaca Henry F. Tarbox... 

Jno. I. Gilbert.Malone Chas. O. Tappan_ 

Edwin Packard. Brooklyn Pascal P. Pratt. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

1— Geo. Wm. Curtis.West New Brighton Thomas Young. 

Jno. M. Crane...lamaica John A. King.. 

2— Edward H. Hobbs.Brooklyn John McGeehan_ 

Silas B. Dutcher. Brooklyn W. II. N. Cadmus.. 


Norwich 
.Batavia 
Potsdam 
.. Buffalo 


Huntington 
Great N eck 
..New Lots 
...Brooklyn 

















































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 


61 


New York—District Delegates — Continued. 


Delegates. 


Alternates. 


3— Andrew D. Baird.Brooklyn 

Geo. L. Pease...Brooklyn 

4— Wm. H. Beard.Brooklyn 

Martin N. Day.Brooklyn 

5— Clark D. Rhinehart.Brooklyn 

Geo. C. Bennett.Brooklyn 

6— Jno. J. O’Brien.New York 

John H. Brady.New York 

7— John D. Lawson.New York 

Chas. N. Taintor.New York 

8— Robert G. McCord.New York 

John Collins.New York 

9— Jacob M. Patterson .New York 

George Hilliard.New York 

10— Michael Cregan.New York 

Bernard Biglin.New York 

11— Anson G. McCook.Washington, D.C. 

John R. Lydecker..New York 

12— Edmund Stephenson.New York 

William Doud.New York 

13— Frank Raymond.New York 

John A. Eagleston.New York 

14— Wm. H. Robertson..Katonah 

Jas W. Husted.Peekskill 

15— Benjamin B. Odell.Newburg 

David J. Blauvelt..Nyack 

16— B. Platt Carpenter.Poughkeepsie 

Hamilton Fish, Jr.Garrison’s 

17— Thomas Cornell.Rondout 

Duncan Ballentine.Andes 

18— Martin 1. Townsend.Troy 

Henry G. Burleigh.Whitehall 

19— Geo. Campbell, one-half vote .Cohoes 

Hiram Griggs.one-half vote Knowersville 

Jas. Lamb, one-half vote .Cohoes 

Jas. A. Houck, one-half vote. .Albany 

20— George West.Ballston Springs 

John Kellogg.Amsterdam 

21— John Hammond.Crown Point 

George Chahoon.Au Sable Forks 

22— Leslie W. Russell...Canton 

Geo. A. Bagley.Watertown 

23— W. E. Scripture.Rome 

A. M. Lampher.Lowville 

24— Hobart Kruin.Schoharie 

Titus Sheard... Little Falls 

25— Carroll E. Smith.Syracuse 

Henry L. Duguid.Syracuse 

26— Thomas C. Platt..Owego 

Milton De Lano.Canastota 

27— David D. Osborne.Auburn 

Theron G. Yeomans.Walworth 

28— Jeremiah W. Dwight.Dryden 

Walter Lloyd Smith.Elmira 

29— Stephen T. Hayt..Corning 

Geo. R. Cornwell. Penn Yan 

30— Leonard Burritt.Spencerport 

HulbertH. Warner.Rochester 

31— James W. Wadsworth.Geneseo 

Edmund L. Pitts.Medina 

32— Jas. D. Warren.Buffalo 

Josiah Jewett.... Buffalo 

33— Geo. Urban, Jr.Buffalo 

Lee R. Sanborn...Sanborn 

34— Frank S. Smith.Angelica 

Norman M. Allen.Dayton 


D. M. Northrup. 

Geo. W. Moore. 

J. M. Wood. 

Geo. Marshall. 

J. D. Cochrane. 

Michael Buckman. 

Maurice D. Early.. 

Patrick H. Goodwin ... 

Morris Friedsam.. 

Philip V. R. Van Wyck 

John Simpson. 

Francis Snyder. 

George Starr.. 

George W. Coffin. 

John R. Pope.. 

Jas. M. Turner.. 

Clarence W. Meade_ 

John McClave. 

Charles Whitlock. 

Joseph L. Perley.. 

Wm. R. Spooner. 

Chr. N. Middleton. 

Alford Romer. 

J. Thos. Stearns. 

Abram Merritt.:.. 

Thomas W. Bradley_ 

Willard H. Mase. 

J. Wilton Brooks_ 

C. T. Connelly. 

R. Hume Grant. 

Wm. E. Kissel burgh... 

Royal C. Betts. 

Madison Covert. 

Andrew S. Draper. 

Wm. H. Haskell. 

Nathan D. Wendell_ 

J. S. L’Amereaux. 

M. L. Stoner.. 

Samuel Beman. 

Jerome Lapham. 

W. L. Proctor. 

W. W. Butterfield. 

C. W. Hackett. 

R. J. Richardson. 

Eugene Coffin. 

Geo. H. Thomas. 

Robert Bushby. 

James Frazee. 

K. Eugene Burnell. 

R. A. Stone. 

Chas. T. Saxton.. 

W. A. Ogden. 

A. H. Hood. 

J. B. Morris.. 

Jonathan Robie. 

Robt. L. Moody. 

Jonas Jones. 

Dayton G. Morgan. 

Jas. H. Loomis. 

Thomas B. Little. 

J. O. Meyer. 

James C. Fullerton_ 

Oscar H. Soule. 

Isaac H. Babcock. 

J. S. Whipple. 

Jerome B. Fisher. 


.Brooklyn 

.Brooklyn 

-Brooklyn 

.Brooklyn 

.Brooklyn 

.Brooklyn 

.New York 

.New York 

.New York 

.New York 

.New York 

.New York 

.New York 

.New York 

.New York 

.New York 

.New York 

.New York 

.New York 

.New York 

New York 

.New York 

-Pleasantville 

.Fremont 

..Nyack 

.Walden 

.Matteawan 

.Garrison’s 

.Esopus 

..Hobart 

.Troy 

.Granville 

.West Troy 

.Albany 

.Albany 

.Albany 

.Ballston Springs 

.Amsterdam 

.j Malone 

.Glens Falls 

.Ogdensburg 

.Red Wood 

..Utica 

.Lowville 

.Cobbleskill 

.Middleville 

.Little York 

....Baldwinsville 

.Guilford 

.Binghamton 

..Clyde 

.■.Genoa 

_Seneca Falls 

.Watkins 

.Bath 

... Hall’s Comers 

_Rochester 

.Brockport 

..Attica 

.Le Roy 

.Buffalo 

.Buffalo 

Big Tree Corners 

.Lockport 

.Salamanca 

.Jamestown 





































































































































62 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


NORTH CAROLINA. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

AT LARGE. 


J. J. Mott...Statesville 

W. S. Dockey.Mangum 

.Tames H. Harris.Raleigh 

J. E. O’Hara.Enfield 


J. T. Hellen.Winston 

J. O. Wilcox.:.Jefferson 

W. W. Arrington.HelJiardston 

J. H. Young.Raleigh 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


1— J. B. Hill.Raleigh 

Elihu A. White.Belvidere 

2— Isaac J. Young.Rale gh 

John C. Dancy.Tarboo 

3— L. W. Humphrey.Goldsborough 

John S. Leary.Fayetteville 

4— Charles D. Upchurch.Raleigh 

John H. Williamson.Louisburg 

5— Thomas B. Keogh.Greensborough 

Patrick H. Winston, Jr.Winston 

6— Wm. P. Bynum.Charlotte 

E. J. Pennypacker.Wilmington 

7— H. C. Cowles.Statesville 

W. E. Henderson.Salisbury 

8— Wm. S. Pearson.Morganton 

L. L. Green.Boone 

9— J. B. Eaves.Rutherfordton 

T. J. Candler.Ashville 


S. A. Blount.Beaufort 

Hugh Cate.Elizabeth City 

A. B. Abott.New Berne 

W. H. Outlaw.Winsor 


D. W. Fuller.Smithfield 

O. Hunter.Raleigh 

J. B. Mitchell... 

O P Ilcstcr 

J. W. Spaulding.....Whiteville 

W. W. Jenkens.Charlotte 


OHIO 


AT 

J. B. Foraker.Cincinnati 

Wm. McKinley, Jr. ...Canton 

Mark A. Hanna.Cleveland 

Wm. II. West.Bellefontaine 


ARGE. 


Rev. Jas. Poindexter.Columbus 

Robert Harlan.Cincinnati 

Jno. P. Green. Cleveland 

Graham Dewell.Springfield 


1— Benjamin Eggleston 

Wm. B. Smith. 

2— Amor Smith, Jr. 

Charles Fleischman. 

3— Henry L. Morey. 

M. J. W. Holter. 

4— S. Craighead. 

A. R. Byrkett. 

5— J. S. Robinson_ 

Joseph Morris. 

6— Albert M. Pratt. 

J. N. High. 

7— R. W. McMahan.... 

W. C. Lemert. 

8— Oscar T. Martin_ 

G. M. Eichelberger. 

9— Thos. E. Duncan ... 

John F. Locke. 

10— C. L. Luce. 

John B. Rice.. 

11— Alphonso Hart. 

Chas. W. Boyd. 

12— 0. B. Gould. .. 

H. S. Bundy. 

13— C. D. Firestone. 

C. E. Groce_ 

14— Wm. I. Shriver_ 

Austin W. Yorhes.. 

15— H. C. Van Vorhis... 

E. L. Lybarger. 

16— E. G. Johnson. 

W. L. Sewell. 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


..Cincinnati Luke A. Staley.Cincinnati 

.Cincinnati Abe Mayer.Cincinnati 

.Cincinnati Wm. Ronsheim.Cincinnati 

..Cincinnati H. M. Guthardt.Cincinnati 

..Hamilton A. L. Harris.Eaton 

..Batavia Walters. Dilatush.Lebanon 

.Dayton Elijah Devor .Greenville 

.Troy O. M. Gottschall.Dayton 

.Kenton A. M. Kuhn.Wapakoneta 

.Lima Theodore Shied.Fort Recovery 

.Bryan E. B. Walkup.Delphos 

.Napoleon S. G. Robertson. Paulding 

.Bowling Green J. H. Ridgeley.Tiffin 

.Bucyrus G. W. Kimmel.Findlay 

.Springfield Andrew R. Creamer.Washington, C. H. 

.Urbana I. W. Quinby.Wilmington 

.Mt. Gilead E. B. Cole.Marysville 

..London Samuel R. Dumble.Marion 

.Toledo James B. Luckey.Elmore 

.Fremont G. W. Cleary.Sandusky 

...Hillsborough Jno. K. Pollard.West Union 

.Levauna Benj. F. Stone.Chillicothe 

-Portsmouth Henry S. Neal.Ironton 

..Wellston W. Rus Dobyns.Waverly 

.Columbus A. D. Leib. Millersport 

.Circleville A. II. Brooke.Logan 

New Lexington Cbauncey M. Holcomb...Gallipolis 

..Pomeroy James D. Brown.Athens 

.Zanesville L. K. Anderson.Coshocton 

.Coshocton T. F. Gault.New Concord 

.Elyria Geo. Adams.Millersburgh 

.Mansfield Thomas Appleman.Loudonvule 






















































































































REPUBLIC AX NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


03 


Ohio—District Delegates— Continued. 


Delegates. 


17— Chas. H. Baltzell.Bellaire 

M. R. Patterson.Cambridge 

18— .C. il. Andrews.Youngstown 

Wm. Monaghan.New Lisbon 

19— E. L. Lampson.Jefferson 

J. O. Converse.Chardon 

20— A. L. Conger.Akron 

T. D. Loomis.Lodi 

21— Edwin Cowles.Cleveland 

A. C. Hord..Cleveland 


Alternates. 


Geo. W. Taylor.....Sarahsville 

John W. Doherty.Woodstield 

S. B. Campbell. Steubenville 

E. C. Ross_ Malvern 

N. B. Sherwin.Cleveland 

W. H. Johnson. Mentor 

Martin L. Smyser.Wooster 

Frederic J. Mullins.Wooster 

Geo. T. Chapman.Cleveland 

D. A. Dangler.Cleveland 


OREGON. 

AT LARGE. 

Joseph N. Dolph.Washington, D. C. 

John T. Apperson.Oregon City . 

W. J. McConnell.North Yam Hill _ 

John M. Swift.Baker C ity ..II! 

A. G. Hovey...Eugene City _ 

O. N. Denney.Portland . 


PENNSYLVANIA. 

AT LARGE. 


James McManes.Philadelphia John L. Hill. 

Hamilton Disston.Philadelphia William E. Littleton 

P. L. Kimberly.Sharon James S. Biery. 

J.W. Lee... Franklin N. P. Reed.. 

Lewis Emery, Jr..Bradford H. T. Harvey. 

W. II. Jessup.Montrose John W. Eckman.... 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


1— II. H. Bingham.Philadelphia 

Wm. J. Pollock.Philadelphia 

2— Wm. R. Leeds.Philadelphia 

David H. Lane.Philadelphia 

3— Samuel B. Gilpin. 

Harry Hunter.Philadelphia 

4— Alex. Crowe, Jr. Philadelphia 

W. Elwood Rowan.Philadelphia 

5— John T. Thompson....Philadelphia 

John Ruhl.Philadelphia 

6— B. F. Fisher.Schuylkill 

Richard Young.Morton 

7— Robert M. Yardley.Doylestown 

J. P. Hale Jenkins.Norristown 

8— Samuel R. Deppen..Robesonia Furnaces 

F. S. Livengood.Reading 

9— Edwin Reimhold.Marietta 

Lewis S. Hartman.Lancaster 

10— Samuel Thomas.Catasauqua 

Wm. S. Kirkpatrick.Easton 

11— Jas. Cruikshank.Danville 

Jas. C. Brown...Bloomsburg 

12— Hubbard B. Payne.Wilkesbarre 

Henry M. Boies.Scranton 

13— J. A. M. Passmore...Pottsville 

J. Y. Sollenberger.MahanoyCity 

14— Horace Brock...Lebanon 

Jacob H. Wagner.Watsontown 

15— F. F. Lyon.Barclay 

G. A. Grow.Glenwood 

16— E. G. Schieffelin.Stokesdale 

C. W. Hill.Williamsport 

17— Daniel J. Morrell.Johnstown 

Edward Scull.Somerset 

18— John Stewart.Chambersburg 

S. E. Duffield.McConnellsburg 


Jos. W. Thompson... 

W. W. Alcoan. 

H. C. Woelpepper_ 

Jacob Wildemors.... 

Wm. D. Lelar.. 

Jos. II. Klemmer_ 

Edmund R. Lyon_ 

Chas. A. Porter. 

Thos. J. Rose. 

Thos. W South. 

B. F Speakmau. 

G. P. Denis. 

Harry J. Shoemaker. 

Joseph Bosler.. 

Charles F. Evans_ 

Albert J. Brumbach.. 
F. A. Diffenderfer... 

Jacob Wolf. 

Joseph Thomas. 

Chas. F. Chidsey_ 

W.J. Scott.. 

David Keller. 

Morgan B. Williams 

Albert J. Ackley_ 

Chas. E. Matten. 

Heister Albright. 

II. II. Kreider. 

Joseph LI. Nissley... 
Benj. M. Peck.. 

H. B. Larrabee. 

F. W. Graves. 

M. A. Rogers. 

S.B. Eld ridge. 

Wm. C. Smith. 

John A. Nash. 

B. F Wagonseller... 


.Philadelphia 

..Philadelphia 

--..Allentown 

.Pittsburg 

..Lock Haven 
Port Kennedy 


....Philadelphia 

....Philadelphia 

....Philadelphia 

_Philadelphia 

....Philadelphia 

....Philadelphia 

....Philadelphia 

....Philadelphia 

....Philadelphia 

....Philadelphia 

.Coatesville 

.Chester 

.Tullytown 

Slioemakertown 

.Reading 

.Reading 

.Lancaster 

.West Earl 

-.-.Quakertown 

.Easton 

.Nescopec 

.... Stroudsburg 
....W’ilkesbarre 

..Chinchilla 

..Pottsville 

.Orwigsburg 

.Annville 

.Middletown 

.Towanda 

.Bethany 

-Wellsboro 

.Forksville 

.Johnstown 

.Bedford 

_Huntingdon 

.Selinsgrove 





















































































































64 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Pennsylvania—District Delegates— Continued. 


Delegates. 


Alternates. 


19— Wm. H. Lanins . 

Jacob A. Kitzmiller. 

20— E. A. Irvin. 

Dr. Thomas C. Thornton 

21— J. K. Ewing. 

James E. Sayers. 

22— C. L. Magee. 

Wm. Flynn... 

23— 'Thos. M. Bayne. 

E . M. Byers.. 

24— E. F. Acheeon. 

John W. Wallace. 

25— J. B. Henderson. 

H. C. Howard. 

26— T. C. Cochran. 

W. H. H. Riddle. 

27— E. W. Echols. 

Joseph Johnson. 


.York 

....Gettysburg 

..Curwensville 

.Lewisburg 

....Uniontown 

...Waynesburg 

..Pittsburg 

.Pittsburg 

Allegheny City 
Allegheny City 
...Washington 
....New Castle 

.Brookville 

.Indiana 

..Sheakleyville 

.Butler 

..Franklin 

..Erie 


John W. Kirk_ 

A. G. Eberly. 

H. O. Chapman... 

H. H. Wensel_ 

G. W. K. Minor.. 
Robt. F. Downey. 

Wm. Coates. 

Andrew Fulton.. 

W. W. Speer. 

R. G. Wood. 

Alex. M. Todd... 
Frank S. Reader.. 
Geo.J. Elliott_ 

B. F. Laughlin... 
Geo. W. Wright.. 

A. H. Steele. 

Charles E. Cooper 
Thos. J. Devore.. 


New Cumberland 
... Mechanicsburg 

.Lock Haven 

.Ridgway 

.Uniontown 

.Waynesburg 

.Pittsburg 

.Pittsburg 

.. -Allegheny City 
...Allegheny City 

.Washington 

....New Brighton 
....Reynoldsville 

..Brady P. O. 

.Mercer 

.Titusville 

.Oil City 

..Springfield 


RHODE ISLAND 


AT LARGE. 


Gorham P. Pomroy.Providence Warren 0. Arnold... 

Frank M. Bates.Pawtucket Frederick C. Sayles. 

Ellery H. Wilson. Rumford Lewis S. Woodward. 

Daniel G. Littlefield.Central Fails Henry A. Steams_ 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

1— William A. Steadman.Newport Wm. P. Sheffield. Jr- 

Jno. C. Burrington.Barrington Samuel T\ Colt. 

2— Thomas C. Peckham.Coventry Eugene F. Warner.. 

Albert L. Chester....Westerly Z. Herbert Gardiner. 


...Chepachet 
...Pawtucket 
...Pawtucket 
Central Falls 


....Newport 

.Bristol 

...Coventry 

Slocumville 


SOUTH CAROLINA. 

AT LARGE. 


Robert Smalls.Beaufort T. E. Miller. 

W. N.Taft.Charleston J. H. Livingston.. 

E. M. Brayton.Columbia A. W. Curtis. 

Samuel Lee.Sumter T. J. Tuomey_ 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

1— J. M. Freeman.Charleston S. W. McKinlay... 

E. II. Webster.Orangeburgh J. P. Wragg.. 

2— Pans Simpkins.Edgefield W. H. Heard. 

S. E. Smith. Aiken A. S. Bascomb... 

3— E. F. Blodgett.Oconee Z. W. McMonis... 

R. W. Boone.Newberry W. A. Clark. 

4— C. M. Wilder-'.- Columbia C. J. Stolbrand... 

Wilson Cook.Greenville J. F. Ensor. 

5— C. C. Macoy..Chester J. N. Clinton. 

E. H. Dibble.Kershaw J. H. Johnson_ 

6— E H. Deas..Darlington J. A. Whittemore 

D. T. Corbin...—__Charleston J. B. Johnston_ 

7— T. B. Johnston-...._Sumter D. T. Middleton.. 

W. H. Thompson.Berkeley G. E. Harriott_ 


.Beaufort 

Orangeburgh 
....Columbia 
.Sumter 


..Charleston 

.Charleston 

..Aiken 

....Robertsville 

.Newberry 

_Anderson 

_Spartanburg 

....Spartanburg 

..Yorkville 

.Camden 

..Sumter 

.Maysville 

Mount Pleasant 
....Georgetown 


TENNESSEE. 

AT LARGE. 


W. P. Brownlow .Jonesborough W. H. Bradford 

L. C. Houck.Knoxville W. C. Hodge_ 

J. C. Napier.Nashville C. S. Moss.. 

T. F. Cassells.Memphis J. W. Boyd_ 


...Dandridge 

Chattanooga 


































































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


65 


Delegates. 


1— A. H. Pettibone. 

John VV. Brown. 

2— W. C. Chandler. 

W. C. Chumlea. 

3— H. P. Griscom. 

F. V. Brown. 

4— B. VV. Burford.. 

John Pruitt. 

5— W. Y. Elliott. 

W. M. Ekin ...» 

6— H. L. W. Cheatham.. 

B. J. Hadley. 

7— A. M. Hughes, Jr. 

Richard Harris. 

8— S. W. Hawkins. 

J. C. Watson.. 

9— M. E. Bell. 

S. A. McElwee. 

10—Carter Harris. 

James H. Smith.. 


Tennessee— Continued. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


Alternates. 


_Greenville Allen S. Tate. Rutledge 

_Rogersville H. C. Jarvis.Sneedvifie 

_Sevierville N. Chumbless.Kingston 

.Maryville J. M. Cordell.Helenwood 

.. Chattanooga Doctor Hoge. Athens 

.Jasper T. M. Montgomery.Cleveland 

.Carthage Geo. McKinnis.La Fayette 

.Gallatin J. S. Smith.Lebanon 

Murfreesboro J. C. McAdams.Shelbyville 

...Lewisburgh P. lYierson.Columbia 

.Nashville D. N. Neylan. Nashville 

.Nashville J. W. Page.Clarksville 

.Columbia A. N. O. Williams.Franklin 

.Pulaski F. A. Montague.Columbia 

...Huntingdon J. Thompson.Camden 

.Jackson George K. Foote... Jackson 

.Dresden E. W. Masley.Union City 

...Brownsville J. P. Hill.Union City 

.Memphis J. L. Humbert.Atoka 

.Memphis Hunt Somerville.Mason 


TEXAS. 


C. C. Binkley. 
N. W. Cuney. 
Richard Allen 
Robert Zapp_. 


1— R. J. Evans. 

J. B. Farris. 

2— G. W. Burkitt. 

J. D. Davis. 

3— Webster Flannagan. 

Alex. Burge. 

4— A. G. Malloy. 

J. R. Carter. 

5— O. T. Lyon. 

Frank L. Cl eve. 

6— Jno. S. Witner. 

J. C. Akers. 

7— B. B. Rentfro. 

H. C. Ferguson.. 

8— A. J. Rosenthal. 

Henry Green. 

9— Nathan Patton. 

W. H. Blont. 

10— J. C. De Gress.. 

Robt. Hanschke_ 

11— Robert F. Campbell 

H. H. McConnell_ 


AT LARGE. 


..Sherman 
.Galveston 
. .Houston 
La Grange 


A. B. Norton_ 

George Hawkins 

Dr. Hanna_ 

J. M. Brown_ 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 
...Nevasota .. 


...Henderson 

.Canton 

...Galveston 

....Jefferson 

_Sherman 

...Gainsville 

.Dallas 

Hillsborough 
..Brownsville 
...Richmond 
...La Grange 


G. W. Pasco.. 

H. Eddy_ 

T. C. Byrne.. 
H. L. Dotson 


. ..Palestine . 

.Brenham .... 

.Austin . 

..San Antonio . 

.El Paso Eueene Marshall 

Jacksborough C. B. Jackson_ 


\ 


..Dallas 

.Dallas 

..Dennison 
Fort Worth 


.. .Sherman 
...Henrietta 

.Terrell 

Fort Worth 


..Dallas 

San Angelo 


VERMONT. 


AT LARGE. 


J. Gregory Smith..St. Albans Jed. P. Clark. 

Redfield Proctor.Rutland Edgar N. Bissell. 

Frederick Billings.Woodstock Dudley C. Denison.. 

Broughton D. Harris.Brattleboro Samuel D. Hobson... 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

1— Alonzo B. Valentine.Bennington Philip K. Gleed. 

Henry Ballard.Burlington Simeon Allen. 

2— B. Frank Fifield .Montpelier Geo. H. Babbitt. 

Truman C. Fletcher.St. Johnsbury Benjamin H. Hinman 

5 


.... Milton 
Shoreham 
.Royalton 
. Brighton 


..Morristown 
..Fair Haven 
Rockingham 
.Derby 













































































































6G 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


VIRGINIA. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

AT LARGE. 


Wm. Mahone, 

Petersburg, Vn., Washington, I). C. 

Jas. D. Brady.Petersburg 

F. S. Blair.Richmond 

S. M. Yost.Staunton 

W. H. Pleasants.Danville 

A. A. Dodson.Clarksville 


P. C. Coerigan.. 

J. S. Pattie. 

J. H. Ballard_ 

Wm. Skeen. 

Thomas Y. Fry 
Geo. A. Martin.. 


Newport News 
New Baltimore 

.Abingdon 

.Covington 

.Oak Park 

.Norfolk 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


1— Duff Green.Falmouth Morgan Treat. 

L. R. Steward...Warsaw F. D. Lee. 

2— Harry Libbey.Washington, D. C. Geo. W. Claud. 

• Jordan Thompson.Suffolk A. H. Lindsay. 

3— W. C. Elam .Richmond J. W. Southward... 

J . Anderson Taylor.Richmond Jno. W. Poindexter 

4— W. E. Gaines.Burkeville B. S. Hooper_... 

A. W. Harris.Petersburgh James W. Pope. 

5— Wm. E. Sims.Chatham H. C. Harris. 

Winfield Scott.Floyd C. H. J. T. Howell. 

6— Jas. A. Frazier.Lexington J. B. Dorman. 

J. M. McLaughlin.Lynchburg Csesar Perkins. 

7— L. S. Walker.Woodstock C. M. Zirkle.. 

J. L. Dunn.Nortonsville W. P. Moseley. 

8— R. L. Mitchell.Alexandria John H. Deane. 

Thomas G. Popham.Slate Mills S. P. Bayly. 

9— H. C. Wood.Estillville Wm. J. Dickenson. 

D. F. Houston.Roanoke John H. Davis. 


..West Point 
..Gloucester 

.Boykins 

. Portsmouth 
...Richmond 
Louisa C. H. 
...Farmville 

.Danville 

.. .Richmond 


.Lexington 

Buckingham C. H. 

.Luray 

.Pemberton 

.Winchester 

.Alexandria 

.Lebanon 


WEST VIRGINIA. 

y 

AT LARGE. 

..Wellsburg 
...Fairmont 
Coal Valley 
_Volcano 


B. B. Dovener.Wheeling C. H. Beall.. 

Wm. M. O. Dawson.Kingwood J. B. Lewis. 

E. L. Buttrick.Charleston C. H. Payne. 

Warren Miller.Ravenswood W. C. Stiles. 


DISTRICT DELEGATES. 


1— C. D. Thompson.Wheeling H. W. Fisher_ 

T. B. Jacobs.New Martinsville John Donahoe .. 

2— Lamar C. Powell.Fairmont J. J. Hetzel. 

Arnold C. Sherr.Maysville Arthur Linsel_ 

3— Neil Robinson.Coalburg J. H. Brown_ 

J. W. Heavener.Buckhannon A. M. Poundston 

4— B. J. Redmond.West Columbia J. J. Peterson_ 

M. C. C. Church. ..Parkersburg A. B. White. 


.... Benwood 
.West Union 
.... Paw Paw 

.Grafton 

..Charleston 
Buckhannon 
. Huntington 
Parkersburg 


WISCONSIN. 

AT LARGE. 


E. B. Brodhead.Milwaukee Martin Field. 

E. W. Keyes.Madison R W. Bulton. 

Jonathan Bowman.Kilbourn City W. S. Stanley. 

Thomas B. Scott.Grand Rapids J. E. Heg. 

DISTRICT DELEGATES. 

1— II. A. Cooper.Racine William Meadows. 

J. W. Sayles.Janesville Nicholas Smith_ 

2— W. T. Rambush.Juueau T. W. Spence. 

S. S. Barney.West Bend J. T. Ware. 

3— Calvin Spenseley.Mineral Point C. E. Buel. 

A. C. Dodge....Monroe J. S. Waddington. 

4— F. C. Winkler.'..Milwaukee H. J. Baumgartner 

Edward Sanderson.Milwaukee John A. Dutcher . 


Mukwanago 
..City Point 
.Milwaukee 
.Geneva 


.Lyons 

.... Janesville 
Fond du Lac 
. Fond du Lac 

.Madison 

.Argyle 

...Milwaukee 

...Milwaukee 


































































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


t>7 


Wisconsin—District Delegates— Continued. 


Delegates. 

5 — J. H. Mead.Sheboygan 

C. E. Estabrook.Manitowoc 

6— C. B. Clark.Neenah 

A. M. Kimball.Pine River 

7— C. M. Butt.Viroqua 

O. F. Temple....Mauston 

8— Horace A. Taylor.Hudson 

Geo. B. Shaw.Eau Claire 

9— Alexander Stewart.Wausau 

O. A. Ellis.Oconto 


Alternates. 

D. W. Stebbins.Ahuapee 

Wm. Carbys.Mequon 

P. F. Whiting.Berlin 

M. H. Eaton. Oshkosh 

A. L. Slye.Baraboo 

James Donaldson.Sparta 

A. A. Arnold.Galesville 

M. C. Ring.Neilsville 

S. S. Vaughn.,.Ashland 

G. Y. Gardner.Grand Rapids 


ARIZONA. 


Clark Churchill.Pr ston 

A. II. Stebbins.Tombstone 


L. II. Goodrich.Phoenix 

William Griffith.Tucson 


DAKOTA. 


AT LARGE. 

Nelson E. Nelson.Pembina Byron E. Pay.Brookings 

J. L. Jolly.Vermillion Robert E. Wallace. ...Jamestown 


DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 

Frank B. Conger.Washington Andrew Gleason.Washington 

Perry II. Carson.Washington Arthur St. A. Smith.Washington 

IDAHO. 

I). P. B. Pride.Boise City George A. Black.Hailey 

W. N. Shilling.Blackfoot Hazeu Squires..Lewiston 


MONTANA. 

Wilbur F. Saunders.Helena Mack J. Learning 

Lee Mantle.Butte Hiram Knowles.. 


Fort Benton 
.Butte 


NEW MEXICO. 

AT LARGE. 

Eugenie Romere.Las Vegas T. II. Lawrence ..Mora 

W. II. II. Llewellyn.Lincoln F. A. Thompson.•-.Socorro 


UTAH. 


Eli II. Murray.Salt Lake City C. C. Goodwin. 

Nathan Kimball.Ogden Joseph E. Galigher 


Salt Lake City 
_Park City 


WASHINGTON. 

AT LARGE. 

John L. Wil«on .Spokane William Stine.Walla Walla 

George D. Hill.Seat le S. F. Salim.New Tacoma 

WYOMING. 

AT LARGE. 

James France__Rawlins James M. Tisdel..Rock Springs 

J. W. Meldrum.Laramie City O. C. Smith.Rock Springs 


























































68 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Stewart, of Pennsylvania. I move the adoption of the report of the 
committee with its recommendation. 

The President. The committee is not quite through with its report. 

Mr. Fort. I move that the report of the committee as presented be 
received and adopted by the Convention. 

Mr. McClure, of California. I second the motion. 

The President. It is moved and seconded that the report just presented 
by the Chairman of the Committee on Credentials be now adopted by the 
Convention. 

The motion was unanimously carried. 

Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. I move that the roll of the States be called, 
that they may report the members of the National Committee. 

The President. The Chair is of the opinion that the members of the 
National Committee have already been reported. 

Mr. Bayne. I am not aware of that fact. 

The President. The Secretary informs me that I am mistaken, and that 
you are right. 

Mr. Bayne. I ask, then, that that motion be put to the Convention. 

Mr. Houck, of Tennessee. I hope that motion will not be put yet; one-half 
of the delegations on this floor, I apprehend, are not ready to report. The 
custom has been for the delegates to hand in their National Committeemen at 
the close of the proceedings of the Convention; ahd I hope the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania [Mr. Bayne] will withdraw his motion, and let us act in accord¬ 
ance with past precedent in regard to that matter. 

Mr. Bayne. I will withdraw it, then. 

The President. The motion is withdrawn. 

report of the committee on rules and order of business. 

Mr. Parks, of California. The Committee on Rules and Order of Business 
have completed their labors, and have agreed upon the rules that shall govern 
this body; but upon the resolution referred to them relating to the basis of 
representation, there is a disagreement: and in order to give the minority suffi¬ 
cient time to prepare a minority report, the committee have agreed to make 
two reports, and they will send this up at this time and ask permission to make 
the second report afterward. While the report is going up I will say that the 
committee have adopted substantially the present rules of this body, with the 
exception that they make Cushing’s Manual the governing law instead of the 
rules of Congress; otherwise they are substantially the same. 

The President. Read the report. 

The Secretary read the report, as follows : 

The Committee on Rules and Order of Business beg leave to make the 
following report: 

Rule 1 . This Convention shall consist of a number of delegates from each 
State equal to double the number of its Senators and Representatives in Con- 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


69 


gress, and two delegates from each Territory, and two from the District of 
Columbia. 

Rule 2. This Convention shall be governed by the general parliamentary 
law, taking Cushing s Manual for authority, except so far as otherwise provided 
in the following rules. 

Rule 3. When the previous question shall be demanded by a majority of 
the delegates from any State, and the demand seconded by two or more States, 
and the call sustained by a majority of the Convention, the question shall then 
be proceeded with and disposed of according to the rules of the House of Rep¬ 
resentatives in similar cases. 

Rule 4. Upon all subjects before the Convention the States shall be 
called in alphabetical order,'and next the Territories and District of Columbia. 

Rule 5. The report of the Committee on Credentials shall be disposed of 
before the report of the Committee on Resolutions is acted upon ; and the report 
of the Committee on Resolutions shall be disposed of before the Convention 
proceeds to the nomination of candidates for President and Vice-President. 

Rule 6. When a majority of the delegates of any two States shall demand 
that a vote be recorded, the same shall be taken by States, Territories, and the 
District of Columbia, the Secretary calling the roll of the States and Territories 
and the District of Columbia, in the order heretofore stated. 

Rule 7. In making the nominations for President and Vice-President, in 
no case shall the calling of the roll be dispensed with. When it shall appear 
that any candidate has received a majority of the votes cast, the President of 
the Convention shall announce the question to be : “Shall the nomination of 
the candidate be made unanimous ? ” But if no candidate shall have received 
a majority of the votes, the Chair shall direct the vote to be again taken, which 
shall be repeated until some candidate shall have received a majority of the 
votes cast; and when any State has announced its vote it shall so stand until 
the ballot is announced, unless in case of numerical error. 

Rule 8. In the record of the vote by States, the vote of each State, Terri¬ 
tory, and the District of Columbia, shall be announced by the Chairman ; and 
in case the vote of any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, shall be 
divided, the Chairman shall announce the number of votes cast for any candi¬ 
date, or for or against any proposition ; but if exception is taken by any 
delegate to the correctness of such announcement by the Chairman of his 
delegation, the President of the Convention shall direct the roll of members of 
such delegation to be called, and the result shall be recorded in accordance 
with the votes individually given. 

Rule 9. No member shall speak more than once upon the same question, 
nor longer than five minutes, unless by leave of the Convention, except in the 
presentation of names of candidates. 

Rule 10. A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to consist 
of one member from each State, Territory and the District of Columbia, repre¬ 
sented in this Convention. The roll shall be called and the delegation from 
each State, Territory, and the District of Columbia, shall name, through their 
Chairman, a person to act as a member of such committee. Such committee 
shall prescribe a method or methods for the election of the delegates to the 


70 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


National Convention to be held in 1888, announce the same to the country, and 
issue a call for that Convention in conformity therewith. Provided, that such 
methods or rules shall include and secure to the several Congressional districts 
in the United States the right to elect their own delegates to the National 
Convention. 

Rule 11. All resolutions relating to the platform shall be referred to the 
Committee on Resolutions without debate. 

All of which is respectfully submitted. 

W. II. PARKS, Chairman. 

Henry B. Atherton, Secretary. 

Mr. Galusha A. Grow, of Pennsylvania. I desire to offer a substitute for 
Rule 10, relating to the duties of the National Republican Committee. 

The President. The gentleman will send it forward to the desk. 

The Secretary. The gentleman from Pennsylvania moves to amend Rule 
10 so as to read as follows: 

A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of one 
member from each State, Territory, and the District of Columbia. The roll 
shall be called, and the delegation from each State, Territory, and the District 
of Columbia, shall name, through its Chairman, a person who shall act as a 
member of such committee. Such committee shall issue the call for the 
meeting of the National Convention six months.at least before the lime fixed 
for said meeting; and each Congressional district in the United States shall 
elect its delegates to the National Convention in the same way as the nomina¬ 
tion for a member of Congress is made in said district; and in the Territories 
the delegate to the Convention shall be elected in the same way as the nomi¬ 
nation of a delegate to Congress is made; and said National Committee shall 
prescribe the mode for electing the delegate for the District of Columbia. An 
alternate delegate for each delegate to the National Convention, to act in case 
of the absence of the delegate, shall be elected in the same manner and at the 
same time as the delegate is elected. 

Mr. Grow. I do not propose to occupy the attention of this Convention 
but a few moments. All the substitute does is to make specific the mode of 
electing the delegates and their alternates, instead of leaving it to the National 
Committee to prescribe two or three different forms, and thus make confusion 
in the election; no form at all, in reality. Rule 10 is the rule providing for the 
election of delegates; and leaves it to the National Republican Committee to 
provide the plan and announce it. The rule did not provide for alternates 
before. It tells them to elect them, but don’t tell them how to do it. This 
makes it specific, that is all. My substitute simply provides that each Congres¬ 
sional District shall elect its delegate in the same way they nominate a member 
of Congress, and the delegates in the Territories shall be elected in the same way 
that they nominate their delegate to Congress. It avoids all confusion; it goes 
home to the people; it is the same method that they have established of elect¬ 
ing the representatives to make their laws and speak in the councils of the 
Republic. What better mode can there be? Let the delegates go to the National 
Convention in the same mode, the same method that the people elect their 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


71 


lawmakers, and those who are to announce the great doctrines that are laid 
down in the platforms of the political organizations of the country; that is all, 
Mr. President, there is in the substitute. 

I have only one other word to say. I do not propose it as a part of this sub¬ 
stitute, but it strikes me that it would be the part of wisdom if the delegation 
was less instead of greater; so that the Republican National Convention should 
be more of a deliberative body. For years the Republican National Conventions 
have settled the ideas and principles which prevail in this government, and 
which go into the legislation of the country. We announce the principles of 
the political party of the Republic that go into the law; first, they enter into 
the education of the people, into their ideas; next, they become a part of the 
fundamental doctrines of the Republican party. Then, if the delegations were 
less instead of greater, I think it would be a wise move; but my substitute pro¬ 
vides nothing but a definite mode for the election of delegates. 

Mr. Wm. H. Parks, of California. If I understand the amendment cor¬ 
rectly, there can be no objection to it. I understand it adopts the same manner, 
but points it out more specifically than we have in the committee report. I 
would like to hear the amendment read once more which the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania offers. [Calls for reading of Rule 10 and the amendment.] Mr. 
President, will you be kind enough to have Rule 10 and the amendment read 
afterward ? 

The Secretary again read the rule and the amendment. 

Mr. Grow. There seems to be a confusion about the delegates-atjlarge. 
The first-^resolution reported by the Committee on Rules, provides that the 
National Convention of the Republican party shall consist in each State of twice 
the number of the Senators and members of the House of Representatives from 
that State. That leaves the delegates-at-large to be elected by a State Conven¬ 
tion, and I say nothing about it ; it would simply make confusion. This only 
provides how the delegates shall be elected in Congressional Districts, leaving 
two to each Territorj', and two to the District of Columbia ; but the National 
Committee must prescribe the mode of electing in the District of Columbia, as 
they don’t send a delegate to Congress. In the Territories the machinery is all 
in operation, and under party organization. And we need not interfere with it. 

Mr. Parks. I see no objection to the amendment. It simply provides that 
this Convention shall determine how the delegates shall be elected, instead of 
leaving it discretionary with the National Committee. If this Convention 
desires to exercise that right, it certainly has the right to do so. [Calls for the 
question.] 

The President. The question before the Convention is upon the adoption 
of the substitute offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Grow]. 

Mr. Hugh A. Carson, of Alabama. I would make a suggestion to the 
gentleman who has offered the amendment, or the substitute, that in some of 
the Southern States no candidates for Congress are nominated at all in some of 
the districts; and therefore, there is no known means—there are no known 
ways by which it could be decided by a future National Convention, whether 
or not the delegates had been elected in the usual mode of nominating candi- 




72 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

dates for members of Congress; and it might lead to confusion in the future. 
The reason why these nominations are not made in the Southern districts—in 
some of them, at least—is too obvious to this Convention to need any comment 
now. I only suggest it in order that it may now be considered rather than be 
considered by some Convention in the future. 

The President put the question, and the substitute was adopted. 

Mr. Parks. The Committee on Rules unintentionally failed to provide for 
the order of business. And I have prepared an amendment to send up for the 
consideration of the Convention, that it may be settled in its order. 

Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska. I ask to hear the rule read which determines 
the number of ballots necessary to nominate in this Convention. 

Mr. Conger, of the District of Columbia. I submit that having adopted 
the substitute, it is now in order to proceed to vote on the original motion. 

The President. There is an amendment sent up to the report by the gen¬ 
tleman from California [Mr. Parks], which is the question, or will be the ques¬ 
tion when it shall have been read. 

Mr. Parks. The motion has not been put for the adoption of the rules, 
and I propose this additional one. 

The President. The report will be read as presented by the gentleman 
from California. 

The Secretary. The gentleman from California [Mr. Parks], from the 
Committee on Rules and Order of Business, submits the following additional 
report : 

Rule 12. The Convention shall proceed in the following order of business, 
commencing after the reports of the Committee on Credentials and Rules: 

First —Report of the Committee on Platform and Resolutions. 

Second —Presentation of candidates for President. 

Third —Balloting. 

Fourth —Presentation of candidates for Vice-President. 

Fifth —Balloting. 

The President. Does the gentleman from California offer this as an addi 
tion to a rule, or as a new rule ? 

Mr. Parks. As a new rule. I was laboring under a mistake. I thought 
the vote had been taken on the adoption of these rules, and intended to submit 
this for the consideration of the Convention. 

The President. That report has not yet been adopted. 

Mr. Parks. But as it is there, I will consider it as a new rule offered by 
myself. 

The President. You offer this as an amendment to the report ? 

Mr. Parks. Yes, sir. 

The President. The question is upon the adoption of the new rule moved 
as an amendment by the gentleman from California. 

Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. Those propositions do not seem to embrace 
all that we require to handle this Convention. No provision is made for the 
reception of the names on the call of the States for the report of the members 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


73 


of the National Committee. If that matter be corrected, I. for one, am per¬ 
fectly satisfied with the proposition. 

The President. The Chair is of the opinion that the gentleman is 
mistaken. 

The Secretary. There is a rule on that subject. 

The President. There is a rule. It will be read by the Secretary. 

Mr. Bayne. I ask that the rule be read. 

The Secretary. It is a part of the substitute offered by the gentleman 
from Pennsylvania. [Reading.] 

“A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of one 
member from each State, Territory, and the District of Columbia, represented 
in this Convention. The roll shall be called, and the delegation from each 
State, Territory, and the District of Columbia, shall name, through its Chairman, 
a person to act as a member of such committee. ” 

Mr. Bayne. Which is quite true, but no time is fixed by the proposition 
submitted by the committee for the call of the States for such report. I move, 
as a sixth proposition, and as an amendment to the proposition of my friend 
from California, that the Chairmen of the respective delegations be authorized 
to hand in to the Secretary of the Convention the names of the members of the 
National Committee chosen by the respective delegations at any time; and if 
there be any controversy in respect to any choice, that matter can be corrected 
afterward. 

The President. Will the gentleman be so kind as to reduce his proposition 
to writing, and send it to the desk? 

Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska. I understood from the reading of one of the 
rules that it provided for a nomination by this Convention of the man who 
received a majority of the votes cast. If that be so, or, in order to determine if 
it be so, I ask to hear that rule read before the adoption of this report, in order, 
if such be the case, to offer an amendment that it shall require a majority of all 
the votes of this Convention to nominate a candidate. 

The President. The gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Bayne] offers the 
following as an amendment to the rule offered by the gentleman from Cali¬ 
fornia [Mr. Parks]. 

Mr. Bayne. I desire to make a motion that that proposition be inserted 
immediately before the beginning of the first ballot for the nomination of the 
candidates for President. 

The President. What rule does that gentleman refer to? Rule 7 ? 

Mr. Bayne. The last proposition submitted by the Chairman of the Com¬ 
mittee on Rules and Order of Business. 

The President. The Secretary will connect it together and read it. 

The Secretary. To be inserted before the presentation of candidates for 
President, do I understand? 

Mr. Bayne. Yes, sir. 

The Secretary. To read that the roll df the States be called to report 
the members of the National Committee in the order of business. 

Mr. Parks. I accept the amendment. 


n 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The President. The amendment being accepted, the question now is- 

Mr. Grow. Now, let it be read as amended. 

The Secretary read the rule offered by Mr. Parks, of California. 

Mr. Houck, of Tennessee. Mr. President: A question of inquiry. This is 
a matter of importance. Suppose this rule is adopted and the roll of the States 
is peremptorily called at the period designated. It may in future Conventions 
work all right, but it is taking the present Convention by surprise. There are 
many delegations who have not selected their committeeman. We want some 
provision so that we will not be disfranchised by some iron rule adopted on the 
spur of the moment without deliberation or consideration- 

Mr. Parks. If the gentleman will allow me- 

The President. Does the gentleman yield to the gentleman from Cali¬ 
fornia? 

Mr. Houck. I will yield one moment. 

Mr. Parks. I would make a suggestion to him that if there are any delega¬ 
tions that have not selected their candidate they can ask to have the State 
passed until they do so. That obviates all objections. 

Mr. Houck. I was about to say, Mr. President, that the better rule, if you 
are going to have a rule on this question at all, and take it out of the discretion 
of the Convention, would be to have a provision, if a State is not ready to re¬ 
port, that they may hand in the namp at any tjme after it is acted upon and the- 
name is designated by a majority of the delegation; and I offer that as a proviso. 
Will you accept that, Mr. Bayne? 

Mr. Bayne. Yes, provided any State be not ready to report- 

Mr. Houck. That they may hand in the name at any time. Language 
that will make that read with that sense will satisfy me. 

The President. The proviso offered having been accepted, the question 
now before the Convention is upon the new rule as amended, offered by the 
gentleman from California. Is the house ready for the question? 

The question being put, the rule was adopted. 

Mr. McClure, of California. I move the adoption of the report as amended. 

Mr. Saunders, of Montana. I ask the gentleman from California to per¬ 
mit the making of this amendment and the explanation of its effect by Senator 
Hoar, of Massachusetts. 

The President. Does the gentleman from California [Mr. McClure] yield? 

Mr. McClure. I yield. 

Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska. Can we have read the rule relating to the 
manner of balloting? We do not understand it—the number of votes necessary 
to elect. 

The President. It shall be read in a moment. The question now pending 
is the amendment lo the rule offered by the gentleman on the left [Mr. 
Saundeu]. 

The Secretary read the amendment as follows : 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


Members of such committee shall be eligible to seats in the Electoral College. 

The President. The Chair is constrained to declare the amendment out of 
order. The rules have already been adopted, and can not thus now be amended. 

Mr. Bayne. I rise to make an inquiry. Have the rides recommended 
by the Committee on Rules and Order of Business been adopted by the Con 
vention? 

The President. No, sir; not as yet. 

Mr. Bayne. They have not ? 

The President. That is, the report has not yet been adopted. 

Mr. Bayne. I now move, sir, the adoption of that report; and upon that 
motion demand the previous question. 

Mr. Roosevelt, of New York. Will the gentleman give way for one 
moment for a question for information? 

The President. Does the gentleman yield ? 

Mr. Bayne. I do not yield my motion. I will yield to the inquiry of the 
gentleman from New York. 

The President. The gentleman from Pennsylvania moves the adoption of 
the report, and upon that motion calls for the previous question. 

Mr. Roosevelt. The gentleman has given way to me for a question of 
information. I thank the gentleman for his courtesy. My question for infor¬ 
mation is, Has there not been a minority report prepared or presented, as I cer¬ 
tainly understood there was to be by certain members of the committee, look¬ 
ing to a reorganization of the representation in this Convention—in the next 
Convention? I did not understand from the reading of the rules, and neither did 
several of the members who are round about me, what provisions, if any, were 
made for the representation of Republicans in future National Conventions; but 
I knew that there had been a strong feeling among certain members of the com¬ 
mittee itself, as well as among the Convention at large, that there should be 
some reorganization by which the number of delegates to the next Convention 
should be more nearly proportionate to the Republican votes cast in their 
respective States; and I merely rose to ask if any such minority report had been 
presented. 

Mr. Parks. I stated when I made my report, that the committee had 
withheld the report upon that resolution, and would make it as soon as the 
minority could prepare their report. 

Mr. Roosevelt. I did not understand that, and I did not distinctly hear 
the remarks made by the gentleman from California when he first got up. I 
withdraw the question I made. 

Mr. Bayne. I demand the previous question on my motion for the adoption 
of the report. 

The President. The gentleman 'from Pennsylvania moves the adoption of 
the report, and upon that motion calls for the previous question. 

Mr. Russell, of New York. Will the gentleman give way for one moment? 

The President. Does the gentleman yield? 

Mr. Bayne. I do not withdraw, but I do submit to an inquir} r . 

The President. The gentleman will proceed. 


76 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Russell. I submit that if Rule 1, as it is now reported, is adopted, 
there is no use of submitting the minority report. 

Mr. Bayne. That matter has been canvassed by the committee. 

Mr. Russell. One moment. I believe I have the floor. 

Mr. Bayne. It was merely for an inquiry, and the gentleman is proceed¬ 
ing— 

Mr. Russell. I am going to ask a question. I ask information from the 
Chair, whether, if Rule 1 be adopted, a minority report upon the subject of 
representation will hereafter be in order, or can the Convention take any action 
upon that subject? And I ask for the reading of Rule 1. 

The President. Does the gentleman yield? 

Mr. Bayne. No, sir; I do not yield. I will only say that my friend is mis¬ 
taken about that altogether. 

The President. The question before the Convention is, will the Conven¬ 
tion now sustain the previous question ? 

Mr. Tiiurston, of Nebraska. I rise to make an inquiry of the President 
of this Convention. 

The President. The Chair must decide that the gentleman is out of order. 
The question is not debatable. 

Mr. Geo. R. Davis, of Illinois. I rise to a question of order. Is it not 
necessary that two names should second the previous question before the ques¬ 
tion is put? ' 

The President. The gentleman is right about that. 

Mr. L. H. Roots, of Arkansas. I wish the gentleman would yield for a 
moment to the gentleman from Nebraska to offer an amendment. 

Mr. Bayne. I yield to the gentleman from Nebraska. 

The President. The gentleman from Nebraska [Mr. Thurston] is entitled 
to the floor. 

Mr. Tiiurston. Some time since I made a request for the reading of one 
of the rules reported by this committee, for the purpose of informing many 
gentlemen upon this floor as to what it was that they were to vote upon here; 
and asked the Chair that that might be done for the further purpose of giving 
me an opportunity to move an amendment to that rule, if it read as I under¬ 
stood it. 

The President. What is the number of the rule that the gentleman wants 
read? 

Mr. Thurston. It is the rule relating to the number of votes necessary to 
nominate a candidate by this Convention. 

The President. The Secretary will proceed to read the rule number 
seven. 

The Secretary read as follows : 

When it shall appear that any candidate has received a majority of the votes 
cast, the President of the Convention shall announce the question to be: Shall 
the nomination of the candidate be made unanimous? 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


77 


Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska. That is, “ of the votes cast? ” 

The President. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Thurston. Now, Mr. President, I understood that the President of 
this Convention promised me an opportunity to have this read and to move an 
amendment. 

Mr. Davis, of Illinois. All that is necessary is to vote down the previous 
question. 

Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska. I do not apprehend that the time will ever 
come when less than a majority of this Convention will nominate any man; 
but, sir, I believe that if any rule should be adopted and enforced in this Con¬ 
vention, by which a minority of its duly elected representatives should attempt 
to force upon the Republican party of this Nation a candidate, that such action 
should be repudiated by the freemen of America. And I move you, sir, to 
strike out the word “cast,” and insert, in lieu thereof, “all the votes of the 
Convention,” and make it so it will read: “ a majority of all the votes of the 
Convention ”—“ a majority of all the delegates elected and having seats upon 
the floor of the Convention.” I will reduce my amendment to writing, and 
send it up to the Chair. 

The President. You will please do so. 

Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. I accept that amendment so far as I am 
individually concerned. I think that is the meaning of the rule as it is. It 
never was intended to be anything else. I cheerfully myself accept that amend¬ 
ment, because it ought to be the rule. 

The President. It is not in the power of the gentleman to accept it. It is 
a question for the Convention. 

Mr. Davis, of Illinois. I desire to have read that rule which requires the 
previous question to be seconded by two States, for this reason: that the gen¬ 
tleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Bayne] presumes to hold this floor upon a 
simple motion for the previous question, when he is not entitled to it until it is 
so seconded. 

The President. The gentleman from Illinois is entirely correct, and the 
Chair was about to call the attention of the gentleman from Pennsylvania to 
the fact, which the Chair assumed was the fact at the time. 

Mr. Davis. I want to hear read the rule that we are working under. 

Mr. Winston, of North Carolina. I wish to ask the gentleman from Penn¬ 
sylvania a question. I wish my friend from Pennsylvania would tell me 
whether, under this rule, the President has not authority to announce that some 
candidate has received a majority pending the roll call. 

Mr. Bayne. No, sir. . 

Mr. Winston. Yes, he has. This rule says : “ Whenever it shall appear 

during the call of the roll that a candidate has a majority, the Chairman shall 
then ” stop the business of the Convention, and ask that it be made unanimous. 
I am opposed to that. I don’t want that until the roll call is ended. I move 
that as an amendment. 

The President. The Chair will assure the gentleman, that, whatever the 
rule is, this Chair would never decide anybody nominated until the roll call 
was finished. 


78 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Grow, of Pennsylvania. I beg my colleague to withdraw for a 
moment. There seems to be a great confusion on a question that I do not think 
there is any ambiguity in. I propose to add by unanimous consent now—the 
gentlemen can all hear me, therefore—some gentleman raised the question that 
the substitute that I offered and the Convention adopted, leaves it uncertain 
how delegates-at-large are to be elected. I do not think that there is any 
ambiguity about it; but by unanimous consent, Mr. President, I ask that there 
be added at the end of the substitute that was adopted: “ And the delegates- 
at-large for each State and their alternates shall be elected by State Conventions 
in their respective States.” And then there can be no ambiguity. I ask unan¬ 
imous consent to that. I suppose no one objects. 

The President. If there is no objection, the amendment will be made by 
the Clerk. 

Mr. Winston, of North Carolina. The following amendment I under¬ 
stand to be accepted by the gentleman from Pennsylvania: “Whenever it 
shall appear at the end of any roll call that a candidate has a majority of all 
the delegates elected to this Convention.” 

Mr. Bayne. No objection in the world to the amendment. 

Mr. Russell, of New York. Is the pending question upon the adoption 
now of the report of the committee as amended? 

The President. The Chair is waiting for the gentleman from Nebraska to 
send up his amendment. 

Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska. I sent it up by some page on the floor some 
moments ago. 

The President. The amendment has not arrived yet. 

Mr. Russell. If the Chair will recognize me, pending the coming of that 
amendment, I move to amend the motion to adopt the report by adding these 
words: “ With leave to the minority of the committee to submit its report, 
and for the Convention to act thereon.” 

The President. While we are considering the amendment of the gentleman 
from Nebraska [Mr. Thurston], will the gentleman from New York [Mr. 
Russell] prepare his amendment and send it up ? 

Mr. Winston. The amendment which I made was accepted by the gentle¬ 
man from Pennsylvania. 

The President. The Chair will inquire of the gentleman from Pennsyl¬ 
vania [Mr. Bayne] whether his call for the previous question is made on behalf 
of the delegation from Pennsylvania and seconded by two other States. 

A Delegate. I desire to call the attention of the Chair to this one 
fact. We can not hear anything that emanates from the President of this 
Convention either owing to the confusion near us or to the hoarseness of the 
President. 

The President. Gentlemen, will you come to order in the Convention ? 
We can not transact business in this way. There is too much confusion. 

Mr. Bayne. I made a motion to adopt the report of the Committee on 
Rules. On that motion I demanded the previous question. That motion has 
not been put. That demand can not be made except, as I understand, I am 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


79 

authorized by my State. That demand has not been seconded as required. I 
have yielded to one after another to make such motions and amendments as 
any gentleman of this Convention might deem proper. I have no idea in the 
world of applying any gag rule that will shut out any proper correction of 
these rules; and I submitted to the gentleman from Nebraska, and to other 
gentlemen. My only object is to arrive at some conclusion and to settle this 
matter, that we may proceed with some degree of rapidity with the delibera¬ 
tions of this Convention. 

The President. The question now before the Convention is the adoption 
of the report of the committee. 

Mr. Bayne. I accept, sir, the amendment of the gentleman from Nebraska 
[Mr. Thurston]. 

Mr. Russell. Do you accept my amendment, also ? 

Mr. Bayne. What was your amendment ? I have not heard it. 

The Secretary read the amendment, as follows : 

“Whenever it shall appear at the end of any ballot, or roll call, that any 
candidate has received a majority of all the votes to which the Convention, by 
the call of the National Committee, is entitled ”- 

Mr. J. A. King, of New York. Before the taking of the vote upon the 
adoption of this report, I move, sir, that the Secretary read to us the report in 
full, as now amended. There have been many amendments, and we want to 
know precisely what it is. I mean the amendments; not the whole report, 
but the rule as amended. 

Mr. Saunders, of Montana. I rise to a question of order. I offered an 
amendment to Rule 10, and moved its adoption, and it was seconded ; it has 
not been put. I am satisfied that every man in this Convention will favor it if 
he comprehends its significance ; and for that purpose I ask the honorable gen¬ 
tleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Hoar] to explain it, saying simply that I wish 
to secure the same end by the substitute, which changes only the verbiage of 
the amendment which I offered. 

The President. The gentleman will send it forward. Mr. Saunders, of 
Montana, offers the following amendment to Rule 10. 

The Secretary read the amendment, as follows : 

Amendment to Rule 10. Provided that no person shall be a member of 
the committee who is not eligible as a member of the Electoral College. 

Mr. Saunders. I wish to hear from the gentleman from Massachusetts, on 
that question. 

Mr. Geo. F. Hoar, of Massachusetts. The gentleman from Montana [Mr. 
Saunders] asked me to explain, for the information of the Convention, the law 
passed by Congress a year ago, commonly known as the Civil Service act. It 
was not the purpose of that law to prohibit any Federal officer from exercising 
all the rights of an American citizen. It is expected that he may contribute of 
his service or of his money to the cause of the political party to which he 


80 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


belongs, as he would to the cause of his church or to any religious or humane 
enterprise. That law was enacted to prohibit the exercise of official power 
over men in official places; and to that end the provision, a most stringent pro¬ 
vision, has been enacted, that no person holding a Federal office shall directly 
or indirectly receive or solicit a contribution of money from any other person 
holding such office. 

Now, if a Federal officer, whatever his office may be, whether member of 
Congress, or executive or judicial officer, be a member of the National Com¬ 
mittee, it will clearly be an offense, which will subject him to imprisonment 
and fine, if that committee, either by itself or by its treasurer, shall receive a 
contribution of money from any other Federal officer. By placing upon the 
National Committee, therefore, a gentleman holding such office, you have pro¬ 
hibited every one of your fellow-citizens in the service of the government from 
aiding in this campaign by a contribution of money. And I suppose it was the 
purpose of the gentleman from Montana [Mr. Saunders] to have that clearly 
understood by the Convention in calling upon me to say what I have—that 
no person holding a Federal office under the Constitution of the United States 
can be a member of the Electoral College. 

Mr. James Hill, of Mississippi. I would like to ask the gentleman from 
Massachusetts a question. 

The President. Does the gentleman yield? 

Mr. Hoar. I yield. 

Mr. Hill. If the Convention that meets here—the members of this Con¬ 
vention who are Federal office-holders—can come here and create a committee 
for the purpose of soliciting, receiving and disbursing moneys for party pur¬ 
poses, is not that, sir, indirectly on our part doing something that that law pro¬ 
hibits? 

Mr. Hoar. That law does not prohibit the receipt of such a contribution 
by a Federal officer. 

Mr. Hill. Indirectly ? 

Mr. Hoar. It does not, directly or indirectly. It does not prohibit 
the giving of such a contribution by a Federal officer. It does prohibit the 
making of a contribution by one Federal officer to any organization of which 
another Federal officer is a member. And I will state further, that the Con¬ 
gressional National Committee of the Republican party, of which I have 
the honor to be a member, had a meeting in Washington a few days ago, call¬ 
ing to their council such members of the National Committee as were in the 
neighborhood, and they unanimously agreed to recommend to this Convention 
to make such provision that no Federal officer should be a member of the 
National Committee. 

Mr. King, of New York. I renew my motion that such rules as have been 
amended shall now be read for the information of the Convention. 

The President. The question now is upon the amendment offered by .Mr. ' 
Saunders, of Montana. 

Mr. Joseph N. DoLPn, of Oregon. I move to lay that resolution on the 
table. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


81 


Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. I hope not. That would carry the report of 
the committee; and I hope my friend will withdraw that motion. 

Mr. Dolph. These rules are not adopted yet. We are acting under the rules 
of the House of Representatives. 

The President put the question on the adoption of Mr. Saunders’ 
motion, and it was declared carried. A division was called for. 

The President. The Clerk will again read the amendment of the gentle¬ 
man from Montana for the information of the Convention. 

The Clerk read the proposed amendment to Rule 10, as follows : 

Provided , That no person shall be a member of the committee who is not 
eligible as a member of the Electoral College. 

The President. The Chair will again put the motion. 

The amendment was again put, and adopted. 

Mr. Bayne. There is only one more amendment, proposed by the gentle¬ 
man from New York [Gen. Russell]. I have no objection to that. 

The President. What is the amendment proposed by the gentleman from 
New York? 

Mr. Russell. I have sent my amendment up. 

Mr. King. I would like to have Rule 10 read, as amended. 

The President. In one moment. 

The Secretary. Mr. Russell, of New York, moves to amend, as follows : 

With leave to the minority of the committee to submit a report, and the 
Convention to act thereon. 

Mr. Bayne. There is no objection to tliflt. 

Mr. John S. Leary, of North Carolina. I wish to state that on Tuesday, 
the first day of the session of this Convention, the gentleman from Massachu¬ 
setts [Mr. Pierce, I believe] introduced a resolution in regard to the apportion¬ 
ment of delegates to the National Convention. That resolution, by a vote of 
the Convention, was referred to the Committee on Rules and Order of Business. 
When the Committee on Rules and Order of Business had met, they took into con¬ 
sideration that resolution, and that committee had presented to it various propo¬ 
sitions; one by the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Bayne], another by the 
gentleman from New York, a member of the Committee [Mr. Chahoon]. The 
committee acted on these various propositions, and they adopted a resolution 
leaving the representation as it now exists. There were some gentlemen in the 
committee who did not agree with the majority. They said that they would 
make a minority report. The Chairman of that committee [Mr. Parks, from 
California] made the report this morning, and he stated that the resolution had 
been adopted by the committee ; but in consequence of the fact that several 
gentlemen of the committee intended to make a minority report, he withheld 
that in order that he might make that report. Now, sir, I call attention to the 
resolution introduced by the gentleman from Massachusetts, that it gives the 


82 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


committee leave to report on that particular rule at any time before the voting 
for a candidate for President of the United States. 

Mr. King, of New York, Now, Mr. Chairman, I move again that the rules, 
where they have been amended, be now read. 

The President. One moment. The question before the Convention is 
upon the adoption of the motion made by the gentleman from New York [Mr. 
Russell]. 

Mr. Russell. Mr. Bayne accepts my amendment. 

, Mr. Bayne. I have no objection to it. 

The amendment was put and carried. 

The President. The question now is upon the adoption of the report. 

Mr. King. I move that the amendments, as they have been made, be read 
in connection with the rules, before we vote. 

The President. It is asked that the report now be read by the Clerk. The 
Clerk will read all those clauses which have been amended, as amended. 

The Secretary. The following is Rule No. 7, as amended : 

In making the nominations for President and Vice-President, in no case 
shall the calling of the roll be dispensed with. When it appears, at the close of 
any roll call, that any candidate has received a majority of all the votes to 
which the Convention, by the call of the National Committee, is entitled, the 
President of the Convention'shall announce the question to be: “Shall the 
nomination of the candidate be made unanimous?” 

The Secretary. Rule 10, as amended, is as follows: “A Republican 
National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of two members from each 
State, Territory”-[Cries of “ One member.”] 

Mr. Russell, of New York. A clerical error. “One” is right. 

The Secretary. I am reading as amended. 

Mr. Russell. No: “ one” is right. 

The Secretary resumed : 

A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of one 
member from each State, Territory, and the District of Columbia. The roll 
shall be called, and the delegation from each State, Territory, and the District 
of Columbia, shall name, through its Chairman, a person to act as a member of 
such committee; provided that no person shall be a member of the committee 
who is not eligible as a member of the Electoral College. Said committee shall 
issue the call for the meeting of the National Convention six months at least 
before the time fixed for said meeting; and each Congressional District in the 
United States shall elect its delegates to the National Convention in the same 
way as the nomination of a Member of Congress is made in said District; and 
in the Territories the delegates to the Convention shall be elected in the same 
way as the nomination of Delegates to Congress is made; and said National 
Convention shall prescribe the mode of electing the delegates for the District of 
Columbia. An alternate delegate for each delegate to the National Convention, 
to act in case of the absence of the delegate, shall be elected in the same way 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


83 


and at the same time as the delegate is elected. Delegates-at-large for each 
State and their alternates shall be elected by State Conventions in their re¬ 
spective States. 

The Secretary. Mr. Russell moved that the minority of the committee 
have leave to submit a report and the Convention to act thereon. 

Mr. Houck, of Tennessee. A matter of inquiry. 

The President. The gentleman is entitled to the floor. 

Mr. Houck. I want to call attention to the phraseology of the rule in refer 
ence to the calling of the roll. Under that phraseology, as I understand it, 
each delegate would be required to answer to his individual name every time a 
vote is taken, as I understand it. 

Several Delegates. Oh, no. 

Mr. Houck. I will ask that it be read again, that we may know. 

The President. The Secretary will read Rule 6, which has already been 
adopted. 

Mr. Houck. If that be true, it is satisfactory to me. 

Mr. Parks, of California. I want to state that the amendment proposed by 
my friend on the left, and last read, is of no value whatever. The committee 
have reported on the rule, and, when in order, will report upon the resolution 
that was referred to them. It is a right they have. The matter was referred to 
them entirely separate from the rules, and they are prepared to report as soon as 
the Convention disposes of these rules. 

The President. Read Rule 6. 

The Secretary read as follows : 

Rule 6. When a majority of the delegates of any two States shall demand 
that a vote be recorded, the same shall be taken by States, Territories, and the 
District of Columbia, the Secretary calling the roll of the States, Territories, 
and the District of Columbia, in the order hereinbefore stated. 

The President. The question before the Convention is upon the adoption 
of the report as amended. 

The motion to adopt was agreed to unanimously. 

The President. The report is adopted. 

Mr. Parks. The Committee on Rules desire to make a report upon the 
resolution referred to them in reference to the apportionment of delegates to the 
next Convention. 

The President. The gentleman will send it forward to the desk. 

Mr. Parks. I desire to state oAmy own behalf that I shall send this report 
up without debate as far as I am concerned. 

The Secretary read as follows : 

The majority of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business, who were 
directed to inquire into the subject of revising the apportionment of delegates 
to future National Conventions, have considered the same, and respectfully 
report the following resolution: 


84 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Resolved, That in future Republican National Conventions representation by 
delegates shall be as follows: 

First. —Each State shall be entitled to four delegates-at-large and to two 
additional delegates-at-large for each representative-at-large, if any, elected in 
such State at the last preceding Congressional election. 

Second. —Each Territory and the District of Columbia shall be entitled to 
two delegates. 

Third. —Each Congressional District shall be entitled to two delegates. 

W. H. PARKS, Chairman. 

Henry B. Atherton, Secretary. 

Mr. Bishop, of Massachusetts. On behalf of a minority of the Committee on 
Rules and Order of Business, consisting of delegates from New York, Indiana, 
Massachusetts, Connecticut, Michigan, New Jersey, New Hampshire, West 
Virginia, and other States, I have the honor, with the leave of the Convention, 
to present the minority report; and move the substitution of this report for the 
report of the committee; and I ask that the report of the minority be now read. 

The President. It will be read. 

The Secretary read the report as follows: 

The undersigned, a minority of the Committee on Rules and Order of Busi¬ 
ness, who were directed to inquire into the subject of revising the apportion¬ 
ment of delegates to future National Conventions, being unable to agree with 
the conclusions of the majority of the committee on this subject, recommend 
the adoption of the following resolution : 

Resolved, That in future Republican National Conventions representation by 
delegates shall be as follows • 

First. Each State shall be entitled to four delegates-at-large and to one ad¬ 
ditional delegate-at-large for each Representative-at-large, if any, elected in said 
State at the last preceding Presidential election. 

Second. Each Territory and the District of Columbia shall be entitled to 
two delegates-at-large. 

Ihird. Each Congressional district shall be entitled to one delegate, and an 
additional delegate for every 10,000 votes, or majority faction thereof, cast for 
the Republican Presidential electoral ticket at the last preceding Presidential 
election. 

Fourth. The Republican National Committee shall, within the year follow¬ 
ing each Presidential election, ascertain and certify the representation to which 
each State and District will be hereby entitled in the next following National 
Convention. 

GEORGE CHAHOON, of New York. 

GEORGE REILEY, of Indiana. 

ROBERT R. BISHOP, of Massachusetts. 

EBENEZER J. HILL, of Connecticut. 

GEORGE W. BELL, of Michigan. 

JOHN J. GARDNER, of New Jersey. 

HENRY B. ATHERTON, of New Hampshire. 

WM. M. O. DAWSON, of West Virginia. 

Mr. Nathan Patton, of Texas. I move to lay that on the table. 

The President. The motion is out of order. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


85 


Mr. Bishop. I will occupy but a moment in speaking in support of this 
report. The spirit of the Republican party is equality, absolute equality. 
The present method of selecting delegates to the National Convention is un¬ 
equal, and therefore unjust. Under the present method, 2,000 Republicans in 
one State have as much power as 7,000 Republicans in another State. The 
object of this motion is to bring about, as nearly as possible, equality between 
the Republicans of the country; so that the Republican National Convention 
shall be a true exponent of the Republicans of the countiy. Various State 
Conventions—many of them—have passed resolutions directing their delegates 
to advocate the adoption of such a method of equality here. On behalf of the 
Republicans of my own State, which passed such a resolution, I move the 
substitution of this report. 

Mr. William R. Gardiner, of Indiana. I rise, sir, to second the motion 
of the gentleman from Massachusetts, for the adoption of the minority report; 
and to express the hope that it will be adopted by this Convention. I do not 
intend, sir, to make any extended remarks upon the subject. It seems to me 
that the proposition is so entirely in keeping with the genius of the established 
institutions of the country as to meet with the hearty concurrence of every fair 
Republican in this Convention. As I understand it, sir, it does not decrease 
the representation of any district in the Republic, but onty adds to that repre¬ 
sentation in accordance with the number of votes that each district may have. 
That, sir, we in Indiana consider to be just; and we intend to vote for the 
adoption of the minority report. 

Mr.W.O. Bradley, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the Con¬ 
vention: For the first time in the history of the Nation, the proposition has been 
made to disfranchise a portion of the people. 

Such a proposition, coming from the Democratic party, with its record of 
secession and the fugitive slave law, would not be surprising; but I deeply 
regret that it should instead emanate from the party of Lincoln and Garfield. 

Who in this Convention believes that Republican votes in the South are 
counted? Who doubts that fraud, artifice and force all combine in many por¬ 
tions of that section to prevent the free exercise of suffrage? Yet, our strength 
is to be measured by the force and fraud of Democracy, rather than by the 
established rule sanctioned and hallowed by the usage of a century. 

If our representation must be cut down by the fraud and force of our enemies 
on the one hand, and we are to be disfranchised by our friends on the other, then 
I say, may God pity the downtrodden and suffering Republicans of the South. 

Remember, my countrymen, that time and again, by the aid of the South, 
the cause of Republicanism has been preserved! 

Remember, that we sent 300,000 brave soldiers to the field, who contended 
with their own fathers and brothers for the glorious heritage we have to-day, 
and whose bones whiten every battlefield from Bull Run to Appomattox. 

Remember, that time and again we have enabled the party to hold power in 
Congress. 

Remember, that, in 1876, gallant little Florida gave you the Presidency. 

Remember that Virginia, in the person of the heroic Malione, gave you the 
control of the United States Senate! 


80 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Beware! Beware how you vote upon this question! The tariff will cause a 
transformation sooner or later. Some of the Republican States will become 
Democratic, and some of the Democratic States become Republican. Beware 
lest, like Haman of old, you be executed on the gallows erected for another! 

Remember, if we have no electoral vote, it may be traced to the fact that, 
’when, in 1876, we elected Governors in Louisiana and South Carolina, they 
were counted out by the consent and combination of leading Democrats and 
Republicans, and a President counted in. 

To remain silent now were a crime. I would rather die than prove false 
to my people! 

But the gentleman from Massachusetts says his substitute provides for equal¬ 
ity. Equality, indeed! And yet, sir (turning upon the gentleman from Massa¬ 
chusetts),you propose to give to brave little Rhode Island, with 16,000 Republican 
votes, four delegates from the State at Large, while you give the same number 
to glorious old Kentucky, which holds within her bosom the ashes of Clay and 
Crittenden, with her 106,000 Republican votes. 

You give to historic little Vermont, with a Republican vote of 45,000, the 
same number of delegates from the State at Large that you give patriotic 
Tennessee, with a Republican vote of 107,000. 

The substitute is not Republican. It is not in consonance with the principles 
of the party which, with shackles and chains torn from the limbs of trembling 
bondmen,erected the noblest monument of recorded time, standing within whose 
shadow four millions of happy people sang an anthem of deliverance, the swell¬ 
ing notes of which were heard throughout the civilized world. It is not in accord 
with that party whose record is the most illustrious ever made on earth, and 
which by the death of martyred Presidents has been carried beyond the stars. 

It may be we can give no electoral votes, but I beg you to remember 
that we are freemen, not slaves. And while we do not seek to dictate the 
action of this Convention, we must refuse to surrender our manhood and prove 
craven to our convictions. 

Brethren of the Republican States, give us your encouragement and aid, 
spare us your taunts and frowns, and North Carolina, Florida, West Virginia 
and the Old Dominion, in spite of Democratic shot-guns and legalized murders 
that cry to Heaven for vengeance, shall give you their electoral votes. 

Mr. Lampson, of Ohio. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of this Convention: 
I represent a constituency whose devotion and loyalty to the rights of the Re¬ 
publicans of the South is not excelled in any other district of the Union. I 
come from the home of those grand old abolition fathers, Joshua R. Giddings 
and Benjamin F. Wade. Gentlemen of this Convention, I rise in my seat to 
speak against the adoption of this resolution. I do not believe that this Con¬ 
vention should impose a penalty upon the Southern Republicans because the 
Democracy has disfranchised thousands of them. 

Mr. John R. Lynch, of Mississippi. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the 
Convention: I shall only submit a few reasons why, in my judgment, this 
Convention should not agree to the report of the minority of the committee. 
Let us consider a moment what the effect of this changed representation will 
be. Those of us who come from States where your elections are pure and 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


sT 

free will not be materially injured by it. Those of us who come from States 
where elections are not pure and free will be materially injured by it. When 
you adopt that minority report, you simply say to the ballot-box stuffer at the 
South, and to the shot-gun holder at the South, that we will let them have the 
benefit in the Electoral College of each colored man’s vote, but we will give him 
another blow in addition to that, by turning him, the colored man, out of the 
Republican Convention. 

Now, gentlemen, as a Southern Republican, I say that if you will so change 
the National law—as, in my opinion, you have a right under the Fourteenth 
Amendment to do—as to reduce the representation in Congress and in the 
Electoral Colleges of States that disfranchise voters as they do in the South, we 
will submit to it. Or, if you will pass a law saying to the ballot-box stuffer at 
the South : “ You shall not have a fraudulent vote in the House of Represent 
atives, you shall not have a fraudulent vote in the Electoral College, if you dis 
franchise these men, if you shoot down these men, if you endeavor to obtain 
control of this Government by election methods which no honest man can 
endorse.” We think it is wrong, and we think it is unjust to us Southern 
Republicans to allow our oppressors to get the benefit of our misfortune, and 
to deprive us of the power we would be entitled to in a Republican Convention. 
I hope the members of this Convention will not inflict that injustice upon us. 

If I admit that we do not have the vote, according to official returns, 
that we are entitled to, the argument seems plausible. But let me call atten¬ 
tion to another fact. When they make what is called the official return the 
basis of representation, I say to you, gentlemen, that in my State the official 
return is an official fraud. When I ran for Congress in the Sixth District of 
Mississippi in 1880, I know that there were not less than 5,000 votes polled for 
me that were counted for the man that ran against me. Now, bear in mind the 
official report gave him 5,000 of my votes. If you adopt this amendment you 
say to me : “We will only admit you on what the Democrats choose to give 
you.” Now, I say that is wrong, and I will give you another proof of it. 

Our experience has been this : We apportioned the representation in the 
county conventions upon the Republican votes polled in the different precincts ; 
but during the last five years, in nearly all of the Republican counties in that 
State, w r e have been compelled to adhere to the apportionment that was adopted 
in 1873 and 1874. Why ? Because we have never been able to find out what 
the Republican vote has been since. 

Mr. William Warner, of Missouri. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of 
this Convention: I appear here as a delegate from a State polling 153,000 
Republican votes ; I come from a State that holds the sacred remains of Gen. 
Lyon, and that patriot that.rendered such valuable service to the cause of the 
Union, Gen. Frank P. Blair; I come here on behalf of the Union men of 
Missouri; I come here on behalf of that State which filled the quota of Union 
soldiers for its own State, and furnished a part to the State of Illinois and the 
Slate of Iowa ; and there never was a draft in that State. I am here on behalf 
of those Republicans that fought the Democratic rebelism during the war, and 
are still fighting Democracy, to protest against the Republican party giving 
sanction to the frauds of the Democracy in the South. I am not here advo¬ 
cating the claims of the Southern Republicans. 


88 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


I say to you, gentlemen of the North, that we men of the border States and 
of the South know no white Republican and no colored Republican. We stand 
shoulder to shoulder, trying to redeem our country from the curse of Bourbon 
Democracy; and I say to you, fellow-Republicans, living in these States where 
we are in the minority, all we have to light for is principle, not office. Encour¬ 
age us, and not cast the brand upon us that we are not entitled to representa¬ 
tion in the Republican masses of the country. It is unrepublican. 

There are only eight States of this Union casting more Republican votes 
than the great State of Missouri does. We do not ask that New Jersey’s four 
delegates-at-large shall be cut down, or Rhode Island or Connecticut, or the 
other States. We ask that the States of this Union be entitled to an equitable 
and a just representation, and we believe we shall receive it from the Repub¬ 
licans of this Convention. 

Mr. J. Y. Stone, of Iowa. In 1876 the Republican party of the United 
States struck down the Republican party of two States of the South! We can 
never again attempt to encourage a thing like that. We believe, the State of 
Iowa believes, its delegation here believes, that the William Mahones of the 
South should be encouraged in this Convention. And I want to say here and 
now that Iowa will cast twenty-six solid votes to do it. 

Mr. Martin I. Townsend, of New York. I participated, in the winter of 
1876-7, in endeavoring to count the electoral votes that were cast in this Nation. 
We counted the votes; and with those votes we declared that Mr. Hayes was 
President of the United States by lawful election. We found, in those investi¬ 
gations, that there were 20,000 more Republicans in South Carolina than there 
were Democrats. We found that there were 15,000 more Republicans in Mis¬ 
sissippi than there were Democrats—yes, probably 20,000. We found that 
there was a very, very large majority of Republicans in Louisiana: and that 
there was a majority in Florida. 

Now, knowing these facts, developing these facts, investigating these facts, 
and presenting them to the world, how will the Republican party look in say¬ 
ing that, because Bourbon violence and intolerance have suppressed the Repub¬ 
lican votes in those States, we will disfranchise the brave-hearted men that are 
willing to vote with us. 

Mr. William H. West, of Ohio. Gentlemen of the Convention : I rise to 
respond to the sentiments of Kentucky and to the sentiments of Missouri. I 
have lived in Kentucky in the day when Henry Clay was her pride, and Critten 
den her glory. I have lived in Virginia, within gunshot of Appomattox apple- 
tree. These States have been my home. I come to-day from the State of Chase, 
of Giddings, of Wade, of Corwin, of the illustrious men who, with Garfield, 
look down upon us from above. 

Gentlemen, the Republican party has not yet filled its mission. Sir, although 
it has secured the personal liberty of a race of bondmen, their political liber¬ 
ties are not yet secured; and, by the grace of God, the Republican party must 
go forward, until the home of Mahone, and the home of Bradley, and the home 
of Lynch, shall be fully represented, according to their strength. 

Gentlemen, I am ready to raise the standard here. I am ready to incorpo 
rate it into our platform, that we will carry on the war until the scenes of Dan- 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


89 


ville and the scenes of Copiali shall be impossible under the flag of my country. 
Gentlemen, we must not—we dare not—we can not; and I hope to God the 
day will never come when I shall be a member of a convention, the representa¬ 
tion of which shall be determined by the shot-gun and the tissue-ballot. 

Mr. John D. Long, of Massachusetts. I think it is perfectly evident that 
this Convention is not prepared to adopt the views of the minority report sub¬ 
mitted by my colleague. I think it is also perfectly evident that this Conven¬ 
tion is willing to recognize that there is a very serious question here, deserving 
of its careful and its mature consideration. 

We are here to nominate a President, who is going to be elected and give us 
four years more of Republican administration. That administration is going a 
great ways to settle this great question of equal rights in the South. I believe 
I express the sentiments of all here, when I say that at the end of that time, 
when we shall meet here four years from this time, we shall then be able to 
take up this matter and decide it with reference to the equality to which the 
gentleman from Mississippi [Mr. Lynch] has referred; and with reference to 
the rights of our Southern brethren who have been so nobly vindicated on this 
floor. I therefore move, believing that it will meet the cordial sentiment of 
this whole Convention, that this matter be referred to the National Executive 
Committee for their report at the next National Convention. 

Mr. Chauncey I. Filley, of Missouri. Mr. President , and Gentlemen of 
the Convention: I believe I come from a State—Democratic as it is—that has 
done as much for the Republican party as any Republican State of this great 
Nation. Now, sir, I ask of this Convention what it proposes to do with that 
grand, patriotic, independent Republican band of Missouri, who, in four dis¬ 
tricts in 1880, marching by different paths to the polls—60,000 in four districts— 
united with 19,000 independent men, and thereby elected four anti-Bourbon 
members of Congress. Thereby—and I say it in the presence of the Congress¬ 
men who hold seats here in this Convention—thereby only was the Republican 
party of the Nation enabled to organize the Forty-Seventh Congress that year 
with Republican officials. 

Now, what will you do under this rule with the 66,000 who united with 
the Greenbackers? Will you rule them out? or will you, as you have done, in 
a gallant, in a deserved manner, recognize the Independent Republicans of 
Missouri, as you have the man, the independent man of Virginia, Mahone, who 
saved the organization of the Senate to the Republican party? 

Now, this is a practical point. I never deal in claptrap. I believe in par 
ties. What will you do with the 66,000 votes? Where will they stand in your 
records when you make them up? Now, we do not propose to be disfranchised 
in any such way. I am in favor of increased representation for Republican 
States upon their vote. So I am in favor of increased Republican representa¬ 
tion upon Republican votes in Southern States. You can not take from the 
South what for twenty-five years it has enjoyed. 

You were not so fast in 1882. This matter was not adopted by the Na¬ 
tional Committee after the great cyclone swept over the Northern States— 
Michigan, New York and Massachusetts. You were not so fast then to adopt 
this rule, because you had lost Congressman after Congressman in each of 


90 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


those great States. Now, give us something fixed. Give us a ratio of 10,000 
votes. Do not cut off anybody. Do not cut off any State. Do not add on to 
any State. Make your ratio so that every State may have a fair show, and 
every Republican will have a fair show in a National Convention. 

Mr. J. E. O’Hara, of North Carolina. Mr. President: I do not believe for 
one moment that the minority who presented this report thought or realized 
that it would be a total surrender upon the part of the Republican party of 
every Southern Republican, be he white or black. This report proposes to take 
from the States of Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Missis¬ 
sippi, South Carolina, Tennessee and Texas, fifty-four votes in the National 
Convention. It is, as has been said upon the floor here already, an inspiration 
to the Democrats of North Carolina to take courage and reduce our representa¬ 
tion; and as you reduce the representation in this Convention, so will our Dem¬ 
ocratic friends be fired up with zeal to reduce the gallant band of Southern 
Republicans on the floor of Congress. 

We of the South are determined to leave this Convention and go home 
expecting to give you ten or fifteen votes in the next Congress of the United 
States ; but adopt this policy, adopt this minority report, and you won’t get 
hardly a corporal’s guard. 

Mr. Powell Clayton, of Arkansas. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the 
Convention: I am well aw T are of the fact that this question has been discussed 
perhaps upon our side as far as it should be. I am admonished that I should 
not occupy the attention of this Convention ode moment in going over ground 
that has already been trod upon. There is but one point that I wish to call to 
the attention of this Convention. I want to ask what the basis of representa¬ 
tion was when the party was young, and courageous, and just; when in this 
very city it nominated the immortal Lincoln. Could anyone say then that the 
South would cast a single electoral vote? No: not one was expected. 

What was the rule when Lincoln was again nominated? Did any one then 
expect that the South would cast a single electoral vote? No, not one; for the 
whole South was at that time trodden by the hoof of war. In those days the 
party acted upon the principle of encouragement. So let it now be. The South, 
as has been before remarked, fails to send electoral votes here, not on account 
of any failure of Republicanism to perform its patriotic duty, but because the 
power of this government, under our Constitution, does not seem to be able to 
go into the States and see that votes that are cast are counted. 

Now, I ask you to consider well this question. Let it be well understood, 
for it is a great question; and let us meet it squarely. I do not want to see this 
question referred to the National Committee. Let us come to a square vote. 
That is all I ask. 

Mr. II. R. Bishop, of Massachusetts. It is entirely evident what the senti¬ 
ment of this Convention is. It is not for those of us who have held a different 
view, to say that that sentiment is not right. We bow with entire cheerfulness 
to the sentiment of the Convention, because we, too, have as much earnest¬ 
ness in our feeling for the Republicans of the South as any Republicans in 
the country. I therefore Withdraw the motion made by me a few moments 
ago. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


91 


The President. The gentleman from Massachusetts withdraws his motion 
to substitute the minority for the majority report; and the motion now is on 
the adoption of the report of the majority. 

The motion to adopt the majority report was agreed to. 

REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. 

Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. I would like to inquire of the Chair whether 
the Committee on Resolutions is ready to report. 

The President [Mr. McKinley, of Ohio, in the chair]. The report of the 
Committee on Resolutions is ready; and if Mr. Grow, of Pennsylvania, will 
take the chair, I will read the report of the committee. 

Mr. Grow took the chair, and said : 

The Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions will now report. 

Mr. McKinley, of Ohio. I am directed by the unanimous vote of the 
Committee on Resolutions to present the following report; 

THE PLATFORM. 

The Republicans of the United States in National Convention assembled 
renew their allegiance to the principles upon which they have triumphed in six 
successive Presidential elections; and congratulate the American people on the 
attainment of so many results in legislation and administration, by which the 
Republican party has, after saving the Union, done so much to render its insti¬ 
tutions just, equal and beneficent, the safeguard of liberty and the embodiment 
of the best thought and highest purposes of our citizens. 

The Republican party has gained its strength by quick and faithful response 
to the demands of the people for the freedom and equality of all men; for a 
united nation, assuring the rights of all citizens; for the elevation of labor; for 
an honest currency: for purity in legislation, and for integrity and accounta¬ 
bility in all departments of the government, and it accepts anew the duty of 
leading in the work of progress and reform. 

We lament the death of President Garfield, whose sound statesmanship, 
long conspicuous in Congress, gave promise of a strong and successful admin¬ 
istration; a promise fully realized during the short period of his office as Presi¬ 
dent of the United States. His distinguished services in war and peace have 
endeared him to the hearts of the American people. 

In the administration of President Arthur, we recognize a wise, conserva¬ 
tive and patriotic policy, under which the country has been blessed with 
remarkable prosperity; and we believe his eminent services are entitled to and 
will receive the hearty approval of every citizen. 

It is the first duty of a good government to protect the rights and promote 
the interests of its own people. 

The largest diversity of industry is most productive of gQneral prosperity, 
and of the comfort and independence of the people. 

We, therefore, demand that the imposition of duties on foreign imports shall 
be made, not “for revenue only,” but that in raising the requisite revenues for 


92 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


the government, such duties shall be so levied as to afford security to our diver¬ 
sified industries and protection,to the rights and wages of the laborer; to the 
end that active and intelligent labor, as well as capital, may have its just reward, 
and the laboring man his full share in the national prosperity. 

Against the so-called economic system of the Democratic party, which 
would degrade our labor to the foreign standard, we enter our earnest protest. 

The Democratic party has failed completely to relieve the people of the 
burden of unnecessary taxation by a wise reduction of the surplus. 

The Republican party pledges itself to correct the inequalities of the tariff, 
and to reduce the surplus, not by the vicious and indiscriminate process of 
horizontal reduction, but by such methods as will relieve the tax payer without 
injuring the labor or the great productive interests of the country. 

We recognize the importance of sheep husbandry in the United States, the 
serious depression which it is now experiencing, and the danger threatening its 
future prosperity; and we, therefore, respect the demands of the representa¬ 
tives of this important agricultural interest for a readjustment of duties upon 
foreign wool, in order that such industry shall have full and adequate pro¬ 
tection. 

We have always recommended the best money known to the civilized world; 
and we urge that efforts should be made to unite all commercial nations in the 
establishment of an international standard which shall fix for all the relative 
value of gold and silver coinage. 

The regulation of commerce with foreign nations and between the States, 
is one of the most important prerogatives of the general government; and the 
Republican party distinctly announces its purpose to support such legislation 
as will fully and efficiently carry out the constitutional power of Congress over 
inter-State commerce. 

The principle of public regulation of railway corporations is a wise and sal¬ 
utary one for the protection of all classes of the people; and we favor legisla¬ 
tion that shall prevent unjust discrimination and excessive charges for transpor¬ 
tation, and that shall secure to the people, and the railways alike, the fair and 
equal protection of the laws. 

We favor the establishment of a national bureau of labor; the enforcement 
of the eight hour law; a wise and judicious system of general education by 
adequate appropriation from the national revenues, wherever the same is 
needed. We believe that everywhere the protection to a citizen of American 
birth must be secured to citizens by American adoption; and we favor the set¬ 
tlement of national differences by international arbitration. 

The Republican party, having its birth in a hatred of slave labor and a 
desire that all men may be truly free and equal, is unalterably opposed to plac¬ 
ing our workingmen in competition with any form of servile labor, whether at 
home or abroad. In this spirit, we denounce the importation of contract labor, 
whether from Europe or Asia, as an offense against the spirit of American 
institutions; and we pledge ourselves to sustain the present law restricting 
Chinese immigration, and to provide such further legislation as is necessary to 
carry out its purposes. 

Reform of the civil service, auspiciously begun under Republican adminis- 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


93 


tration, should be completed by the further extension of the reform system 
already established by law, to all the grades of the service to which it is appli¬ 
cable. The spirit and purpose of the reform should be observed in all executive 
appointments; and all laws at variance with the objects of existing reform legis* 
lation should be repealed, to the end that the dangers to free institutions, which 
lurk in the power of official patronage, may be wisely and effectively avoided. 

The public lands are a heritage of the people of the United States, and 
should be reserved as far as possible for small holdings by actual settlers. We 
are opposed to the acquisition of large tracts of these lands by corporations or 
individuals, especially where such holdings are in the hands of non-resident 
aliens. And we will endeavor to obtain such legislation as will tend to correct 
this evil. We demand of Congress the speedy forfeiture of all land grants 
which have lapsed by reason of non-compliance with acts of incorporation, in 
all cases where there has been no attempt in good faith to perform the con¬ 
ditions of such grants. 

The grateful thanks of the American people are due to the Union soldiers 
and sailors of the late war; and the Republican party stands pledged to suitable 
pensions for all who were disabled, and for the widows and orphans of those 
who died in the w r ar. The Republican party also pledges itself to the repeal of 
the limitation contained in the arrears act of 1879. So that all invalid soldiers 
shall share alike, and their pensions begin with the date of disability or dis¬ 
charge, and not with the date of application. 

The Republican party favors a policy which shall keep us from entangling 
alliances with foreign nations, and which gives us the right to expect that for¬ 
eign nations shall refrain from meddling in American affairs ; a policy which 
seeks peace and trade with all powers, but especially with those of the Western 
Hemisphere. 

We demand the restoration of our navy to its old-time strength and efficiency, 
that it may in any sea protect the rights of American citizens and the interests 
of American commerce; and we call upon Congress to remove the burdens 
under which American shipping has been depressed, so that it may again be 
true that we have a commerce which leaves no sea unexplored, and a navy 
which takes no law from superior force. 

Resolved, That appointments by the President to offices in the Territories 
should be made from the bona-fide citizens and residents of the Territories 
wherein they are to serve. 

Resolved, That it is the duty of Congress to enact such laws as shall 
promptly and effectually suppress the system of polygamy within our Terri¬ 
tories ; and divorce the political from the ecclesiastical power of the so-called 
Mormon church ; and that the laws so enacted should be rigidly enforced by 
the civil authorities, if possible, and by the military, if need be. 

The people of the United States, in their organized capacity, constitute a 
Nation, and not a mere confederacy of States; the National Government is 
supreme within the sphere of its national duties ; but the States have reserved 
rights which should,be faithfully maintained ; each should be guarded with 
jealous care, so that the harmony of our system of government may be pre¬ 
served and the Union kept inviolate. 


94 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The perpetuity of our institutions rests upon the maintenance of a free bal- 
iOt, an honest count, and correct returns. We denounce the fraud and violence 
practiced by the Democracy in Southern States, by which the will of the voter 
is defeated, as dangerous to the preservation of free institutions; and we sol¬ 
emnly arraign the Democratic party as being the guilty recipient of fruits of 
such fraud and violence. 

We extend to the Republicans of the South, regardless of their former party 
affiliations, our cordial sympathy; and pledge to them our most earnest efforts 
to promote the passage of such legislation as will secure to every citizen, of 
whatever race and color, the full and complete recognition, possession and exer¬ 
cise of all civil and political rights. 

Respectfully submitted, 

WM. McKINLEY, Chairman. 

Wm. Walter Phelps, Secretary. 

Mr. Chauncey C. Bush, of California. Mr. President: I move the adop¬ 
tion of the resolutions. . 

Mr. E. L. Lampson, of Ohio. I second the motion. 

The President [Mr. Wm. McKinley, of Ohio, in the chair]. The gentleman 
from California moves that the resolutions be adopted. The question is now 
on their adoption. 

The motion was unanimously carried. 

NOMINATIONS OF MEMBERS OF NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 

Mr. Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts. We have now reached the 
point of nominating- 

Mr. Thomas M. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. I rise to a point of order. 

Mr. A. G. Hovey, of Oregon. I ripe for information. 

The President. The next business in order, as I am informed, is the call 
of States for the nomination of members of the National Committee. 

Mr. Bayne. I move that that be proceeded with. 

The President. It will now be proceeded with. The Chairman of each 
delegation, when his State is called, will rise, and announce the member of the 
National Committee from such State. 

Mr. W. A Pledger, of Georgia. I believe the rule was adopted this 
morning, preventing any member serving on that committee wiio holds a gov¬ 
ernment position. 

The President. Yes; that is so. 

Mr. Pledger. I suggest, in view of that fact, that the call of States be 
deferred until this evening, when the different delegations will be permitted to 
get together. 

The President. The gentleman from Georgia moves that the call of 
States be dispensed with until this evening. 


The motion was lost. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


95 


The roll of States was then called by the Secretary, and the 
following 1 names were presented as members of the National Com¬ 
mittee by the respective State delegations: 

STATES AND TERRITORIES. MEMBERS. p. O. ADDRESSES. 

Alabama.... -T. Youngblood...Union Springs 

Arkansas .—Powell Clayton./.Eureka Springs 

California.. Horace Davis .. San Francisco 

Colorado.J...J. B. Chaffee. ..Denver 

Connecticut...Samuel Fessenden 1_ Stamford 

Delaware.Daniel J. Layton....Georgetown 

Florida.Jesse D Cole.n__Monticello 

Georgia..F. F. Putney.';.. .Hardaway 

Illinois..David T. Littler.'..Springfield 

Indiana ..John C. New.-r.. Indianapolis 

Iowa..James S. Clarkson ..Des Moines 

Kansas....Cyrus Leland, Jr. rT.. Troy 

Kentucky--... J. Z. Moore.*:....Owensboro 

Louisiana..Frank Morey.*1. .Delta 

Maine -----J. Manchester Haynes.:. Augusta 

Maryland.James A. Gary.*n.. .Baltimore 

Massachusetts-William W. Crapo..__New Bedford 

Michigan.John P. Sanborn...Port Huron 

Minnesota..M. G. Norton..Winona 

Mississippi....John R. Lynch..'I.. Natchez 

Missouri.Robert T. Van Horn.;.. Kansas City 

Nebraska .Church Howe.:.North Auburn 

Nevada...Thomas Wren. 1. .Eureka 

New Hampshire..E. H. Rollins./.. ..^.Dover 

New Jersey__Garrett A. Hobart..... .Paterson 

New York....John D. Lawson/B re voort House,New York City 

North Carolina..L. W. Humphrey..*.Goldsboro 

Ohio..A. L. Conger.._ Akron 

Oregon_ _John T. Apperson.'..Oregon City 

Pennsylvania.B. F. Jones..Pittsburg 

Rhode Island__Horace A. Jenks..Woonsocket 

South Carolina__John Y. Johnston..'..Maysville 

Tennessee..W. P. Brownlow^f__Jonesboro 

Texas..C. C. Binklej^.-.T... Sherman 

Vermont.George W. Hooker..'.Brattleboro 

Virginia... .Frank S. Blair. Richmond 

West Virginia...John W. Mason.?'.---. Grafton 

Wisconsin ...Edward Sanderson_ .Milwaukee 

Arizona__Clark ('hurchillr-r:_ Prescott 

Dakota...John E. Bennett.T....Clark, Clark Co. 

District of Columbia.Perry H Carson .Washington 

Idaho....Sherman M. Coffinr..Boise City 

Montana..James A. Smith.—. Helena 

New Mexico..Stephen B. Elkins .*r/. .92 Broadway, N. Y. City 

Utah..Charles W. Bennett..Salt Lake City 

Washington..Thomas S. Miner...Ft. Townsend 

Wyoming.Joseph M. Cary.. Cheyenne 

B. F. JONES, Chairman ,. 

SAML. FESSENDEN, Secretary. 

Headquarters, No. 242 Fifth Avenue, 

New York City. 






























































































96 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


[Note. During the foregoing call, the following States failed to 
report: California, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Minnesota, 
New Hampshire, Tennessee, District of Columbia, and New Mexico; 
but the completed list is here inserted, with the organization subse¬ 
quently effected.] 

Mr. Lodge, of Massachusetts. The formal business of the Convention 
being now all completed, I move that the Convention adjourn until 7 o’clock 
this evening. 

The motion was agreed to, and the Convention adjourned. 


EVENING SESSION. 


The Convention re-assembled at 7:35 p. m. 


June 5, 1884. 


The President. Under the rules adopted, the order of business now is 
the presentation of candidates for President. 


ADMISSION TICKETS FOR VETERANS. 

Mr. Silas P. Dutcher, of New York. I ask unanimous consent to offer 
the following resolution: 

Resolved , That the Committee on Seats be directed to issue 500 tickets of 
admission to veteran soldiers and sailors, to be distributed through the Chair¬ 
men of the several State delegations. 

Mr. Howe, of Nebraska. I second the motion of the gentleman from 
New York. 

The President. This resolution requires unanimous consent. [Cries of 
“Object,” “Object,” and “Question.”] 

The President put the question, and the resolution was lost. 


THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 

Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania, I rise to call up the unfinished business of 
the Convention. According to the order of business of the Convention, before 
we proceed to nominate candidates for President, the respective States should 
be called to report the members of the National Committee. That business is 
unfinished, several States not yet having reported. I therefore move that the 
States which have not yet reported their members of the committee be now 
called, and that after the reports shall have been made from the several States 
the Secretary report the members of the committee from the respective States, 
in order that we may know that the list is correct. 

The President. The Secretary will call the States that have not sent up 
their members. 

The Secretary. California. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


or 


Mr. Morrow, of California. I would suggest that the State of California 
be passed. It is not ready to report at this time. 

The Secretary. Colorado. 

A Delegate. Colorado passes for the present. 

The Secretary. Florida. 

A Delegate. Pass, for the present. 

The Secretary. Georgia. 

A Delegate. The delegation from Georgia present the name of F. F. 
Putney. 

The Secretary. Louisiana. 

A Delegate. Not yet ready. 

The Secretary. New Hampshire. 

A Delegate Not yet ready to report. 

The Secretary. Tennessee. 

A Delegate. Not yet ready to report. 

The Secretary. District of Columbia. 

There was no response. 

The Secretary. New Mexico. 

A Delegate. Pass New Mexico for the present. 

The Secretary. That is all that have not reported. 

Mr. D. M. Sabin, of Minnesota. I notice that Minnesota was passed. The 
delegation direct me to name Matthew G. Norton. 

Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania. I now ask, sir, that the names reported by 
tne different States be reported to the Convention by the Secretary, in order 
that the Convention may know that it is a correct list. I make that motion, 
Mr. President. 

The President. The motion is only in order by unanimous consent. The 
Secretary will now call the roll of the States, and when the name of a State 
having a candidate for President to present is called, the member selected to 
make the presentation will come forward and speak from this stand; to be fol¬ 
lowed by gentlemen selected to second such nomination. 

Mr. Bayne. What was the disposition made of the motion I had made? 
I made a motion, sir. 

The President. The Chair informs the gentleman that the list of the 
National Committee is not yet complete. When the names of all have been 
sent in, the Chair will have the roll called. 

NOMINATIONS FOR PRESIDENT. 

The Secretary then began the call of States. There was no 
response until Connecticut was reached, when Mr. Brandegee came 
forward to the platform, and was introduced by the President, amid 
much applause. 

NOMINATION OF JOSEPH R. HAWLEY. 

Mr. Augustus Brandegee, of Connecticut. Mr. President , and Gentlemen 

7 


98 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


of the Convention: We are here to select a chief magistrate for thirty-eight States 
and fifty-five millions of people. If we choose wisely, the selection of June 
will be the election of November; and March will inaugurate, in lineal and 
continuous succession, the seventh Republican President of the United States. 
If we be bewildered to a fatal choice, the solid South, which has already capt¬ 
ured the Capitol, will occupy the White House; and the results of the war will 
be rolled backward for a generation. 

We are, sir, the accredited representatives, from every State and all the 
Territories, of a party to the wisdom and patriotism of whose great leaders, 
human liberty and human progress owe more than to any political organization 
since governments were instituted among mankind. To it impartial history 
will accord a Union saved ; a Constitution maintained, and reinfused with a 
larger spirit of liberty; a race emancipated, enfranchised, regenerated and dis¬ 
enthralled ; the credit of a nation preserved; specie payments Resumed; all 
rights for all men secured; and American labor dignified, ennobled and pro¬ 
tected. With such a proud history in the past, and such high hopes for the 
future, we stand' pledged, sir, not to make shipwreck of an organization in 
which the interests and honor of our country are still wrapped up. 

Never before, to a National Convention, was such an opportunity presented 
or the path of duty made so plain. The great tidal wave has ebbed. It has 
left wrecks along the shore, and disclosed only the flats and shallows. The 
counsels of our opponents are confused. They have been smitten again with 
judicial blindness. The heart of the great American people instinctively and 
unmistakably turns once more to the Republican party. 

The supreme duty of the hour is for that party in this Convention to select 
a candidate under whom we can surely and gran lly win. Such a candidate 
must, first of all, be a true and tried Republican ; one whose name alone shall 
stand for a platform ; one who has the courage of his convictions—one whose 
convictions on all great questions have been always right—right on the war ; 
right on reconstruction ; right on each and every one of the constitutional 
amendments ; right on resumption ; right on the currency ; right on the tariff ; 
right on civil rights; and right on civil service reform. 

Standing, sir, in this great presence, in this historic hall, inspired by the 
memory of the great leaders and martyrs of our faith, who look down as in 
benediction upon this scene ; impressed with the profound conviction of the 
importance of the trust with which I stand charged, I am requested to nominate 
such a candidate to the brethren of other States, by the Republicans of Con¬ 
necticut ; and in their name, and on their behalf, I nominate one who fulfills 
all these conditions, and who, in the largest degree, represents the fitness and 
the availability of a candidate, and whose name can lead to certain victory in 
November—Gen. Joseph R. Hawley, of Connecticut. 

Mr. President, the delegates from Connecticut sit in this grand council of 
the party, uninstructed, uncommitted, and unpledged. They are here, sir, free 
to speak, free to hear, free to deliberate and to decide. They offer to 3^011 the 
name of their great leader and Senator as the best which, in their judgment, 
this Convention can select. If it is the best, make our choice yours. If you 
have a better, we will cheerfully make your choice ours. But wherever the lot 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


99 

may fall, and whoever the candidate may be, we pledge ourselves in advance, 
with unhesitating, ungrudging loyalty, with all our hearts, with all our votes, 
and with all our might, to support the nominee. 

General Hawley was born in North Carolina. He draws from Southern 
blood, and Southern soil, and Southern skies, the generous chivalry of a nature 
that abhors cant, and hypocrisy, and falsehood, and feels a stain like a wound. 
Thirty-four years ago, he came, a poor, barefooted, penniless boy, to the rugged 
soil of Connecticut; where, breathing its free air, listening to its free speech 
and taught in its free schools, he laid the foundations of a manly character and 
life in principles which are as enduring as Connecticut’s everlasting hills. As 
a young man he became a citizen of New York, and drew from the classic 
shades of old Hamilton College that culture which graces the sinew}’’ Saxon of 
his speech. He studied law with honest John Hooker of Hartford—that John 
the Baptist of the Free-Soil movement—whose voice even then was crying loud 
for repentance of the Nation’s great sin. But the fire was kindled in the young 
man’s soul, and he could not stand the dry quiddities and the dusty maxims of 
the law, while human beings were being hunted like partridges over the 
mountains of New England, under the Fugitive Slave act. When Boston 
Court House was hung in chains, he threw away his Coke and Blackstone, 
and could plead after that no more a less sacred cause than that of emanci¬ 
pation and the rights of man. He started the first Free-Soil paper in Con¬ 
necticut, to become in time the leading Republican newspaper of New England. 

At last the storm-cloud burst, and the gun fired at Sumter echoed around 
the world. He first caught the call of Abraham Lincoln while sitting in his 
office. He saw the great crowd collected in the old State House Square at 
Hartford, reading the Proclamation. He threw aside his books, and walked 
down amongst them, saying : “ The time has come. I can stay here no longer. 
Who will go with me? ” 

He was the first man in Connecticut that enlisted in the first company of the 
first regiment that left that soil for the defense of the Capital. He was the last 
man to leave the stricken field of Bull Run. The English historian of that 
rout writes : ‘ ‘ Hawley brought off in good order his little Connecticut com¬ 
pany, while the Union army was flying panic-stricken to Washington.” He 
fought the war through, from Bull Run until that day when the Democratic 
party laid down its arms under the apple-tree of Appomattox.' He went in 
with a musket: he came out as a Major General. 

But, sir, it is not in the purple testament of bleeding war alone that his 
name is written amongst the foremost. He stands as well in the front rank of 
debaters, orators and Senators. There is no State where his voice has not been 
heard preaching the gospel of Republicanism. He was a Republican before the 
Republican party was born. He believed in its creed before it was formulated. 
There has been no question in the Senate of the United States which has not 
received his intelligent thought; he has been thoroughly devoted to all meas¬ 
ures of administration or legislation which concern the interest or the honor of 
our country at home or abroad. 

In that dark hour for the Nation’s faith, when it seemed as if the old ship 
was about to be swept by the storm of repudiation from its moorings, it was 


100 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Hawley’s voice that proclaimed from the very seat that you, sir, now occupy 
[indicating the President], that every dollar of the Nation’s debt should be as 
sacred as a soldier’s grave. And when, in the Senate of the United States, even 
trusted leaders wavered, he summed up the duty and the honor of the hour in 
the pithy sentence: “Uncle Sam is a gentleman, and scorns to pay his debts in 
bogus dollars.” 

General, Hawley believes in the morality of practical politics. He is a 
reformer; and he believes not in the reform by which “heelers” and 
“strikers” and “bummers” control the politics of certain sections; nor in 
the abhorrent forces of “the machine”; but in the duty of every citizen to 
throw the whole weight of his personal influence, in season and out of season, 
for the cause of good government, from the primary to the polls. 

As, sir, his public record is without a flaw, so is his private character with¬ 
out a stain. There is nothing to apologize for; there is nothing to conceal; 
there is nothing to extenuate, and nought to defend. The fierce light which 
beats against the Presidential candidate will explore his record in vain. He 
will come out brighter from the blaze. His life is gentle; and the elements 
so mixed in him that nature might stand up and say to all the world: “ This 
is a man.” 

If to some it should seem that he comes from too small a State to furnish a 
Presidential candidate, let me remind you, gentlemen, that bigness is not great¬ 
ness, and that States are measured not by acres, but by men. And in the 
Charter of Charles, Connecticut was bounded on the west by the “farther 
ocean”; and though we modestly have not extended our jurisdiction to the 
Golden Gate, yet we have filled the vast interval with statesmen and with 
States. 

If he shall seem to some to come from too near the North Star, let me re¬ 
mind you that never since this party was born have you given it a candidate 
from the East; while the men of that section for a generation have cheerfully 
supported the candidate of your choice. 

Mr. President, if this man is nominated, it will be the humiliation of no 
other candidate. There will be nothing to be forgiven or forgotten; nothing 
to be unsaid or taken back. His nomination will be like passing an act of ob¬ 
livion over the dreadful dissensions in other States which have brought this 
party to the gateway of the grave. If he is nominated, all elements can sup¬ 
port him, for he is a radical-conservative and a conservative-radical; the friend 
of Garfield and the friend of Grant. Sir, if he is nominated, if he should be 
nominated to-night, this campaign would commence to-morrow and continue 
until victory is assured; there would be no powder burned to fire in the 
backs of leaders; it would only be exploded to illuminate the inauguration. 
The brazen throats of the cannon in yonder square, which are waiting to herald 
the result of this Convention, would not have time to cool, before his name 
would be caught up on 10,000 tongues of electric flame. It would sweep down 
from the old Pine-Tree State; it would go over the hills and valleys of New 
England; it would insure you Connecticut by 10,000 majority; it would weld 
together with fervent heat the dissensions in New York; it would blaze through 
the State of Garfield, that daughter of Connecticut more beautiful than the 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


101 


mother; it would tend to carry Southern States, for he is the only candidate 
that this party has ever named, who was born on Southern soil. It would 
please all parties and all professions. For he is a lawyer, editor, soldier, 
statesman and orator. It would please the people, for he is what the people 
all love, God Almighty’s noblest work—an honest man. 

Such a nomination, sir, would sweep from the storm-vexed coast of the 
Atlantic to the Golden Gate of the peaceful sea. With him elected in the vigor 
of his life and the plenitude of his powers, beloved at home and respected 
abroad, with our free institutions and our imperial domain, we should need no 
Bartholdi statue standing at the gateway of commerce, with uplifted torch, to 
typify the Genius of Liberty enlightening the world; but our history, under a 
Republican President, administered upon a Republican policy, would of itself 
bear witness to all times and to all peoples, that this is the greatest, freest, and 
most prosperous country upon which the sun in his course has ever looked 
down. 

The Secretary then proceeded with the call. 

NOMINATION OF JOHN A. LOGAN. 

When the State of Illinois was reached, Mr. Shelby M. Cullom 
came to the platform, amid great applause, and spoke as follows : 

Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention. Twenty-four years ago the 
Second National Convention of the Republican party met in this city and nomi¬ 
nated its first successful candidate for President of the United States. Abraham 
Lincoln led the Republican party to its first great victory; and stands to-day 
in the estimation of the world as the grandest man and most majestic figure 
in modern times. Again, in 1868, another Republican Convention came to¬ 
gether in this city, and nominated, as its candidate for President of the United 
States, another eminent citizen of Illinois, Gen. Ulysses S. Grant, And the 
Republican party was again victorious. Still again, in 1880, the Republican 
party turned its face toward this political Mecca, where two successful cam¬ 
paigns had been inaugurated; and the martyred Garfield led the Republican 
hosts to another glorious victory. 

Mr. President and fellow-citizens, it is good for us to be here. There are 
omens of victory in the air. History repeats itself. There are promises of 
triumph to the Republican party in holding its National nominating conventions 
in this great emporium of the Northwest. 

The Commonwealth of Illinois, which has never wavered in its devotion to 
Republican principles since it gave to the Nation—aye the world—the illustrious 
Lincoln, not unmindful of her honors, her obligations or her duties, has com 
missioned me, through its Republican voters, to present to this Convention 
for its consideration, as the standard-bearer of the Republican party, another 
son of Illinois, one who will be recognized from one end of this land to the 
other, as an able statesman, a brilliant soldier, and an honest man—Gen. John 
A. Logan. 

A native of the State which he now represents in the councils of the Nation, 


102 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


reared among the youth of a section where every element of manhood is early 
brought into play, he is eminently a man of the people, identified with them in 
interest, in taste, and in feeling, and enjoying their sympathy, respect and con¬ 
fidence. The safety, the permanency, and the prosperity of the Nation, depend 
upon the courage, the integrity, the intelligence and the loyalty of its citizens. 
When yonder starry flag was assailed by enemies in arms, when the integrity 
of the Union was imperiled by organized treason, when the storm of civil 
war threatened the very life of the Nation, this gallant son of the Prairie State 
resigned his seat in the Congress of the United States, returned to his home, 
and was among the first of our citizens to raise a regiment, and to march to the 
front in defense of his country. Like Douglas, he believed that in time of 
war men must be either patriots or traitors; and he threw the weight of his 
influence on the side of the Union, and Illinois made a record second to none 
in the history of States in the struggle to preserve this government. 

Among the large number of the brave soldiers of the late war whose names 
are proudly written on the scroll of fame none appear more grandly than the 
name of Logan. His history is a part of the history of the battles of Belmont, 
of Donelson, of Shiloh, of Vicksburg, of Lookout Mountain, of Atlanta and of 
the famous March to the Sea. He never lost a battle; I repeat again, Mr. 
President and fellow-citizens, he never lost a battle in all the struggles of the 
war. When there was fighting to be done, he did not wait for orders; neither 
did he fail to obey orders when received. His plume, like the white plume of 
Henry of Navarre, was always to be seen at the point where the battle raged 
hottest. When the people of his State asked him to come home, to run for 
Congress, he replied, “ No ; I have enlisted for the war, if need be to die; I 
have drawn my sword from its scabbard, and shall never return it until every 
foe is disarmed and every State back in the Union.” During the long struggle 
of four years, he commanded, by authority of the government, first a regi¬ 
ment, then a brigade, then a division, then an army corps, and finally an 
army. He remained in the service until the war closed, when, at the head 
of his army, with the scars of battle upon him, he marched into the Capital 
of the Nation, and, with the brave men whom he had led on a hundred hard- 
fought fields, was mustered out of service under the very shadow of the Cap¬ 
itol building, which he had left four years before, as a member of Congress, to 
go out and fight the battles of his country. 

When the war was over, and gentle peace, which ‘ ‘ hath her victories no less 
than those of war,” returned, he was again called by his fellow-citizens to take 
his place in the councils of the Nation. In a service of twenty years in both 
houses of Congress he has shown himself to be no less able and distinguished 
as a statesman than he was renowned as a soldier. Cautious, prudent, con¬ 
servative in the advocacy of measures involving the public welfare, ready 
and eloquent in debate, fearless in defense of the rights of the weak against 
the oppressions of the strong, he stands to-day, and I say it without dis¬ 
position to pluck one laurel from the brow of any man whose name may be 
presented to this Convention ; he stands to-day, in my judgment, closer to 
the great mass of the people of this country than almost any other man now 
engaged in public affairs. No man has done more in defense of those princi- 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


103 


pies which have given life, and spirit, and victory to the Republican party than 
has John A. Logan, of Illinois. In all that goes to make up a brilliant military 
and civil career, and to commend a man to the favor of the people, he, whose 
name we have presented here to-night, has shown himself to be the peer of the 
best. 

We ask you, therefore, to give him this nomination, because it would not be 
assailed, and it is not assailable. We ask you to nominate him, because his 
public record is so clean that even political calumny dare not attack it. We ask 
you to nominate him in behalf of the hundreds of thousands of brave veteran 
volunteer soldiers, who are to-night, all over Ibis broad land, standing around 
the telegraph offices, waiting to know whether that gallant leader of the volun¬ 
teer soldiers of this country is to receive the nomination at your hands. 

We ask you to nominate him on behalf of the white and colored Repub¬ 
licans of the South, who appeal to this Convention, as the representative of our 
grand olj party, to give them protection and to vindicate them in their rights. 

Now, my friends, standing in the midst of this vast assembly of representa¬ 
tive citizens of this grand Republic—aye, in the sublime presence of the peo¬ 
ple themselves, represented here to-night in all their majesty—we offer you the 
name of the tried hero and patriot, the soldier without fear and without re¬ 
proach, the sagacious and incorruptible statesman, the man who, though 
defeated, never sulked in his tent; we offer you General John A. Logan, of 
Illinois, and ask you to make him your nominee. If you do, if you give him 
the nomination, he will give you a glorious victory in November next; and, 
when he shall have taken his position as President of this great Republic, you 
may be assured you will have an administration in the interest of labor, in the 
interest of education, in the interest of commerce, in the interest of finance, in 
the interest of peace at home and peace abroad, and in the interest of the pros¬ 
perity of this great people. 

Mr. Benjamin II. Prentiss, of Missouri. It is a great pleasure for me to 
stand here lo-niglit to second the nomination just made, from a State in which 
I have resided for forty-one years. It is a glorious privilege to me to stand 
before this Convention, and say a word or two by way of seconding the nomi¬ 
nation of a man pursuing his own course, endowed with energy, until to-day 
he stands the equal of any of the great statesmen of our land—a man pursu¬ 
ing his own course, from poverty up, until to-night he is reaching to the highest 
round of fame known to earth—that of President of the United States of Amer¬ 
ica; a man who upon the field of battle led his comrades always to victory; a 
man who in the Senate of the United States, when the bold enemy of this coun¬ 
try, combined with timid allies, sought to annul the solemn findings of an hon¬ 
ored court, it was he that stepped boldly to the front and cried loud and long: 
"Hold, in your infamous efforts to pladc a cloud upon a bright name at the 
expense of the reputation of a Lincoln and a Garfield.” 

Oh! it is glorious that I am here to-night. I can not speak plainly all that 
I feel; but, dear friends, how I love the man that stood by the reputation of 
the dead, when there were but three living ones whose reputations had been 
assailed, and your speaker at this moment one of the living. A man who has 
been my friend; a man who has been the friend of humanity; a man who led 


104 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


tlie army of tlie Tennessee on to Washington, and there mustered it out of 
service; a man whose star upon his shoulder shone brighter and brighter as he 
moved on—-that man "was John A. Logan, the favorite son of Illinois; the favor¬ 
ite of the Mississippi Valley; the favorite of the West; and you, gentlemen, if 
you knew him as we know him—you of the East—would learn to love him. 
He is a man in a position to-day to lead on again to victory. 

Why, Mr. President, I am not one of those who entertain the idea for a 
moment that this great Republican party is to be defeated. No! Whoever we 
nominate is to be the President—whoever we select. I ask you to-night, I ask 
you as a friend, I ask you as one representing those who have been true to the 
party for twenty-eight years; one who has stood by it in all its perils; one who 
has never yet forsaken it at any time; I ask you—oh, I appeal to you, iii this 
Convention, consider well and make the best nomination you possibly can ; I 
ask you in behalf of the cripples of this land; I ask you in behalf of all the 
old soldiers of this country; I ask you in behalf of men pleading to-day with 
this Nation for aid; I ask you in behalf of the children of this country that 
are without aid; I ask you, in behalf of humanity, to give the nomination to 
John A. Logan, of Illinois. 

Mr. President, I believe, sir, that it was Epaminondas of old, at the battle 
of Mantinea, when he received his death wound his officers carried him back 
and uplifted him to the heights above, where he could look over the field of 
battle. And when they perceived him in the agony of death, they wept. ‘ ‘ Oh, 
why do you weep? ” he said to them. “We are weeping,” they said, “ because, 
sir, you leave us.” He said to them: “Weep not, dear friends; you are not 
helpless. Do I not leave you two daughters, Leuctra and Mantinea?” 

Ah, John A. Logan leaves more daughters than that.. Everywhere on this 
Western field of battle he leaves you monuments of his greatness. And to-night 
the people of Illinois, that love the man, ask of you to come and help us 
recognize the services of the brightest star in the galaxy of the volunteers of 
the army. I second the nomination of John A. Logan, God bless his name. 

The roll call was resumed, but without any responses until Maine 
was reached, when Judge West, of Ohio, arose for the purpose of 
nominating James G. Blaine. 

/ 

NOMINATION OF JAMES G. BLAINE. 

Judge Wm. JI. West. Gentlemen of the Convention: As a delegate in the 
Chicago Convention of 1860, the proudest service of my life was performed by 
voting for the nomination of that inspired emancipator, the first Republican 
President of the United States. Four and twenty years of the grandest his¬ 
tory in the annals of recorded time have distinguished the ascendency of the 
Republican party. Skies have lowered, and reverses have threatened. Our 
flag is still there, waving above the mansion of the Presidency; not a stain on 
its folds, not a cloud on its glory. Whether it shall maintain that grand 
ascendency depends on the action of this great council. With bated breath 
a Nation awaits the result. On it are fixed the eyes of twenty millions of 
Republican freemen in the North. To it are stretched forth the imploring hands 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


105 


of ten millions of political bondmen of the South ; while above, from the por¬ 
tals of light, is looking down the spirit of the immortal martyr who first bore 
it to victory, bidding us hail and God-speed. 

In six campaigns has that symbol of union, of freedom, of humanity and of 
progress, been borne in triumph—sometimes by that silent man of destiny, the 
Wellington of American arms, Ulysses the Great; last by that soldier statesman 
at whose untimely taking-off a Nation swelled the funeral cry and wept above 
great Garfield’s grave. Shall that banner triumph again? Commit it to the 
bearing of that great chief, the inspiration of whose illustrious character and 
great name will fire the hearts of our young men, stir the blood of our man¬ 
hood, and rekindle the fervor of the veteran; and the closing of the seventh 
campaign will see that holy ensign spanning the sky like a bow of promise. 

Political conditions are changed since the accession of the Republican 
party to power. The mighty issues of struggling freedom and bleeding hu¬ 
manity, which convulsed the continent and rocked the Republic, rallied, 
united and inspired the forces of patriotism and philanthropy in one consoli¬ 
dated phalanx. These great issues have ceased their contention ; the subordi¬ 
nate issues resulting therefrom are settled and buried away with the dead 
issues of the past. 

The odds of the solid South are against us. Not an electoral gun can be 
expected from that section. If triumph come, the Republican States of the 
North must furnish the conquering battalions from the farm, the anvil, the 
loom; from the mine, the workshop, and the desk; from the hut of the trapper 
on snowy Sierra, from the hut of the fishermen on the banks of the Hudson, 
must these forces be drawn. Does not sound political wisdom dictate and 
demand that a leader shall be given to them whom our people will follow, 
not as conscripts advancing by funereal marches to certain defeat, but a grand 
civic hero, whom they will follow with all the enthusiasm of volunteers, as 
they sweep on and onward to certain victory? 

In this contention of forces for political dominion, to vrliom as candidate 
shall we intrust the bearing of our battle-flag? Citizens, I am not here to— 
and may my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth if I abate the tithe of 
& hair from the just fame, integrity, and public honor of Chester A. Arthur, 
our President. I abate not one tithe from the just fame and public integrity 
of George F. Edmunds, of Joseph R. Hawley, of John Sherman, of that grand 
old Black Eagle of Illinois. And I am proud to know that these distinguished 
Senators whom I have named have borne like testimony to the public life, the 
public character and the public integrity of him whose confirmation, by their 
votes, elevated him to the highest office, second in dignity to the office of the 
President himself—the first premiership in the administration of James A. 
Garfield. A man who was good enough for these great Senatorial rivals to 
confirm in the high office of first Premier of the Republic, is good enough for 
the support of a plain flesh-and-blood God’s people for President. 

Who shall be our candidate? Not the representative of a particular interest 
or a particular class. Send a great apostle to the country labeled “the doctors’ 
candidate,” “ the lawyers’ candidate,” “the Wall street candidate,” and the hand 
of resurrection would not fathom his November grave. Gentlemen, he must 


106 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


be a representative of American manhood—a representative of that living 
Republicanism that demands the amplest industrial protection and opportu¬ 
nity whereby labor shall be enabled to earn and eat the bread of independ¬ 
ent employment, relieved from mendicant competition with pauper Europe 
or pagan Chinese. He must be a representative of that Republicanism that 
demands the absolute political as well as personal emancipation and dis- 
enthrallment of mankind; a representative of that Republicanism which 
recognizes the stamp of American citizenship as the passport to every right, 
privilege, dignity and consideration at home or abroad, whether under the sky 
of Bismarck, under the palmetto, under the pelican, or on the banks of the Mo¬ 
hawk—that Republicanism that can not regard with indifference a despotism 
which, under the flaunting lie of Sic semper tyrannis, annihilates, by slaughter, 
popular majorities in the name of democracy—a Republicanism which, while 
avoiding entangling alliances with foreign powers, will accept insult and humil¬ 
iation from no prince, State, potentate or sovereignty on earth—as embodied 
and stated in the platform of principles this day adopted in } r our Convention. 
Gentlemen, such a representative Republican/, enthroned in the hearts and affec¬ 
tions of the people, is James G. Blaine, of Maine. 

Gentlemen of the Convention, it has been said that in making this nomi¬ 
nation every other consideration should merge, every other interest be sacrificed, 
in order and with a view exclusively to secure the Republican vote and 
carry the State of New York. Gentlemen, the Republican party demands 
of this Convention a nominee whose inspiration and glorious prestige shall carry 
the Presidency with or without the State of New York—that will carry the legis¬ 
latures of the several States, and avert the sacrifice of the United States Senate; 
that shall sweep into the tide sufficient Congressional Districts to redeem the 
House of Representatives, and restore it to the Republican party. Gentlemen, 
three millions of Republicans believe that the man to accomplish this, is the 
Ajax Telamon of our party, who made, and whose life is, a conspicuous part of 
its glorious history. Through all the conflicts of its progress, from the baptism 
of blood on the plains of Kansas to the fall of the immortal Garfield, whenever 
humanity needed succor, or freedom needed protection, or country a champion, 
wherever blows fell thickest and fastest, there, in the forefront of the battle, was 
seen to wave the white plume of James G. Blaine, our Henry of Navarre. 
Nominate him, and the shouts of September victory in Maine will be 
re-echoed back by the thunders of the October victory in Ohio. Nominate 
him, and the camp-fires and beacon-lights will illuminate the continent from 
the Golden Gate to Cleopatra’s Needle. Nominate him, and the millions who 
are now in waiting will rally to swell the column of victory that is sweeping 
on. In the name of a majority of the delegates from the Republican States, and 
their glorious constituencies who must fight this battle, I nominate James G. 
Blaine, of Maine. 

Mr. Cusiiman K. Davis, of Minnesota. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the 
Convention: In the face of the demonstration which we have seen and heard, it 
would seem scarcely necessary to second a nomination which appears already 
to be a foregone conclusion. But in the name of the people of Minnesota it 
gives me the greatest pleasure to second the nomination of James G. Blaine. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


He has never been defeated by the people. He has borne his great faculties so 
nobly that, year after year, in success and adversity, he has grown so com¬ 
pletely into the affections of the people of this country, that at this moment he, 
in his own person, and without doubt, is the embodiment and definition of their 
choice for President of the United States. This preference is not the growth 
ol any locality or of any one idea. It does not spring from any cold calculation 
of expediency, although it is coincident with the highest expediency—the expe¬ 
diency of success. It is the majestic voice of 3,000,000 of the great party of the 
Union, of National progress, which emancipated man. which raised the coun¬ 
try from the hell of a civil war and made it so great that neither foreign foe nor 
domestic faction can ever affect it, where it stands secure upon the eternal basis 
of right whereon it has been placed. 

Mr. Blaine is not the man of any State, lie has grown far beyond lhat. 
To-day his persistent popularity, his magnificent personal traits, his unfailing 
tact, his unswerving loyalty to his party, and his commanding statesmanship 
are felt and honored in every community from Maine to California, and from 
Minnesota to the Gulf. Without the aid of that thing called organization,with¬ 
out self-seeking, without combination, with no such condition ]to his success as 
the ruin of another man, he stands here to-day with all these attributes; and the 
people of this country ask this Convention to gratify their twice-deferred 
desire. lie stands upon the friendship and confidence of Garfield; and when 
the life of the Nation seemed ebbing away with the spirit of the great son of 
Ohio, when all the functions of government were languid, and when business 
men felt the need of security, it was upon the arm of the great Secretary that 
the Nation leaned, because it was in him that the Nation believed. 

He has conducted our foreign affairs so as to make us respected abroad; and 
that too, upon principles almost coeval with the foundations of the govern¬ 
ment, He has undergone defeat in two Conventions, and risen from each 
with greater strength than before. The campaigns which followed were most 
momentous, and imperiled the very existence of the party. Did he sulk in 
his tent in the apathy of disappointed ambition ? No; he rose upon the ruins 
of adversity, and made them the monuments of glory. He led his compet¬ 
itors through the arch of triumph to the White House. No word from 
him that the nomination was unfortunate. No auguries from him of want of 
success. But then he, this man from Maine, came forward with all his arma¬ 
ment, like a magnificent war vessel, every pennant flying, every sail set, every 
man at his post, and every gun thundering from its sides. This is the man, 
faithful to all trusts, superior to any fortune, btdoved as no American states¬ 
man has ever been, whom w r e present for your suffrages. 

Col. Wm. Cassius Goodloe, of Kentucky, seconded the nomination of Mr- 
Blaine with the following speech : Mr. President , and Gentlemen of the Conven¬ 
tion : Coming from a city which was the immediate home of that wonderfully 
magnetic orator and idol of the people, the great “Harry of the West,” and, 
too, from the State that gave birth to the great liberator, Abraham Lincoln, I 
arise to second the nomination of one who has faithfully adhered to the teach¬ 
ings of those great men—James G. Blaine, of Maine. Since the death of Mr. 
Clay, Kentucky has seemingly forgotten the wisdom of his words, and strength 


108 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


of liis presence, for she has never given a single electoral vote for any Repub¬ 
lican candidate; nor is there the slightest probability that at the coming election 
she will deviate in any degree from her oft-trodden and well-beaten Democratic 
path. 

She has blindly supported the party ticket, and solidly thrown her electoral 
vote against every one of our illustrious candidates, all of whom were elected, 
save one, from the “Pathfinder,”in 1856, to the lamented Garfield, in 1880. 

Party spirit has impelled the support, alike, with equal force and warmth, 
of a Democrat of the strictest school, a General of the Union armies, and an 
original and avowed Abolitionist. Such persistency in the same line of voting, 
regardless of the antecedents of candidates, very justly excites a suspicion that 
the goal these pliable pilgrims are struggling to reach is one of spoils, and not of 
principles. Coming myself as a Republican from this strong Democratic sec¬ 
tion, I certainly shall have the modesty to refrain from any semblance of dicta¬ 
tion as to whom Republican States shall have as their candidates. I am here, 
with others, to counsel with delegates having Republican constituencies at their 
backs, and to follow their lead, that we may all move on to victory. We do not 
propose to trammel your future action by an abuse of the power that we now 
possess, but which falls limp from our hands the very instant your President 
raps the adjournment of this Convention. Southern Republicans who have 
passed through every vicissitude of fortune only to be strengthened in their 
conscientious devotion to the principles of the party, are happy in the belief 
that Republicans are too brave to be frightened from any course the majority 
may deem best to pursue, through any unseemly clamor of the opposition, or of 
their weak-hearted and trembling-kneed allies. 

I am not one of those who believe that long and honorable services in behalf 
of Republicanism, and an intimate knowledge gained through experience of 
the strength and needs of the Nation, are in any sense a disqualification for 
leadership. 

The great popular heart always beats in perfect unison with the right; and 
if, without organization or preconcerted arrangement, that sentiment has, with 
one impulse from ocean to ocean, clearly indicated its choice, it seems to me 
then that the plain and simple duty of delegates is to ratify the people’s 
preference. 

We come not here to disparage any candidate, but, with the kindliest feeling 
and sincerest admiration for all, we have only endeavored to learn the choice 
of those States and those delegates having Republican electoral votes to sustain 
their judgment and their preferences. Speaking for myself and others from 
the South, and conscientiously believing that choice to be the great Commoner 
from Maine, I, with great pleasure, second the nomination of James G. Blaine. 

Mr. Thomas C. Platt, of New York. Gentlemen of the Convention: I rise 
with pleasure to second the nomination of James G. Blaine. I second this 
nomination, believing, as I do, that his turn has come ; believing, as I do, that 
expediency and justice demand it; believing, as I do, that the Republican 
people of the Republican States that must give the Republican majorities want 
him; believing, as I do, that he is the representative of that strong, stern, 
stalwart Republicanism which will surely command success ; believing, as I do, 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


109 


that with him for our standard-bearer success is surely assured ; believing, in 
my inmost heart, that with him as our standard-bearer success is assured in the 
great State of New York. 

Fellow-delegates, friends of James G. Blaine, stand firm, stay solid. With 
steady step and strong purpose, victory is ours, now and in November. 

Mr. Galtjsha A. Grow, of Pennsylvania. At the close of this the second 
century of National existence, not less than two hundred millions of people will 
be dwellers on the soil over which to-day floats the flag of our fathers. Each 
year half a million of people leave the crowded bee hives of industry in the 
Old World to find homes in the New. Great social problems of citizenship, 
and economic questions of capital and labor, affecting our social and political 
institutions, are crowding upon us for solution. And upon the wisdom of their 
solution depends the success of the Nation in the great experiment of free con¬ 
stitutional government among men. 

The development of the material resources of the country, the security of 
individual rights, and the protection of American citizenship at home and 
abroad, are the grave questions which confront the statesmanship of the present. 
A quarter of a century of successful administration, beginning in the ‘ ‘ long roll ” 
of one of the most gigantic wars of history, is the conclusive evidence of the 
ability of the Republican party to manage the affairs of government wisely 
and well. With the shadows of its mighty events and the shades of its mighty 
dead around us, we meet to voice the sentiments of that great party whose 
achievements in war and peace have contributed so much to the greatness and 
glory of the Republic. 

The great cardinal idea of its existence was equal rights and the best inter¬ 
ests of the laboring classes. Almost its first act in administering the govern¬ 
ment was to dedicate the unoccupied public lands of the Union in free homes 
for free men; and its constant legislation has been to foster and protect Amer¬ 
ican labor in developing American industries. 

Its great champions and chosen standard-bearers have been in their own 
lives the representatives of labor and its trials. Lincoln, Wilson, Greeley, 
Wade and Garfield, in youth and early manhood, earned their daily bread by 
their daily toil in the workshop and the field, or along the highways of com¬ 
merce. With standard-bearers true and faithful to the great principles of 
its organization, the Republican party will march to victory on the political 
battle-fields of the country in the future as in the past. [Loud applause, and 
cries of “Take the platform.”] 

The President. Will the gentleman suspend for one moment? 

Mr. Grow. I will occupy but a moment. [Loud cries of “Platform!” 
‘ ‘ Platform! ” “ Platform! ”] 

Mr. Grow then ascended the platform and spoke as follows: 

The solution of the greatest social problems, since the extinction of slavery, 
falls upon this generation, and those that are to succeed it. The high offices of 
the government, therefore, require men of ripe statesmanship, experienced in 
public affairs, and of a life training in sympathy with labor. 


no 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The statesman of Maine began life a school teacher, day laborer in a printing 
office, and in youth and manhood, by liis own efforts, unaided and alone, with¬ 
out the aid of wealth or family influence, he has carved his way to honorable 
distinction. 

Mr. Luke Staley. Mr. President: I desire to say to this Convention that, 
while I am not here in the interest of James G. Blaine, I hope this Convention 
will not forget that we are gentlemen, and we are Republicans, and I hope and 
trust that this Convention will give Mr. Grow a hearing here to-night. 

Mr. Grow [resuming]. I stand before you representing in part the State 
in which James G. Blaine was born. As one of his neighbors I would call 
your attention to the trials of his early life; to those struggles which develop 
the inherent elements of manhood. His achievements in later years are part of 
the history of the country. Architect of his own fortune, he has climbed 
almost to the topmost round of the ladder which leans against the sky. The Re¬ 
publican party, with him as its standard-bearer, who is one of the illustrious 
compeers of the great men who have made the name of the Republican party 
illustrious, will march to victory in November next under the broad banner 
of protection to American labor, the equal rights of all men before the law, 
and the enforcement of the constitutional guarantees of citizenship. 

The President. The Secretary will proceed with the call of the roll of 
States. 

The Secretary then proceeded with the roll-call. 

When New York was called, Mr. Martin T. Townsend arose for the 
purpose of nominating President Arthur. 

NOMINATION OF CHESTER A. ARTHUR. 

Mr. Martin I. Townsend. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention: 
America is proud of her great men; the Republican party is proud of her great 
men; and the great men of America are in the Republican party. It has 
warmed the cockles of my heart to hear the eulogiums pronounced here to¬ 
night. I abate not one whit from the speakers who have uttered the eloquent 
eulogiums, in my admiration of the men whom they have named. I come 
here to say amen and thrice amen to all achievements of the Republican party; 
including the glorious histories of the gentlemen whose names have been pre¬ 
sented here. 

I come here, however, to talk about the well-being of the Republican party 
in the future; and I say to the gentlemen of this Convention that, however 
joyous our evening interview may be here, there is a very grave responsibility 
resting upon us that has got to be borne, and decided by cool and deliberate 
judgment. 

The question is, How shall we put ourselves before the American people in 
a shape to secure their suffrages at the November election? And it is a serious 
question. In France, when the National assemblies from 1790 to 1880 were 
assembled, a demonstration from the surrounding mobs of Paris and assent by 
the National Assembly, settled the question. But we may exert influence upon 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


Ill 


this body; we may obtain the assent of this body; and yet our work is not 
done. We have got to go down to the constituencies that sent us here; we 
have got to shape our action so that it shall commend itself to the men that go 
to the churches; the clergymen, and the elders, and the deacons, and the mem¬ 
bers, and the citizens that attend the churches—all that fear God and love the 
Republic have got to canvass our action and pass judgment upon what we have 
done. 

Now, how shall we meet the views of these people? I have come to speak to 
you in carrying out 'what I believe is most likely to gain the favor of the electors of 
this country—the Republican electors—I have to speak of an individual. I 
speak of Gen. Chester A. Arthur, of the State of New York. I shall not dwell 
upon the early history of Chester A. Arthur. I shall content myself with say 
ing that his veins are tilled with blood that derives its richness from the Camp¬ 
bells of Argyle and from the north of Ireland, the sturdiest stock in the uni¬ 
verse. He passed the typical life of the American boy; without money, he 
had to make up by energy and pluck for what lie lacked of the filthy lucre. 
Four years ago he was taken up by the National Assembly that met here, and 
nominated for the office of Vice-President of the United States. He was 
elected upon the same ticket with the sainted Garfield; a man that I loved. 

I knew Mr. Garfield way back in 1856, when a boy struggling in college, in 
my own college in Williamstown, in dear old Massachusetts; where m} r early 
boyhood days were passed; and I met him in the National Congress. Four 
long years I sat by his side; and I felt that when the National Convention had 
nominated Garfield, they had done themselves honor; they had done the 
country the greatest favor that it was possible in that day and under the then 
circumstances, for them to confer upon it. 

In the providence of God—a mournful, and melancholy, and never-to-be- 
forgotten providence—Mr. Garfield was removed from the field of action; and 
Mr. Arthur was called to the difficult and almost disheartening duty of taking 
his position as the chief executive officer of this Union. And from that day 
his work has been constant, forward, unswerving, kind, faithful, considerate 
to all. And with charity for all and malice against none he has discharged his 
duties, until, within a year, every Republican Convention in this Union has 
passed a resolution of unqualified commendation upon this man and liis con¬ 
duct in the Presidential office. 

Shall I say that I need not utter commendation? What have you said 
to-day? “In the administration of President Arthur we recognize a wise, 
conservative, and patriotic policy, under which the country has been blessed 
with remarkable prosperity; and we believe his eminent services are entitled to 
and will receive the hearty approval of every citizen.” This is to go down to 
the fireside of every constituent of this assembly—I mean of this Republican 
assembly; and they will hold you—my friends of this Convention, they will 
hold you to what you have said on this occasion. 

We have a peculiar constituency; we have greater difficulties than our 
Democratic friends. When our Democratic friends declare their principles, 
they get their friends to believe that they are in earnest; and they achieve a 
triumph. Nothing makes them so happy, nothing makes their constituents so 


312 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


proud of them, as to have them turn tail and profess that they never meant 
what they said. Our people hold no such doctrine. What will they say to us 
if we say we are not in earnest about this thing? 

Some ten years ago a large portion of our citizens came to feel that the mode 
of distributing inferior and clerical offices throughout the country was injurious 
to public morality; and would in the end be subversive of the best interests of 
the people. They started then what is called the agitation for ‘ ‘ civil service 
reform.” A great many hesitated; a great many believed it was not necessary; 
but by and by the persistency of the earnest men who favored this movement, 
the earnest men that determined that the reform of the civil service upon the 
principles that they indicated must and should be accomplished and preserved, 
had its effect; until now for more than e ght years, no National, no State con¬ 
vention, has ever been organized without passing a resolution in favor of civil 
service reform. 

We passed laws, we have appointed commissioners; the commissioners have 
gone into action; and through the administration of Mr. Garfield all the prin¬ 
ciples of the civil service reformers—and that included the whole Republican 
party—have been put in practice. It is not I that say so. The commissioners 
themselves, in their report to the National Congress, declared that Mr. Arthur 
in every respect has carried out the law and aided them to the extent of his 
power. 

Another thing has come to pass under this administration. It may be said 
that I hold an office. I do. For which I am indebted to the late President, 
Rutherford B. Hayes, a most excellent gentleman, who did honor to the coun¬ 
try in the office. I come here to speak for the man who is now President; but 
the day has come when a man can safely come to oppose the head of the 
National administration. There sits my friend Judge Robertson, of the city 
of New York, the Collector of the port of New York ; coming here like an 
honest man, like a brave-hearted man, to carry out his views, directly in oppo¬ 
sition to the President. He fears no disturbance, he does it in perfect safety. 

I am bound to say another thing. I would hate myself forever if I did not 
say it. Much has been said about New York State politics; much has been 
said about the “New York machine,” with Roscoe Conkling and Thomas C. 
Platt turning the crank of the machine. I have, sir, to prove that Mr. Arthur 
has not prostituted his office to the purposes of faction, but to point to the fact 
that Roscoe Conkling has given his whole influence against Mr. Arthur ; and 
that Mr. Thomas C. Platt, the man that resigned his office, and the man that 
could not sit in his seat in the Senate during Garfield’s administration because 
Mr. Blaine was so wicked as to persuade Mr. Garfield to nominate Mr. Robert¬ 
son for Collector of the port of New York—he is also opposed to Mr. Arthur. 
1 am an old man; but I am one of those men that for fifty years, in speaking 
of politics, have uttered just the sentiment that I felt and believed. My work 
is almost done; but if it be the last act of my life, I want to call the attention 
of this Convention to the exhibition we have had here to-night, as an evidence 
that the executive chamber, if it ever was otherwise, is not now the caucus- 
room of faction. 

Now, the people, when we go down to our homes, will say: “ What means 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


113 


this? Mr. Arthur has had everybody’s commendation. The politicians met at 
Chicago, and were compelled by the force of public opinion, by what we 
thought, to give this unqualified commendation for the administration of Ches¬ 
ter A. Arthur; and yet he was not re nominated! ” 

Mr. President, when you took the chair, in speaking of the great and glori¬ 
ous men whose names had come before this Convention for consideration, you 
said that Chester A. Arthur had justly won the commendation—“Well done, 
good and faithful servant.” Sir, you quoted from a book. But what is said in 
that book should be done with the good and faithful servant? Turn him out 
into the brush-pasture to starve? That is not the doctrine of that book. The 
good and faithful servant is everywhere promised his reward. That is a won¬ 
derfully good book; and, for a digression, let me say to the young gentlemen, 
not members of this Convention, who cried so loudly for my friend Ingersoll 
last night, that there is a great deal of most instructive and interesting reading 
in that book, if they shall have the grace to study it. 

I have stated that the people are full of scrutiny. There is more, sir. We 
are to meet an intelligent, a tireless enemy. The Democratic party are watch¬ 
ing for a break in our armor. They have their lances at rest; they have their 
spears pointed; and whenever we lay open our armor they are ready to pierce 
the Republican party to the heart. What will they say? “ Oh, here! oh, here! 
What a nice party you are! You have been prating ten years about the reform 
of the civil service; you have been prating ten years about having a non-fac- 
tional administration. You found one, as you say yourselves; and yet, for the 
purpose of picking up somebody else, you have struck down and cast into ob¬ 
livion, as far as you had the power to do it, the very man that has done the 
work that you set him to do, after spending ten years in preparing for this end.” 

I said the Democrats could do anything. They had their friend of civil 
service reform. They had their Mr. Pendleton in Ohio. They claqued him 
loudly. They patted him on the back, when he made his speeches for civil 
service reform; but when he came down to Ohio for renomination to be returned 
to the Senate, they whistled him down the wind. Said they, ‘ ‘ It will strengthen 
the party, but it will not strengthen us.” 

Our constituents will look unto us. In’ the days of James II., he got into 
difficulty with the Bishops. He imprisoned all the leading Bishops in England. 
Among them was Trelawney, from Cornwall, Bishop of Bristol. The Cornish- 
men were very much excited because their friend was in jail; and a distich 
was sent out, the burden of which was this: 

“And shall Trelawney die? and shall Trelawney die? 

Then thirty thousand Cornishmen will know the reason why.” 

And in this case, strike down Mr. Arthur, and not 30,000 Republicans, but 
thirty times 30,000, will know the reason why. 

Now, my friends, I have presented substantially the considerations which 
govern me in proposing the action which I have to take. We have in every 
case, since the Republican party was formed, done one of two things: We have, 
when our President has finished his term, renominated him, except in the case 
of Mr. Hayes, who refused a renomination, and given him a second term. We 
8 


1U 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


refused to give Gen. Grant, much as we regarded him, a third term. These are 
traditions of the party, the common understanding. And in order to show that 
I take the common understanding of the party, I have but to quote a letter from 
a most distinguished statesman in the northeasterly portion of the Union, writ¬ 
ten the 20th of December, 1880, in view of the incoming administration of Mr. 
Garfield, in which he says, speaking of the administration, “Not at all direct¬ 
ing its energies for re-election, yet compelling the result by the logic of events 
and the imperious necessities of the situation.” So said that great statesman— 
so has said every man; so says the community; so will say the voters. And 
God grant that this Convention may adopt such a course as to conciliate the 
solid intelligence of the men of the Republican party; and that victory in No¬ 
vember, so important to the well-being of this country, may again perch, as it 
has for twenty-four years, upon the Republican banner. 

Mr. Henry H. Bingham, of Pennsylvania. Republican Pennsylvania will 
utter no uncertain sound in the coming November contest, when the suffrages 
of her industrious people will roll up 30,000 majority for the nominee of this 
Convention. 

Honest, outspoken, and well-defined differences exist in the Pennsylvania 
delegation as to whose name would cluster around it the largest expression of 
public confidence and approval, and best typify the principles of our party; but 
that individual choice will be expressed only in the deliberations of this repre¬ 
sentative gathering, and, its wise decision once rendered, the candidate who 
shall carry the banner of our party will find the sturdy sons of the Keystone 
State laboring and battling for Republican success. 

I rise to second the nomination of Chester A. Arthur, of the State of New 
York, and in doing so I but voice the unanimous sentiment of the Pennsyl¬ 
vania Convention, as well as the expression of every Republican Convention 
in the Union, when they point with pride to his wise administration of public 
affairs; congratulate the people upon the marked prosperity of the country; 
proclaim his unswerving integrity, and declare liis unquestioned capacity and 
fitness for the discharge of every responsibility which the providence of God, 
for His own great purposes, in His omnipotence and omniscience, has placed 
upon him. 

The unknown man of four years ago has become the best known within 
the confines of the Republic. What a man can do is best determined from what 
he has done. Recognizing the supreme duty resting upon the highest wisdom 
and best judgment of this patriotic body, no name, no record, so illustrates 
all that will contribute to peace, prosperity, and national honor, as that of 
the distinguished statesman who four years ago received in National Conven¬ 
tion the plaudits of the people, as generous and as enthusiastic as yours are 
to-niglit, and was proclaimed the choice of the Convention—a judgment ratified 
by the votes of millions of freemen—and who to-day renders to this body the 
record of his work and the fulfillment of every duty which his great office 
has demanded. Thirty-eight States declare, “Well done, tliou good and 
faithful servant.” After three years of administration he presents a party 
reunited. It is for this Convention to declare whether that party shall be 
invincible. Three years of administration, and every principle we have 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


115 


inscribed upon our broad banner of liberty is more deeply rooted in the 
minds and hearts of the American people. Flaming all over the horizon of 
our party’s birth, we read of the liberty of man, and equality under the law. 
Abraham Lincoln believed, as the Republican party believed, that all men were 
created equal, and, when the havoc of war was at its highest and the dead 
were legion, he proclaimed to the Republic the emancipation of the black man, 
and to-day in all this broad land the sun never rises upon a bondman or sets 
upon a slave. God’s great chosen ruler. Well done, good and faithful servant. 
And when the Convention of 1864 assembled, the representatives of the people 
called upon him again to carry the banner for law, for liberty, for the Union, 
and for victory. That great and silent soldier, sent by the armies of the 
West to break down the seemingly impregnable barriers surrounding Rich¬ 
mond, triumphantly carried the matchless and masterful armies of the North 
into the capital of rebellion, and received the capitulation of treason upon 
the memorable field of Appomattox. Great in war, he was greater in peace. 
The suffrages of the people lifted him into the chair of Washington and 
Lincoln, and so faithfully and well was every duty performed, National honor 
and integrity maintained, that in the Republican Convention of 1872 no other 
name than that of Ulysses S. Grant was considered, and he deservedly received 
the unanimous renomination of his patriotic party. The wise, honest, capable, 
and safe administration of Rutherford B. Hayes commended itself to all the 
friends of good government. Accepting his high trust, he announced to the 
nation unqualifiedly his determination to lay down the robes of authority at 
the expiration of his term of office, and return home to the people of his State, 
where he had been upon many occasions honored and always loved. 

Who can ever forget the inspiring scenes and proceedings in this hall four 
years ago, when we joined Ohio and New York in bonds so firm that only 
death do us part. The name of James A. Garfield called forth the enthusiastic 
indorsement of the people of that safe Republican State, and the power, the 
force and the strength of the name of Chester A. Arthur welded to the Repub¬ 
lican column uncertain and doubtful New York. Had Garfield lived—but 
no; his great possibilities only an all-wise Providence knows. He was, indeed, 
the people’s idol, and his memory will be ever green, and his grave ever watered 
with the tears of the millions of the Republic. 

“Ashes to ashes, dust to dust; 

He is gone who seemed so great: 

Gone, hut nothing can bereave him 
Of the force he made his own, 

Being here; and we believe him 
Something far advanced in state, 

And thai he wears a truer crown 
Than any wreath that man can weave him. 

God accept him, Christ receive him.” 

Into the firm, strong hand of Chester A. Arthur, under constitutional forms 
and procedure, the baton of power and authority fell. I will not paint the 
picture of that day and time: a great man died; but a strong, brave, resolute 
man still stood at the helm, and the old ship rode safely through the storm into 


116 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


peaceful waters, into the harbor of safety and prosperity. Every trust and 
responsibility was accepted; how faithfully every obligation has been fulfilled, 
and how true he has been to the people, to law and to liberty, he may read who 
runheth. 

The Republican party has not been unmindful of the rewards and honor due 
faithful leadership and well-attested public service. Lincoln reaffirmed in his 
high office. Grant reaffirmed in his high office. Peace hath her victories no 
less renowned than war. Three years of administration, and how stand the 
Nation’s finances? On the solid foundation of integrity. Every promise fulfilled. 
Ask a response from this centre of capital and enterprise. Ask the business 
men of New-York City, who a few days since assembled in mass meeting, and 
whose representatives, one hundred strong, sit in this Convention hall. Do the 
great money centres of the country need a resolute hand, a clear head, and an 
incorruptible man in the executive chair? Read the recent decision of the 
Supreme Court on paper money, and then ask if capital needs safe and secure 
administration. The treasury of the nation is filled to overflowing, and unwise 
legislation is now ready to deplete the surplus. Read the vetoes of Chester A. 
Arthur, and you will find him courageous to rebuke extravagance, even when 
his own party has formulated the legislation. The foreign relations of the 
country bring us only love and respect, and the State Department is quiet, and 
at peace with all the world. Our home conditions mark a people prosperous, 
happy and contented, capital employed, labor protected, a fair day’s living 
wages for a fair day’s work. The manufacturing interests find the name of 
Chester A. Arthur signed to the legislation of the Forty-seventh Congress, side by 
side with that of William D. Kelley, of Pennsylvania; McKinley, of Ohio; 
Morrill, of Vermont; and Aldrich, of Rhode Island. Commerce finds in him a 
familiar defender, agriculture an advocate, and labor a devoted champion. The 
men of the South will eloquently tell how true he has been to their cause, to 
liberty, and the right. 

Civil service reform—his record is rounded and complete. There sits upon 
this platform to-night the leader and Chairman of the New York State delegation. 
Perhaps for advanced thought, for high leadership, for broad National states¬ 
manship, no man excels him in the country. What was his utterance in official 
declaration as to Chester A. Arthur’s fulfillment and observance of every 
requirement of the law? He proclaimed him faithful and consistent. I can 
only trust and hope that in the deliberations of this Convention, the gen¬ 
tleman may have an opportunity to so express himself to this gathered 
multitude. This is the supreme moment. This splendid opportunity may never 
again come to the Republican party. He has been the President of the people, 
wisely administering the law, faithfully obeying the Constitution, self-poised, 
firm, courageous to do right, confident in the rectitude of his purpose, ever loyal 
and true. We know him, the country knows him, safety looks to him; for peace 
and prosperity have been his gift to the American people. 

One word more: From this platform to-night, in the presence of 20,000 
freemen, in language eloquent and in utterance fervent and impassioned, there 
have been spoken sentiments that I can not as a Republican approve. When, 
in this Convention of peers and equals, that basis and fundamental doctrine of 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


117 


my party and your party, we are told that the highest judgment, the perfection 
of the duty of the Republican party, is to be found only where Republican 
electoral votes are to be counted, I denounce it as a sentiment repugnant and 
as a principle to be condemned. 

All over the South—in her rich lowlands and upon her sunny hills—we find 
the camping grounds and battle fields of the armies that have fought for Re¬ 
publican principle and contended for Republican thought, and while we have 
gained great victories in the indivisibility of the Union, and the freedom of the 
black man, we have other triumphs to secure, and in our deliberations and 
action we need, we require, and we must have, the judgment, courage, con¬ 
viction and earnest faith of the brave men of the South, until every hillside is 
marked with the school house, and every man, white and black, can cast his 
ballot with freedom and have it fairly counted. 

Wipe out from the banner of the Republican party her legends of liberty, 
that have been our cloud by day and our pillar of fire by night, and we have a 
fiag without faith, proclaiming only material prosperity and material success. 

In rising, therefore, to second the nomination of Chester A. Arthur, 
I conclude, as I began, that the well-expressed and well-digested judgment of 
every Convention of the Nation is, that he has faithfully and well performed 
his duty, and it is for this Convention to-night to decide whether the written 
and unwritten law of our party shall no longer be recognized in Republican 
National Conventions. 

Mr. John R. Lynch, of Mississippi. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the 
Convention: It seems to me that very little remains for me to say. Therefore, I 
will say a very few words. I recognize the fact that I come from a State that 
is at present in a politically prostrate condition. In consequence of that fact, I 
hope that it is modest in me to give a few reasons why, in my opinion, the man 
of my choice should receive the nomination of this Convention. Although the 
State from which I come is at present politically powerless to contribute to the 
success of the nominee of this Convention, yet our voters are there, having 
loyal hearts, patriotic impulses, and a determination to do whatever they can. 

Let me say that the Republicans of my section have no feeling of ill-will, no 
feeling of antipathy, toward any one of the distinguished gentlemen whose names 
have been presented to this Convention, or may hereafter be presented. We 
entertain for all of them the highest admiration, the profoundest respect, and 
we are determined that whichever one may receive the nomination from this 
body will receive our cordial and united support. 

Then, Mr. President, I feel that I express the honest wish and sincere desire 
of every member of this Convention when I say that whatever differences may 
have existed in our ranks heretofore, whatever factions may have existed .in 
days gone by, when we leave this hall we all hope that every sore shall have 
been healed, and every faction shall have been destroyed. 

The Republicans of my section believe that the present administration should 
be continued because Mr. Chester A. Arthur has given us a safe, wise, pure, 
honest administration. We believe that, having done so well, he ought to be 
allowed to continue at least another term in well-doing. We believe that, having 
been compelled, in consequence of circumstances which he could not control, 


118 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


and which all of us seriously deplore, to assume the Presidential chair, he has 
done better than his friends expected, and certainly better than his enemies ex¬ 
pected. Therefore we believe that he is a safe, wise, prudent and judicious party 
leader. Believing that, our desire is that he should be allowed to succeed him¬ 
self. Whether he be the choice of the Convention or not, I am satisfied in my 
own mind that, whoever the nominee may be, no man will do more to con¬ 
tribute to his success than the present occupant of the Presidential chair, the 
Hon. Chester A. Arthur. He has never failed, and I am satisfied he will not 
fail hereafter. He will not shirk, he will not falter, he will not say that “I 
am the only man that can be elected.” His friends do not say, I do not say, that 
Mr Arthur is the only man we can elect; for I believe we will elect anybody 
we nominate; but we believe that he should have an opportunity to succeed 
himself; that is all. 

One more reason, and I will take my seat. We all know that Mr. Arthur 
is an earnest, sincere advocate of civil service reform. All of us are civil serv¬ 
ice reformers, the office holders included; I may say the office holders especially. 
We have declared in our platform for civil service reform. Mr. Arthur is 
known to be sincere and honest in the advocacy of civil service reform. Give 
him an opportunity to do a little better than he has done. 

Gentlemen, it is not worth while for me to say more, but simply to express 
the hope that you will ratify the nomination of Mr. Arthur when you come to 
a ballot. 

Mr. Patrick H. Winston, of North Carolina. Mr. President, and Gentlemen 
of this Convention: The victory of arms won on the immortal field of Appo¬ 
mattox was not more glorious than the moral victory that lies within the grasp 
of the Republican party. A generation has grown up south of the Potomac 
whose accepted watchword is: This shall no longer be a Union of two oppos¬ 
ing sections, but a Union of fifty millions of freemen. The unrivaled glory 
of the past sacrifices endured by the patriotic Union men of the South appeals 
irresistibly to the sympathy of those who have contributed to freedom the 
brightest page in its annals. Let the friends of freedom in the North in the 
coming contest touch elbows on the march with their fellow-countrymen of the 
South, and the Solid South will be broken forever. Twice since the close of 
the war, North Carolina has given her electoral vote to the Republican candi¬ 
date for President. The great State of New York has done no more. Because 
we are determined that henceforth we will be found in the front rank of the 
party of progress, we are here to-day with the courage of our convictions. 

Upon what principle shall we proceed to select our candidate for President? 
Behold our country ! We are at peace with the world; the wounds of domestic 
strife are healed ; public confidence is established ; the National honor is sus¬ 
tained; the civil service is without a stain; honest labor is paid with honest 
money; capital is secure; happiness and prosperity abound. There is not one 
of us here present who does not feel, in his own condition, and in the condition 
of his country, that these blessings are largely due to the conservative states¬ 
manship of the President of the United States. 

The jewel of fair play shines with unequaled lustre on American soil. Why 
forego the advantages of so happy a situation? The Republican party presents 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


119 


to the world the sublime character of Abraham Lincoln as the embodiment of 
its patriotism in the pioneer days of freedom ; and as the type of its power and 
glory in the era of war, the great soldier of the century, who took the nation in 
his arms and put it on the plane of liberty and equality. The era of peace is 
before us. Let us prolong it forever. Let us choose a leader to-night who is 
the representative of our party in the day of its peace, and prosperity, and prog¬ 
ress. As such a leader, as the exponent of all that is best in the party, as the 
choice of the conservative sentiment of the country, as the impartial ruler of 
the whole people, and on behalf of the State of North Carolina, I second the 
nomination of Chester A. Arthur. 

Mr. Reed, of California. Mr. President, it is now past eleven o’clock, and 
these people are tired. I move that this Convention adjourn. [Cries of 
“No, no.”] 

The President. The motion is in order, gentlemen. 

The motion was put to vote and lost. 

Mr. P. B. S. Pinciiback, of Louisiana. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of 
the Convention: This is the second time in my life that I have had the honor to 
rise in a National Convention to second the nomination of one of our distin¬ 
guished fellow-citizens. I have not arisen in this Convention to second the 
nomination of Chester A. Arthur alone; but I have taken the floor for the pur¬ 
pose of meeting some of the accusations that have been brought against the 
Southern Republicans. 

I desire to say, that if Southern Republicans come into this Convention 
and second the nomination of Gen. Chester A. Arthur, it is not because 
they desire to dictate to this Convention, or to the Republican States of 
the North, who will be called upon to furnish the electoral votes, but because 
we have noticed in the South that every State Convention held in the great 
Northern States, so far as I have seen, has, with singular unanimity, indorsed 
the administration of Gen. Chester A. Arthur. 

We feel in the South that, in the present occupant of the White House, we 
have a prudent, a safe and a reliable ruler; a man who is not only acceptable to 
the Republicans of the South, but acceptable to the Republicans of the North; 
and, what is still better than all of these, a man who is acceptable to the Republic. 

I can say to you, gentlemen, that on my way from New Orleans to this Con¬ 
vention, all along the line of the railroad, in conversation with the passengers, 
and at the stations in conversation with the citizens generally—the substantial 
citizens of the country—I was admonished to stand by Chester A. Arthur. 

I was told in Louisville, Ky., by the members of several of the leading busi¬ 
ness firms of that city, that if Chester A. Arthur was nominated the business 
men of Louisville, Ky., would give him 10,000 more votes in Kentucky than 
ever had been cast for a Republican candidate before. 

I was told in Louisiana by the sugar-planters, and by the people who are 
interested in the tariff question, that, if the Republican National Convention 
should place in nomination Chester A. Arthur, they were prepared, if the 
Democratic National Convention should fail to put a protective plank in their 
platform, to put in the field an Independent electoral ticket in our State and 
give their votes for its election. 


120 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


I second the nomination of Gen. Chester A. Arthur for these reasons. They 
are to me evidences that he is not only a fit and proper candidate, but I con¬ 
scientiously believe that he has the best chance of any gentleman whose name 
has thus far been placed before this Convention of carrying the country in 
November next. 

I hear delegates in this Convention talking about New York, talking about 
what Mr. Grant will do ; and what Mr. Conkling will do ;and what this man 
and that man will do ; but I want to say to you that I have spent a good deal of 
my time in New York within the last year ; and I am here to say that for every 
vote lost to Mr. Chester A. Arthur by the defection of the gentlemen named, 
he will gain two. There is a strong sentiment in the minds of the people, a 
strong belief in the minds of the people of New York, as well as there is in 
many other sections of this country, that the trouble between these gentlemen 
is that Gen. Chester A. Arthur was President instead of somebody else. I 
believe it- is the desire of this Convention, I believe it is the desire of the 
Republican party, I believe it is the desire of the great American people, 
that whoever shall occupy the Presidential office shall be President of the 
United States. 

I am in favor of Gen. Chester A. Arthur for the additional reason that my 
constituents are in favor of him. And while they failed to instruct me to cast 
my vote for him, they made it manifest in many ways that they desired me to 
do so. And I know that what is true in Louisiana is largely true of every 
other Southern State. And I know that most of the Southern delegates left 
their homes with the impression upon the country that they were in favor of 
Chester A. Arthur. 

And I have seen in the press, while on the way to this Convention, rumors 
that we were a mercantile element; that especially the colored delegates to this 
Convention would be bought and sold like so many sheep. I want by my 
vote recorded in this Convention—and I hope to have the vote of every other 
colored man recorded in the same way—in favor of Gen. Chester A. Arthur, to 
give the lie to these maligners of our race. I want to demonstrate, by our 
fealty to this chosen chief of ours, that we are as pure, as incorruptible, when 
holding public .trust, as the whitest man that may sit beneath this roof. And 
if I had no other reason but this, so important is it to me to lift up the standard 
of integrity of my people, that that alone would induce me to stand by Chester 
A. Arthur as long as his name is before this Convention. 

NOMINATION OF JOHN SHERMAN. 

Mr. J. B. Foraker, of Ohio. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Con¬ 
vention: If noise and demonstration, and nominating and seconding speeches, 
when numerically considered, could either nominate a candidate or elect him to 
be the President of the United States, I would not, in view of what has transpired 
in this hall to-night, take this stand to perform the duty that has been imposed 
upon me. But, in view of the fact that such results do not necessarily follow 
such demonstrations ; but more particularly in view of the fact that these 
demonstrations are conflicting, and these orators are opposing, I am emboldened 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


121 


to come before you that I may in a humble way say a few plain words for a 
very plain but a very great and grand man. 

But, sirs, first and foremost, I want to say again, here and now, what I have 
had occasion to repeat so many times since I came to Chicago to attend this 
Convention, and that is, that Ohio is a Republican State. She will cast her 
electoral vote for the nominee of this Convention. But, sirs, she claims no 
credit, and she asks no favors, on that account. She would be untrue to her¬ 
self if she did otherwise. She could not do less without injustice to the mem¬ 
ory and teachings of a long line of distinguished sons who have won imper¬ 
ishable renown for themselves and their country, both on the field and in the 
Cabinet. 

I am not here, therefore, to ask anything for her, or in her name, as a con¬ 
dition precedent. On the contrary, let it be distinctly understood that what¬ 
ever she may do in other years, and I happen to know that she sometimes acts 
strangely [laughter], she never fails to carry our flag to victory in Presidential 
campaigns. She has always been ready to enthusiastically follow the chosen 
leader of the party; and she was never more so than at the present time. To¬ 
day, as in the past, her highest ambition is, that with her October election, she 
may worthily and victoriously lead the Republican column. 

If, therefore, it be true that in the past she has enjoyed distinguished favor, 
she humbly hopes it has been no more than a just recognition accorded by her 
generous sister States; and if she is proud of the names of Grant, and Sherman, 
and Sheridan, and McPherson, and Chase, and Stanton, and Hayes, and Gar¬ 
field, it is only because, for their illustrious services to the whole people, the 
whole people are proud of them, also; and if for these distinguished men Ohio 
first claimed National consideration and honor, it was not because they were 
her sons, but only because the better knowing their worth she put them forward 
for the common good. She has had no selfish purposes to subserve; she has 
none such to-day; she fully recognizes and appreciates the fact that what is best 
for the whole Republican party, is best also for her. 

Moved by no other feeling, she has a name to place before this Convention. 
You have heard it before. From one end of the land to the other it is as famil¬ 
iar as a household word. It is the name of a man who has been an acknowl¬ 
edged leader of the Republican party for the last thirty years. He is identified 
with every triumph of our most wonderful career. He stood at the forefront 
in the struggles with slavery. He was a very pillar of strength to the Govern¬ 
ment in its death-grapple with secession. His personal impress is on every line 
of reconstruction; and when our National integrity had been preserved by the 
valor of our soldiers in the field, and there came that wild and senseless mania 
of inflation that threatened to sweep the country and tarnish the National honor, 
it was his lot to stand in the breach as no other man stood. Save only the war, 
that was the gravest danger that ever menaced the American people. A failure 
to resume specie payments in 1879, would have been almost as surely fatal to 
this Republic as could have been success for Lee at Gettysburg. It was patri¬ 
otic courage and heroism in the one case no more than in the other, that saved 
the day, and accomplished for us the sublime results in which we have ever 
since rejoiced. 


122 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The people of this country know and appreciate that fact, and they still 
have a profoundly grateful recollection of the services thus rendered. And 
this is especially true at this particular time, when Wall street gambling, and 
what you characterized in the platform this day adopted as “ Democratic hori¬ 
zontal reduction,” have done their bad work. The flood-tide of prosperity has 
been arrested, and we have been brought through the several stages of stagna¬ 
tion and decline to the very verge of business demoralization and panic. Con¬ 
fidence has been shaken and impaired. Its restoration is to be the controlling 
question of this coming campaign ; and if we would act wisely here we must 
recognize that fact and make our nomination accordingly. 

What man, then, of all those presented to this body for consideration, most 
fittingly and completely meets the requirements of this situation? In answer¬ 
ing that question, I can say, as others have said here to-night, that I have no 
thought or word of detraction or disparagement for any other name that you 
will be called upon to consider; and in the language of that platform, as it was 
read by our friend from New York here to-night, I, too, can say and do say, 
without hesitation, that in the present chief magistrate we have had a wise, a 
conservative, and a patriotic administration. And I can say too, that no man’s 
admiration is greater than mine for that brilliant genius from Maine. [The 
speaker was here interrupted by long-continued applause for Blaine.] 

Gentlemen of the Convention: I shall not compliment anybody else until 
I come to my own man. 

But, resuming, permit me to remind you that you have violated that old 
and time-honored maxim: ‘‘Never to holler till you get out of the woods.” 
[Great laughter.] You should not do so, for I may want to say something now 
that you won’t want to applaud. For that which I want to say further to this 
Convention is this: That what we want, what we must have, what we stand 
here to-night charged with the grave and responsible duty of laying the foun¬ 
dation for, is success in November next. And to the end that we may have 
that success, w r e must nominate a man who will make not only a good Presi¬ 
dent, but the best possible candidate. 

And to that end, we want a man who is distinguished, not so much for the 
brilliancy of his genius as for that other, safer, better, and more assuring qual¬ 
ity, the brilliancy of common sense. We not only want a man who is a pro¬ 
nounced Republican, thoroughly tried in the crucial tests of our experience, 
but we want also a man whose very name will allay instead of excite the dis¬ 
trust that disturbs the industrial interests of this country. lie must, of course, 
as gentlemen have eloquently said from this platform to-night, be a friend of 
human liberty and the equality of rights. He could not be a Republican if he 
were not. He must believe, too, as it has been well said, in the protection of 
American citizens at home as well as abroad. And not only that, but he must 
be a man who can find, under the Constitution and laws of this country, some 
method whereby the brutal butcheries of Copiah and Danville may for the 
future be prevented. 

And not only must he believe in these things; but there is one thing in par¬ 
ticular that our platform reminded us of to-day, that he must not believe in; 
and that is, a substantial reduction of the»tariff duties on iron, steel and wool. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


123 


On the contrary, lie must believe, and that in the most unqualified sense, just 
as we have declared here to-day, in the protection of American industries, the 
development of American resources, and the elevation and dignity of American 
labor. 

And not only must he believe in these elementary and fundamental proposi¬ 
tions of Republicanism; but he must have a record so clear, so bright, as to not 
only challenge and defy criticism to assail it, but at the same time make him 
the representative of all the highest and purest ambitions and aspirations of the 
great Republican party. 

And over and above all this, he must be a man in whom the people believe; 
not simply that he is honest, not simply that he is capable, not simply that he 
loves Republicanism and hates Democracy, not simply that he is loyal and 
patriotic, but that, combined with all these essential attributes, he possesses, by 
reason of his experience, that essential qualification that makes him most com¬ 
petent to deliver us from the evils that threaten our present safety. 

Nominate such a man, and victory is assured. We will have four more years 
of Republican rule; during which time the Republic will continue to grow in 
greatness at home and increased respect abroad. As such a man I nominate 
John Sherman, of Ohio. 

Mr. Wm. H. Holt, of Kentucky. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the 
Convention : The responsibility resting upon this Convention is beyond meas¬ 
ure. Over 50,000,000 of people, living in millions of prosperous homes in this 
country, are demanding of us careful deliberation, and forbidding hasty action. 
Enthusiasm for a candidate is to be admired; but our candidate, and the nomi¬ 
nee of this Convention, should be selected after careful consideration, and with¬ 
out bitterness. The people of this country demand that we shall place before 
them for their indorsement, a safe, prudent, experienced man; a man of the 
highest type of American politics. 

I rise to second the nomination of a man whose history is a part of that of 
the Republican party of this country, and who has followed its fortunes from 
its birth, through its dark as well as its bright hours; followed it faithfully, no 
matter where it took him—whether to success or disaster—and who, by reason 
of his services to his party, and above all to his country, is entitled to your 
indorsement; and whose nomination by this Convention would sink personal 
and sectional differences beneath the wave. 

A quarter of a century ago the history of John Sherman in politics in this 
country began. His name has been written as that of a master upon the legisla¬ 
tion of this country, and the execution of its laws. During all that time his 
name has been exposed to the blaze of public opinion; and it has never, never 
been scorched. 

But there is another reason, gentlemen, why I come to second this nomina¬ 
tion. Although he was called in a time when great ability was needed, to an 
office of high trust; although he executed the laws of resumption in such a way 
as to enroll credit upon our National banner and our National history; although 
that fact, perhaps, added more to the success of the Republican party four years 
ago than any other; yet there is another reason why he is entitled to honor 
and credit. What is it? Speaking as a Republican from the South—a Repub- 


124 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


lican in the South as long as there has been a Republican party there—I under¬ 
take to say that John Sherman has always been the advocate of freedom of 
opinion and thought, of civil rights, and of liberty as against slavery. As 
long ago as the days when it was a question whether the Territory of Kansas 
should be cursed with slavery or blessed with freedom, he was found in the 
ranks of the Republican party battling for freedom. The Republicans in the 
South have always found in him an advocate; and to-day the civil and political 
rights of the Republicans in the South are a sacred trust to John Sherman. 
And to be brief, in the language of that martyred President, who four years 
ago presented his name to the Republican National Convention, in this hall, 
I present his name to you for your careful consideration and for your in¬ 
dorsement. 

The Secretary then again proceeded with the call of the States. 
When Vermont was called, ex-Governor John D. Long, of Massa¬ 
chusetts, came forward to the platform, and was greeted with loud 
applause. 


NOMINATION OF GEORGE F. EDMUNDS. 

Mr. J. D. Long, of Massachusetts. Mr. President, and Fellow-Delegates: We 
are here to discharge a trust. Let us remember that we are to account for it 
hereafter. I appeal to the unimpassioned judgment of this Convention. I 
appeal from the excitement of this vast concourse to the afterthought of the 
firesides of the people. And remembering that an American audience never 
fails in fair play, I appeal even at this late hour for an opportunity for brave 
little Vermont. 

The Republican party commands to-day the confidence of the country. It 
need not invoke its record of twenty-five years; for that is the common knowl¬ 
edge and admiration of the world. It need not appeal to its principles, for 
those arc the very foundation of the marvelous progress and prosperity of this 
great Republic. There only needs that in its candidate, in the simple elements 
of his personal and public character, it furnish a guarantee of its continued 
fidelity to itself. There only needs that it respond to the instinct of the people. 
That done, and its triumph in the coming Presidential election is as sure as the 
coming of election day. But, gentlemen, that instinct must be obe} r ed. It rep¬ 
resents a demand which is as inexorable as fate itself. It recognizes the merits 
and the services of all the candidates before us. It obtrudes no word of 
depreciation for any of them. It cares little for views of expediencj’-, or 
preferences of personal or party liking. But by that awful voice of the people 
which is as the voice of God, it sets an imperative standard of its choice, and 
bids us rise to that or fall. 

We are convened, therefore, in behalf of no man. The country and the 
party are greater than the fortunes or the interests of any one man, however 
dear or honored he may be. We are here as Republicans, and yet brave and 
broad enough not to be here in the interest of the Republican party alone. Even 
in this tumultuous excitement, we feel that, charged with the most sacred 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


125 


responsibilities that can fall upon the representatives of the people, we are here 
in the interests of the people and all the people,—of the country and the whole 
country. 

We are here to select for President a man from our own ranks indeed, but a 
man whose record and character, whose tested service, whose tried incorrupti¬ 
bility, whose unscathed walk through the storms and fires of public life, whose 
approved wisdom, equal to every emergency, whose recognized capacity to put 
a firm, safe hand upon the helm, and whose hold upon the confidence of the 
people, make him not our choice for them, but their choice for themselves. 

He must be one who will command their undivided support. Not merely 
brilliant qualities on the one hand, nor meritorious qualities on the other, are 
enough. He must have all the staying qualities of the sturdiest American 
character. He must represent no wing nor faction of the party, but the whole 
of it. He must be one who will hold every Republican to his cordial allegiance; 
who will rally indifference and independence even into aroused conviction and 
an earnest front on our line; one who will stand for every beat that ever 
throbbed in the National heart for humanity, freedom, conscience and reform; 
one who will stand for whatever has been honest and of good report in 
our National history, and for whatever has made for economy, financial wis¬ 
dom, clean politics and the integrity of National life. Above all, he must be 
one whose name will carry in the coming canvass that sense of security to 
which at each Presidential election the country turns as to a very rock of 
salvation. Such a man, honest and capable, will first master the sober judg¬ 
ment and approval of the people; and thenceforward he will stir them to the 
only enthusiasm, my friends, that counts; and that is the enthusiasm of public 
confidence. Then on election day, conscious where their safety lies, the irre¬ 
sistible uprising of the people, like the mighty unrolling of an ocean tide, will 
sweep him, never fear, into the highest seat of your public service. 

This is the measure, not of a party but of the country. Meet it, and you 
have done your work and won your victory in advance. Respond here and 
now to this instinct of the people, and they will take care of the result. The 
measure is high, but the candidate I name rises to it. If there be an ideal 
American citizen in the best sense, it is he. You know—the people know— 
that his character, his ability, his worth, his courage, are as recognized and 
familiar as a household word. His fame needs not the kindly nothing-but- 
good .with which death obscures the faults and exaggerates the virtues of public 
men. Calumny dare not assail him; and if it dare, recoils as from a galvanic 
shock. Against no other candidate can less be said than against him. For 
no other candidate can more be said. 

I stand here, Mr. President, honored, though it were alone, with the duty 
of presenting his name to this Convention. But it is not I, it is not the State 
nor the delegates whom I here represent, who present that name to you. It is 
presented by uncounted numbers of our fellow-citizens, good men and true,- 
all over this land, who only await his nomination to spring to the swift and 
hearty work of his election. It is presented by an intelligent press from Maine 
to California, representing a healthy public sentiment and an advanced public 
demand. It is the name of one whose letter of acceptance of an unsolicited 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


126 


honor will constitute all the machinery he will have put into its procurement. 
It is a name which in itself is a guarantee of inflexible honesty in government, 
and of the best and wisest cabinet the country can afford, with no man in it 
greater than its head. It is a guarantee of appointments to office, fit, clean and 
disinterested all the way through; a guarantee of an administration which I 
believe, and which in your hearts you know, will realize, not only at home but 
abroad, the very highest conceptions of American citizenship. It is a name, too, 
which will carry over all the land a grateful feeling of serenity and security, 
like the benignant promise of a perfect day in June. It will be as wholesome 
and refreshing as the Green Mountains of the native State of him who bears 
it. Their summits tower not higher than his worth; their foundations are 
not firmer than his convictions and truth; the green and prolific slopes that 
grow great harvests at their feet are not richer than the fruitage of his long 
and lofty labors in the service of his country. Honest and capable, unexcep¬ 
tionable and fit, the best and the most available, the very staunchest of the 
old Republican guard, the most unflinching of American patriots, with the 
kindly heart of a courteous gentleman, as well as the robust and rugged mind 
of a great statesman, yet is he not more sternly just in the halls of Congress than 
tender in that sanctuary of the American heart, the American home. A man of 
no class, no caste, no pretense, but a man of the people, East, West, North, 
South, because a representative of their homeliest, plainest and best charac¬ 
teristics! Massachusetts, enthusiastically leaping her own borders, commends 
and nominates him to this great Republican Convention, as the man it seeks, 
as the man of its instinctive and hearty choice, as the one man whom its 
constituents everywhere will hail with an unbroken shout, not only of satis¬ 
faction, but of relief. 

Gentlemen, I nominate as the Republican candidate for the next President 
of the United States the Honorable—aye! the Honorable George F. Edmunds, 
of Vermont. 

Mr. George William Curtis, of New York. Mr. President , and Gentlemen: 
I shall not repeat to you the splendid story of the Republican party; a story 
that we never tire of telling; and that our children will never tire of hearing; 
a story which is written upon the heart of every American citizen, because it 
recounts greater services for liberty, for the country, for mankind, than those 
of any party in any other nation, at any other period of time. 

And what is the secret of this unparalleled history? It is simply that the 
Republican party has been always the party of the best instincts, of the highest 
desires, of the American people. This is its special glory. It has represented 
the American instinct of nationality, American patriotism, and American devo¬ 
tion to liberty. 

Now, fellow-citizens, we approach a new contest, and we shall be tried by 
the candidate whom we submit to the people. I say, we shall be tried by the 
candidate that we present. Do not forget that upon the man of our choice the 
eyes of the country will turn to see what it is that the Republican party honors 
and respects. It will turn to see what are the objects, what is the spirit, and 
what shall be the method, of continued Republican administration. And, 
therefore, our candidate must be in himself a resplendent manifesto of Repub- 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


127 


lican principle, Republican character, and Republican purpose; a candidate who 
is in himself a triumphant victory. 

We, gentlemen, have been long in power; and prolonged power breeds, as 
we have learned to our cost in the State of New York, and as you have learned, 
therefore, to your cost—prolonged power breeds dissensions within the party. 
The times are hard; and every man who feels poor, at once blames the admin¬ 
istration of the government. The old issues are largely settled; anti new men 
with new views are arising all around us; and vast questions, to which no man 
can be blind, solicit our present attention and sympathy. 

This is the state of the country; this is the state of the party; and we are 
confronted with the Democratic party, very hungry, and, as you may well 
believe, very thirsty ; a party without a single definite principle; a party with¬ 
out any distinct National policy which it dares to present to the country; a 
party which fell from power as a conspiracy against human rights, and now 
attempts to sneak back to power as a conspiracy for plunder and spoils. 

Nevertheless, fellow-Republicans, we have learned, and many of you whom 
our hearts salute, have learned upon fields more peaceful than this, that our foe 
is not a foe to be despised. He will feel our lines to find our weakest point. 
He will search the work of this Convention with electric light. He will try us 
by our candidate. And therefore the man to whom we commit the banner— 
the banner that Abraham Lincoln bore—must be, like Abraham Lincoln, a 
knight indeed; and like the old knight, a ‘‘ knight without fear and without 
reproach.” He must be a statesman, identified with every measure of the 
great Republican past, and a pioneer in every measure of its future of reform; 
and in himself the pledge that the party will not only put its face forward, but 
will set its foot forward; and a pledge, also, that that mighty foot will trample 
and crush and utterly destroy whatever disgraces the public service, whatever de¬ 
files the Republican name, whatever defeats the just expectation of the country 
and of the Republican party. 

lie must be also, and I do but echo the words of the distinguished orator 
wdio preceded me—he must also be an unswerving Republican; a man, a states¬ 
man, not strong in an unrecorded obscurity, but walking for manjr a year con¬ 
spicuous, commanding, upon the heights of eminent places, in the full sunlight 
of unquestioned and unquestionable purity of personal and of public conduct— 
a statesman/ as all our hearts assure us, the most, eminent, the one prominent 
Republican, about whom Republicans have never differed; and for whom 
every. Republican, every Democrat, every Independent voter, every American 
citizen, who under any circumstances whatever would support the Republican 
ticket, would gladly and proudly vote. This is the man, fellow Republic¬ 
ans, whom the situation of the country, whom the condition of the party, 
and whom our knowledge of the combat upon which we enter, designate as 
the man, the fitting man—in my judgment, the most fitting man—to be our 
leader. 

Mr. President, in the beginning of the Revolution, a Green Mountain boy 
crossed Lake Champlain; and, followed by his brave comrades, climbed the 
sheer precipice, and in the name of the Great Jehovah and of the Continental 
Congress, demanded and received the surrender of British Ticonderoga. There 


128 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


is another Green Mountain boy; let us make him our captain in the great con¬ 
test upon which we enter; make him our captain of the host, the vast host of 
loyal followers, as indeed, followers we shall be, doubtless, of any man who 
bears the banner of the Republican party; and in the name of the Great Jeho¬ 
vah and of the Republican party, he will demand and receive the surrender of 
the Democratic party. 

His name is in your hearts before it leaves my lips. Incorruptible, unas¬ 
sailable, a Republican whom every Republican trusts to the utmost; whom every 
Democrat respects with all his heart; a candidate who will make every Repub¬ 
lican State surer, every Democratic State uneasy, and every doubtful State 
Republican, and who will awaken all the old conquering Republican enthu¬ 
siasm of principle and character. This is the candidate whose name has been- 
presented to us by the old Bay State; and the candidate whose nomination on 
behalf of every American who believes that political honesty is the best politi¬ 
cal policy, I proudly second, in repeating the name of George F. Edmunds, of 
Vermont. 

The Secretary finished the call of the roll of States ; and there 
were no more responses. 

MOTION TO PROCEED TO BALLOTING. 

Mr. J. B. Foraker. I move you, sir, that this Convention do now pro¬ 
ceed to ballot for a nominee as its candidate for President of the United States. 

The motion was seconded from several parts of the house. 

Mr. John Stewart, of Pennsylvania. I assume that the purpose of this 
motion is to economize the time of this Convention. If I am correct in that, I 
sympathize with the gentleman who made the motion; but the motion is inade¬ 
quate in itself. If we desire to economize time, we have time not only for one 
ballot but for five. I therefore move to amend the motion of the gentleman 
from Ohio [Mr. Foraker] to the effect that we proceed to take five ballots 
before adjournment. 

MOTION TO ADJOURN. 

Mr. J. M. Thurston, of Nebraska. I am so overwhelmed with the tide 
of eloquence received here to-night, that I want a little time for quiet, delib¬ 
erate, honest, conscientious reflection before I voice my sentiments. I therefore 
move you, sir, that this Convention take a recess until to-morrow morning at 
10 o’clock. 

Mr. Silas P. Dutcher, of New York. I sincerely hope that the motion 
to take a recess until to-morrow morning at 10 o’clock will not prevail. 

The President. It has been moved and seconded that the Convention now 
take a recess until to-morrow at 10 o’clock. 

The motion was put, and declared to be lost. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


m 


Mr. Tiiukston. On behalf of Nebraska, I demand a call of the States 
upon the motion. [Cries of “Ballot.”] 

Mr. Sewell, of New Jersey. I second the demand in behalf of New 
Jersey. 

The President. The Secretary will proceed to call the roll of States. 
The Chair will inquire of the gentleman from Nebraska whether his demand 
for a call of the States has been approved by the delegation of his own State 
and approved by two other States. [Cries of “No!” “No!” and a voice: 
“ One other.”] 

The President. One other. Then, it is out of order to call the roll of 
States. 

Mr. Sewell. I have seconded the demand for the delegation from New 
Jersey. 

Mr. Stewart, of Pennsylvania. I second it for the delegation from the 
State of Pennsylvania. 

A Delegate. Have they the approval of their delegations? 

Mr. Sewell. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Stewart. It is not necessary to have it a unit. [Calls for ‘ ‘ The 
Rule! ”] 

The President. The Secretary will read the rule. 

Mr. Parks, of California. Before you call the roll, we would like to know 
upon what proposition you are calling it. 

The President. The Chair will inform the gentleman in a moment. 

Mr. Stewart. Before you proceed to call the roll of the States on that 
motion, I desire to know what was the fate of the amendment which I offered 
to the motion of the gentleman from Ohio. 

The Clerk read Rule 6 as follows : 

“ When a majority of the delegates of any two States shall demand that a 
vote be recorded, the same shall be taken by States, Territories and the Dis¬ 
trict of Columbia, the Secretary calling the roll of the States, Territories and 
the District of Columbia, in the order heretofore stated.” 

A Delegate. I ask to have the question stated. 

The President. The question is upon adjournment until to-morrow morn¬ 
ing at 10 o’clock. 

Mr. Hoar, of Massachusetts. I rise to a question of order. It is impossible 
to hear what the question is. I desire that it be stated by the Chair. 

The President. The question is to adjourn until to-morrow at 1C 
o’clock. 

A Delegate. No ; take a recess. 

The President. Well, take a recess. 

CALLING THE ROLL. 

The Secretary then proceeded to call the roll. 

When Delaware was called, 

9 


130 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Massey said : Mr. President: There are but four of the Delaware dele¬ 
gates present. I can not assume to vote on this question for the two not 
here, because I am not authorized. 

The President. The gentleman can not vote for those that are absent. 

Mr. Massey. Of the four who are present, three vote to adjourn, and one 
not to adjourn. 

When New York was called, 

Mr. Curtis said : Will you pass New York for a moment ? The vote is 
not quite ready. 

The President. We can not pass any State in the call of the roll. 

Mr. Curtis. Can’t you pass the vote of New York for a moment ? 

The President. We can not pass any State in the call of the roll. 

The Secretary. We can wait for it. 

Mr. Curtis. Can’t you suspend the call ? 

Mr. Turner, of Alabama. Is it permissible for Alabama to make an 
alteration in its vote at this time ? 

The President. Not at this moment. The gentleman can call the atten¬ 
tion of the Chair to it hereafter. 

Mr. Turner. I will call the attention of the Chair to it at the end of 
the roll call. 

Mr. Curtis. New York votes 29 aye, 43 no. 

Mr. Richardson, of New York. I would like to know how the gentleman 
knows how to announce New York’s vote. Here are a dozen men who have 
not been asked how they voted at all. 

The President. Let me inquire if the count as reported to the Chair is 
disputed by the delegate. Is the count disputed from New York ? 

Mr. Lawson, of New York. I question the correctness of the vote of 
New York, as announced. I demand that the delegation from New York 
be called. 

The President. That is a right the gentleman has. Call the roll of 
New York. 

The Secretary proceeded to call the roll. When the name of 
John M. Crane was called, 

Mr. King arose and said : Mr. Crane is not here. John A. King is his 
alternate. I am the alternate of Mr. Crane, John A. King, and I vote “ no.” 

The Secretary. Thomas Young is the alternate. 

The President. Is Mr. Young present ? 

Mr. Curtis. Mr. Young is in the city, but Mr. King is the alternate of 
Mr. Crane. 

The President. Mr. King is not entitled to vote, as the record stands. 
Mr. Young is the alternate for Mr. Crane. 

A Delegate. The roll was corrected yesterday, and the gentleman voted 
two or three times after it was corrected. 

Mr. King. Allow me to explain. I have credentials from the State of 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


131 

New V ork, but I did not bring them to-day, because it was arranged yester¬ 
day. The State of New York elected two delegates from each Congressional 
district. If Mr. Curtis were not here, Mr. Young would be the alternate. 

Mr. Curtis. I have the credentials in my hand. I will send them to the 
Chair. 

The President [after examining the credentials]. The record corrects the 
impression of the Chair, and contains the name of Mr. King. 

The call was proceeded with, and Mr. King voted “ no.” 

Mr. Andrew S. Draper, on his name being called, said: By the action of 
the Convention in adopting the report of the Committee on Credentials, the 
delegation from this district is entitled to but one vote, and the contesting dele¬ 
gation is given a vote likewise—half a vote to each man. 

The following was the result of the roll call for New York : 

• 

Ayes —Anson McCook, Wm. H. Robertson, James W. Husted, David J. 
Blauvelt, Thomas Cornell, Duncan Ballentine, James Lamb (%), James A. 
Houck (%), George West, John Kellogg, John Hammond, Leslie W. Russell, 
George A. Bagley, W. E. Scripture, R. J. Richardson (alternate), Hobart 
Krum, Titus Sheard, Carroll E. Smith, James Frazee (alternate), Milton De 
Lano, David D. Osborne, T. G. Yeomans, Walter Lloyd Smith, George R. 
Cornwell, Stephen T. Hayt, Edmund L. Pitts, Norman M. Allen, Frank S. 
Smith—28. 

Noes —Theodore Roosevelt, Andrew White, Jno. I. Gilbert, Edwin Packard, 
George William Curtis, John A. King (alternate), Silas B. Butcher, Andrew 
D. Baird, George L. Pease, William H. Beard, Martin N. Day, Clark D. Rhine- 
liardt, George C. Bennett, John J. O’Brien, John H. Brady, John D. Lawson, 
Charles N. Taintor, Robert G. McCord, John Collins, George Starr (alternate), 
George Hilliard, Michael Cregan, Bernard Biglin, John R. Lydecker, William 
Doud Joseph L. Perley (alternate), Frank Raymond, John A. Eagleston, Ben¬ 
jamin B Odell, B. Platt Carpenter, Hamilton Fish, Jr., Wm. E. Kisselburg, 
Henry G. Burleigh, George Campbell, A S. Draper (alternate), George Chahoon, 
J. B. Morris (alternate), Leonard Burritt, Hulbert II. Warner, James W. 
Wadsworth, James D. Warren, Josiali Jewett, George Urban, Jr., Lee R. 
Sanborn—44. 

When Pennsylvania’s vote was announced as a State, 

Mr. Fisher, of that State said: Mr. President: I challenge the count, and 
ask for the call of the roll. 

The President. The roll of Pennsylvania will be called. 

The Secretary then called the roll of Pennsylvania, with the fol¬ 
lowing result : 

Ayes —P L. Kimberley, J. W. Lee, Lewis Emery, Jr., Alexander Crowe, 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


132 


Jr., W. Elwood Rowan, B. F. Fisher, Richard Young, Robert M. Yardley, J. 
P. H. Jenkins, Samuel R. Deppen, F. S. Livengood, Edwin L. Reimhold, 
Lewis S. Hartman, Samuel Thomas, W. S. Kilpatrick, James Cruikshank, 
Hubbard B. Payne, Henry H. Boies, Horace Brock, Jacob H. Wagner, F. F. 
Lyon, G. A. Grow, E. G. Scheiffelin, C. W. Hill, Daniel J. Morrell, John 
Stewart, B. F. Wagonseller (alternate), William H- Lanius, Jacob A. Kitz- 
miller, E. A. Irvin, Dr. Thomas C. Thornton, J. K. Ewing, Thomas M. Bayne, 
E. M. Byers, E. F. Acheson, John W. Wallace, J. B. Henderson, H. C. How¬ 
ard, Thomas C. Cochran, W. H. H. Riddle, E. W. Echols, Joseph Johnson—42. 

Noes —James McManes, John L. Hill (alternate), W. E. Littleton (alternate), 
H. H. Bingham, William Leeds, David H. Lane, Samuel B. Gilpin, Harry 
Hunter, John T. Thompson, John Ruhl, James C. Brown, J. A. M. Passmore, 
J. Y. Sollenberger, Edward Scull, James E. Sayers, C. L. Magee, William 
Flynn—17. 

On the call of the District of Columbia, 

Mr. Conger said: “Mr. President: I believe that my colleague is absent 
from the hall; but I am not certain, and, therefore, ask that the roll be called 
of the District of Columbia.” 

The President. Has the gentleman voted ? 

The Clerk again called the District of Columbia. 

The President. Vote. 

Mr. Conger. Call his name. 

The President. No; vote. You have got to vote. 

Mr. Conger. I wish the roll called. 

The President. The gentleman has no right to a roll call. 

Mr. Conger. Why not ? 

The President. What is wrong ? Is the vote disputed ? 

Mr. Conger. The count has not been announced. 

The President. It must be announced before I can have the roll called of 
the District of Columbia. 

Mr. Conger. Mr. President: Mr. Conger, of the District of Columbia, 
votes ‘ ‘ no. ” I understand that the alternate of Mr. Carson is here present. Prob¬ 
ably Mr. Carson is absent. I desire to have Mr. Carson’s al ernate called. I 
wish a record made of this vote. 

The Clerk. The District of Columbia votes one “ no.” 

Mr. Conger. Now, I dispute that, and ask for a call of the roll. 

The President. Then, the gentleman disputes his own vote, does he ? 

Mr. Conger. No : I do not. I know what I am talking about. I insist 
upon having the names of the delegates from the District of Columbia called. 

The President. Call the roll. 

Mr. Conger voted “ no,” and Mr. Smith, Mr. Carson’s alternate, 
“ no.” 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


133 


Mr. Stewart, of Pennsylvania. I now move that this Convention take a 
recess until- 

The President. The motion is out of order until the vote has been 
announced. 

Mr. Turner, of Alabama. I desire to change the vote of Alabama. 

The President. Is it to correct a numerical error ? or is it a change of 
sentiment of the delegate ? 

Mr. Turner. It is a change in the vote. 

The President. The gentleman has no right to change. 

Mr. Strobach, of Alabama. I insist upon it that a delegate has a right to 
change his vote. We have adopted Cushing’s Manual; and by that manual we 
are able to change the vote, if there is nothing in the rule prohibiting it. I 
would like to hear the rule. There is no such rule. Four years ago I was a 
member of the Convention, and we had a rule. But this time we have no rule 
prohibiting a change of the vote; and I insist that he has a right to change his 
vote, and I ask the ruling of the Chair. 

The President. The rule will be read. 

The Clerk read the rule: 

“And, when any State has announced its vote, it shall so stand until the 
ballot is announced, unless in case of numerical error.” 

Mr. Turner. Does that apply to every ballot in the Convention upon any 
question? 

The President. Upon any question, as I understand it. 

The Secretary announced the result of the vote, as follows : 


Whole number of votes cast.- .---801 

Ayes...-.-.391 

Noes.....410 

Majority against---- 19 


The vote by States and Territories was as follows : 


States and Territories. 

No. of 

Votes. Ayes. Noes. 

States and Territories. 

No. of 

Votes. Ayes. Noes. 

Alabama. 

. 20 

20 

_ 

Maryland_ 

. 16 

12 

4 

Arkansas. 

. 14 

14 

_ 

Massachusetts.. 

. 28 . 

.... 

28 

California_ 

. 16 

16 

_ 

Michigan.. 

. 26 

19 

7 

Colorado... 

6 

6 

_ 

Minnesota. 

14 

5 

9 

Connecticut.. 

. 12 

_ 

12 

Mississippi.. 

. 18 

1 

17 

Delaware.- - 

6 

3 

1 

Missouri. 

. 32 

9 

20 

Florida. 

8 

_ 

8 

Nebraska... 

. 10 

8 

2 

Georgia.. 

. 24 


24 

Nevada.. 

6 

6 

- - - - 

Illinois... 

. 44 

3 

41 

New Hampshire_ 

8 

1 

7 

Indiana.. 

30 

23 

7 

New Jersey__ 

. 18 

18 

_ 

Iowa__ 

. 26 

26 

_ 

New York.... 

. 72 

27 

41 

Kansas. 

_ 18 

14 

4 

North Carolina_ 

. 22 

3 

19 

Kentucky . 

. 26 

8 

18 

Ohio... 

46 

23 

23 

Louisiana..- - 

. 16 

7 

8 

Oregon. .. 

6 

6 

.... 

Maine-- 

. 12 

12 

— 

Pennsylvania.. 

. 60 

42 

17 




































134 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


No. of 


States and Territories. 

Votes. 

Ayes. Noes. 

Rhode Island_ 

8 


8 

South Carolina_ 

. 19 


18 

Tennessee. 

. 24 

7 

16 

Texas_ 

. 26 

12 

10 

Vermont.. 

8 


8 

Virginia. 

. 24 

3 

21 

West Virginia_ 

_ 12 

12 

_ _ _ 

Wisconsin.. 

22 

18 

4 

Arizona.. 

2 

2 


Dakota__ 

2 

2 

_ 


No. of 

States and Territories. Votes. Ayes. Noes. 


Dist. of Columbia.. 

2 .... 

2 

Idaho..... 

2 1 

1 

Montana. 

2 

2 

New Mexico. 

2 .... 

2 

Utah.*.. 

2 .... 

2 

Washington_ 

.22 

— 

Wyoming. 

2 

1 

Totals. 

.. 820 391 

410 


Mr. Silas P. Di tcher, of New York. I move the previous question. 

Mr. Stewart, of Pennsylvania. I move that this Convention adjourn until 
11 o’clock to-morrow morning. 

The President. The gentleman from New York [Mr. Dutcher] has the 
floor. 

Mr. Dutcher. I move the previous question on the motion to take a vote. 

Mr. Winston, of North Carolina. I second that motion for the previous 
question. 

Mr. Stewart. I rise to a point of order. The calling for the previous 
question does not cut off a motion to adjourn. I move that this Convention 
adjourn until 11 o’clock. 

The President. The Chair will state to the Convention that the order of 
business is a ballot, and there is no use of making any motion to that effect. 

Mr. Houck, of Tennessee. I rise to a question of order. It is utterly im¬ 
possible to know or hear what is going on. 

The President. The Chair will entertain no motion until the gentlemen 
come to order. 

Mr. Bush, of California. In the language of a distinguished gentleman, 
“ Wliat are we here for ? ” 

The President. The motion before the Convention is the motion of the 
gentleman from Pennsylvania to adjourn until 11 o’clock to-morrow morning. 

Several Delegates. This morning. 

The President. That is so; it is after 12 o’clock. [Cries of question.] 

Mr. Walker, of Missouri. I rise to a point of order. The point is this : 
No business has intervened in the Convention since the last motion to adjourn 
was voted down. 

Mr. Stewart. My motion was to adjourn until 11 o’clock. 

Mr. Winston, of North Carolina. A gentleman [Mr. Dutcher] moved the 
previous question before Mr. Stewart’s motion to adjourn; behaving the floor, 
and being recognized by the Chair. 

The President. The gentleman did not announce that the call for the pre¬ 
vious question was sustained by his own State and two other States. 

Mr. Roosevelt, of New York. It was seconded here 

Mr. Winston. I seconded the call for North Carolina. 

Mr. Stewart, of Pennsylvania. I call for the roll of the States on the 
motion to adjourn till 11 o’clock. 




















REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


135 

Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska. I second the motion for a call of the States. 
The President. All in favor of adjourning will say aye. All opposed will 
say no. The noes have it. 

Mr. Stewart. I demand the call of the roll of the States. 

The President. The noes have it. 

Mr. Stewart. Call the roll of the States. 

The President. The Secretary will call the roll. 

CALLING THE ROLL. 


The roll call proceeded through to Illinois, with the following 
result: 


States. 

Ayes. 

Noes. 

States . 

Ayes. 

Noes. 

Alabama .. 

.. 4 

15 

Delaware_... 

_ 3 

1 

Arkansas .. 

..10 

3 

Florida_ 


8 

California.. 

.16 


Georgia _ 


24 

Colorado... 

Connecticut. 

_ 6 

12 

Illinois_ 

.. 1 

43 


Mr. Burrows, of Michigan. I rise to a point of order. 

The President. What is the gentleman’s point of order ? 

Mr. Burrows. Will the Chair be kind enough to inform the delegates what 
the question is ? 

The President. The question is to take a recess until to-morrow at 11 
o’clock. 

Several Delegates. To-day. 

The President. To-day; yes, it is after 12 o’clock now. 

Mr. Stone, of Iowa. We want to know what the question is. 

Mr. Morris McDonald. I move we adjourn. 

Mr. John H. Roelker. I second the motion. 

Mr. Shelby M. Cullom. I am unable to hear what is being done. 

Mr. Burleigh, of New York. I would suggest that we make an amend¬ 
ment to adjourn until 10 o’clock. 

Mr. McKinley, of Ohio. I move to dispense with the call of the States. I 
understand the gentlemen all around us are willing that the motion to adjourn 
until 11 o’clock this morning shall prevail; and in that spirit I make that 
motion. 

Mr. Burleigh. I accept the amendment. 

Mr. McKinley. I make the motion that we suspend the further call of the 
States, and take a vote viva voce to adjourn until 11 o’clock. 

The motion was carried, and the Convention adjourned at 1:45 
a. m., Friday, June 6th, to 11 o’clock a. m. same day. 












OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


136 


FOURTH DAY. 

Friday, June 6, 1884. 

The Convention re-assembled, pursuant to adjournment, at 11 
o’clock a. m., June 6th, and was called to order by the President at 
11:20 a.m. 

The President. The Convention this morning will be opened by prayer 
from the Rev. Dr. Scudder, of Chicago. 

PRAYER BY REV. HENRY MARTYN SCUDDER. 

Let us jpray. Almighty and ever blessed God. We worship Thee as the 
author of our being, as the creator of our mortal bodies and of our immortal 
spirits. And we adore Thee as the inexhaustible personal source of all light and 
love, and truth and liberty, and peace and gladness. And we do glorify Thee 
as the supreme law-giver, and as the only rightful sovereign of all hearts and all 
consciences. And we do thank Thee with reverence and gratitude for the 
benignant providence which, from the very beginning, has watched over our be¬ 
loved country. We thank Thee for its manifold deliverances in times of National 
peril, for its grand victory over slavery, for its symmetrical development under 
Thy fostering care, and for its present advancement among the nations of the 
earth. And we do also bless Thee for our just laws and fruitful institutions; 
for our civil and religious liberty; for our fertile lands and abundant resources, 
our great cities and our happy homes. 

We bless Thee, Lord God of truth and grace, for the Christian faith, and 
for our Christian churches, and for our educational privileges, and for the ample 
opportunities that Thou dost continuously grant to our people for their growth 
in the knowledge and the virtue and the power that constitute genuine national 
manhood. 

And we now ask Thee to pronounce Thy benediction upon this Convention. 
Grant to it to-day the unerring guidance of Thine own infallible Spirit; and 
may all that is done here be done in the fear of God, and in the righteousness 
of a true patriotism. And, to this end, may every man in this Convention be 
endowed and animated with a spirit of true humility and true fidelity to the 
highest interests of our great Republic. 

And row, finally, great and holy God, we pray Thee that this Convention 
may be led with a hearty unanimity to select for nomination to the Presidency 
of these United States the right man. And when he is selected by this Con¬ 
vention, may he thereafter be elected by the American people to the chief mag¬ 
istracy of this country. 

And after he is elected, if that be Thy will, may his life be precious in Thy 
sight; and may he be so endowed with Thy Spirit that he shall give us an ad 
ministration that shall be an honor to himself, an honor to this Convention, an 
honor to the Republican party, an honor to the whole American people, a glory 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


137 


to our country, and a lesson for mankind ; an administration which shall be 
acceptable in Thy sight, Thou who art the Lord God of hosts. 

And we ask this in the name of our adorable Lord and Redeemer, Jesus 
Christ. Amen. 


THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: The Secretary will call the 
roll of States and Territories that did not report their National Committeemen 
on yesterday; and those States and Territories will now answer. 

Mr. Busii, of California. I desire to offer a resolution, without debate. 

Mr. Davis of California. I demand the regular order. I object to these 
resolutions. 

The President. Well, we will see what it is. I don’t know. 

Mr. Davis. I demand the regular order. 

The President. Call the roll. 

The Secretary then called the State of California. 

Mr. Morrow, of California. The State of California names Horace Davis. 

The Secretary then called the State of Colorado. 

A Delegate. Pass Colorado for the present. 

The Secretary then called the State of Florida. 

A Delegate. Pass the State of Florida for the present. 

The Secretary then called the State of New Hampshire. 

A Delegate from New Hampshire. New Hampshire presents the name 
of Edward H. Rollins. 

The Secretary then called the State of Tennessee. 

Mr. Houck, of Tennessee. I am unanimously instructed by the Tennessee 
delegation to hand in the name of W. P. Brownlow as Committeeman for the 
State of Tennessee. 

The Secretary then called the District of Columbia. 

Mr. P. H. Carson. Mr. President - 

Mr. F. B. Conger. Mr. President: The District of Columbia has not agreed. 

Mr. Carson. And I am satisfied we won’t agree. 

Mr. Conger. All right. 

The Secretary then called the Territory of New Mexico. 

Mr. W. H. H. Llewellyn. New Mexico presents the name of Wm. L. 
Rivers. 


138 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Bush, of California. I desire to withdraw that resolution, by the 
request of members here. 

The President. The resolution is withdrawn. 

BALLOTING FOR PRESIDENT-THE ROLL CALL FOR FIRST BALLOT. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: There is now nothing in 
order except to call the roll for the nomination, by ballot, of a candidate for 
the Presidency. 

The Secretary called the State of Alabama. 

Mr. Turner, of Alabama. Is the roll call for balloting for President ? 

The President. For balloting. Announce your candidate. 

Mr. Turner. Alabama casts one vote for James G. Blaine, one vote for 
John A. Logan, seventeen votes for Chester A. Arthur, with one delegate 
absent. I desire to state, Mr. President, that one delegate is sick in bed at the 
hotel; otherwise, the vote would be eighteen for Chester A. Arthur. 

The President. He can not vote unless he or his alternate is here. 

Mr. Turner. I have not cast his vote. 

The Secretary then called the State of Arkansas. 

Mr. Logan II. Roots. Arkansas casts two votes for George F. Edmunds; 
four votes for Chester A. Arthur; eight votes for James G. Blaine. 

A Delegate from Arkansas. Not being satisfied with that announcement, 
I ask for a call of the roll of delegates. 

The President. Does the gentleman from Arkansas question the accuracy 
of the announcement ? 

The Delegate. I challenge the announcement. 

Mr. Hoar, of Massachusetts. He challenges the vote. 

Mr. Turner, of Alabama. The absent delegate from Alabama has now 
come into the room. Am I at liberty to cast his vote ? 

The President. Not now. 

Mr. Turner. At the end of the roll call ? 

The President. The Secretary will call the roll for the State of Arkansas. 

The Secretary then proceeded to call the roll; and, as the indi¬ 
vidual responses were made, there were storms of applause intermixed 
with hisses. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: In consequence of the 
applause which follows the announcement of the name, it is utterly impossible 
for the clerks to record the votes. And I appeal to these galleries to cease their 
hissings and applause. [A voice: “ Clear the galleries ! ”] We can not record 
the vote here if applause and hisses follow the announcement of the vote. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


139 


The roll call for Arkansas resulted as follows: 

For Arthur —M. W. Gibbs, John H. Johnson, Ferd. Havis and Lafayette 
Gregg—4. 

For Blaine —Powell Clayton, Logan H. Roots, Henry M. Cooper, Samuel 
II Holland, A. A. Tufts, George H. Thompson, Mason W. Benjamin, and 
Kidder Kidd—8. 

For Edmunds —Jacob Trieber and Jacob Yoes— 2. 

The Secretary then proceeded with the call until the State of 
Florida was reached; when the Chairman from that State announced 
seven votes for Arthur and one vote for Blaine. 

Mr. Long, of Florida. I demand a poll of Florida. 

The President. The Secretary will call the roll. 

The Secretary. Dennis Eagan. 

Mr. Emanuel Fortune. Chester A. Arthur. 

Mr. Long. The delegate is not present. 

Mr. Joseph E. Lee. We come here entitled to eight votes in this Conven¬ 
tion. And our State Convention instructed us in this wise, by this resolution : 
“ Resolved, that no delegate or alternate shall be authorized to give a proxy to 
any person not elected as such by the Convention; and in case the full number 
of delegates or alternates are not present at anytime in the Chicago Convention, 
those present shall cast the vote of the delegation.” Mr. President, our 
State can not be deprived of her eight votes under that resolution. 

Mr. Hoar, of Massachusetts, here attempted to be recognized by 
the Chair. 

The President. The gentleman [referring to Mr. Lee] is out of order. 

The Secretary then again called Dennis Eagan. 

Mr. Lee. He is not here, but his alternate is here. 

The Secretary then called Emanuel Fortune, the alternate of Mr. 
Ea^an, and he voted for Chester A. Arthur. 

The roll call was then proceeded with, and resulted as follows: 

For Arthur —Emanuel Fortune [alternate], Joseph E. Lee, Jesse D. Cole, 
William G Stewart, James M. Combs, A. C. Lightborne, and H. W. Chandler 
—7. 

For Blaine —John G. Long—1. 

The Secretary then proceeded with the call until the State of 
Kansas was reached. 

Mr. P. B. Plumb, of Kansas. Kansas casts twelve votes for James G. 


140 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Blaine, four votes for Chester A. Arthur, one vote for John A. Logan, and 
one vote for Joseph R. Hawley. 

A Delegate. I demand a call of the roll for Kansas. 

The Secretary. Will the gentleman please repeat to me the vote of Kansas? 
Mr. Plumb. The call of the roll is asked for; and that will do away with 
the necessity of any further statement. 

The Secretary then called the roll of delegates of Kansas, with the 
following result: 

For Blaine —James-S. Merritt, A. W. Mann, Cyrus Leland, Jr., Henry E. 
Insley, J. R. Hallowell, W. P. Hackney, William Martindale, E. A. Berry, J. 
S. McDowell, Joseph W. Ady, C. C. Wood and R. L. Walker—12. 

For Arthur —Preston B. Plumb, J. G. Woods, George R. Peck and C. C. 
Culp—4. 

For Logan —R. Aikman—1. 

For Hawley —J. P. Root—1. 

The Secretary again proceeded with the call until the State of 
Louisiana was reached. 

Mr. W. P. Kellogg. Louisiana casts ten votes for Chester A. Arthur, 
three for John A. Logan, and two for James G. Blaine. One of our delegates 
is absent. 

Mr. L. A. Martinet. I ask a poll of the votes for Louisiana. 

The President. Call the roll for Louisiana. 

The Secretary called the roll, with the following result: 

For Arthur— A. J. Dumont, P. B. S. Pincliback, A. S. Badger, W. B. 
Merchant, R. F. Guichard, P. F. Herwig, Henry Demas, George Drury, L. A. 
Martinet and Louis J. Souer—10. 

For Logan —W. P. Kellogg, Frank Morey and E. W. Wall— 8. 

For Blaine —William Harper and Clifford Morgan— 2. 

The Secretary again proceeded with the call until he reached the 
District of Columbia. 

Mr. Frank B. Conger. Mr. President : My colleague here present declines 
to announce his vote. The District of Columbia casts one vote for Arthur. 

Mr. Perry H. Carson. The gentleman makes a mistake. Perry H. 
Carson casts his vote for James G. Blaine. 

Upon the completion of the roll call, 

Mr. Turner, of Alabama, said : Is it consistent with the rules for Alabama 
to correct its vote at this time ? 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


141 


The President. What does the gentleman desire to correct ? a numerical 
error ? 

Mr. Turner. The delegate came in within two minutes after the vote had 
been declared. 

The President. He can not now vote, under the rule. 

Mr. Turner. All right. He will do it next time. 

The President. Gentlemen, if you wish to hear the vote, you must keep 
silent. 


The Secretary thereupon announced the result of the first ballot 
as follows : 


FIRST BALLOT. 


Whole number of delegates_______ .820 

Necessary to a choice......411 

Whole number of votes cast. ..818 

James G. Blaine........3341 

Chester A. Arthur__________278 

Geo. F. Edmunds.... 93 

John A. Logan. ... .... .....631 

John Sherman......30 

J. R. Hawley________ 13 

R. T. Lincoln.. . 4 

W. T. Sherman...-.. 2 


The vote by States and Territories was as follows : 


States and Territories. 

| No. of Votes. 

j Arthur. 

| Blaine. 

I 

Alabama . _ 

20 

17 

1 

Arkansas. 

14 

4 

8 

California _ _ 

16 


16 

Colorado __ __ 

6 


6 

Connecticut 

12 


Delaware _ 

6 

1 

5 

Florida ... 

8 

7 

1 

Georgia __ 

24 

24 


Illinois __ 

44 

1 

3 

Indiana, __ 

30 

9 

18 

Iowa_ __ 

26 

26 

Kansas...- 

18 

4 

12 

Kentucky _ _ _ __ 

26 

16 

5j 

2 

Louisiana _ ... 

16 

10 

Maine .. .. _ 

12 

12 

Maryland 

16 

6 _ 

10 

Massachusetts . _ 

28 

2 

1 

Michigan___ 

26 

2 

15 

Minnesota-- 

14 

1 

7 


Edmunds. 

& 

< 

0 

0 

J. Sherman. 

W 

£ 

< 

Lincoln. 

W. T. Sherman. 

'" 2 " 

1 























12 

















■ 




40 





1 

2 









1 

2 * 

3 

1 

1 






1 















25 

7 

6 










2 














































































142 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


States and Territories. 

No. op Votes. 

p 

BS 

<< 

Blaine. 

Edmunds. 

Logan. 

J. Sherman. 

|X 

W 

j-1 

< 

J Lincoln. 

W. T. Sherman, 

Miaaiaainni 

18 

32 

10 

6 

8 

18 

72 

22 

46 

6 

60 

8 

18 

24 

26 

8 

24 

12 

22 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

17 

10 

2 

1 

5 

8 

6 







IVTissrmri 

6 

10 

1 




Npbra.sk a. 




Nevada. 







'NTpw TTamnshirp 

4 

31 

19 

4 

6 

12 






New Jersey.. . . - 

New York 

9 

28 

2 

21 

6 

47 


1 


2 

.. 1 

.... 

North Carolina 

1 




Ohio 


25 




Oregon 

’ll’ 






Pennsylvania 

1 

8 

1 

— 




Rhode Island 




South Carolina 

17 

16 

11 

1 

7 

13 






Tennessee 


1 

2 





Texas 






V ermont 

8 





Virginia 

21 

y 

2 

12 

10 

2 

2 

1 

1 





West Virginia 






Wisconsin 

6 






Arizona 






Dakota 








District of Columbia 

1 

2 







Idaho 







Montana .... 

1 

1 






New Mexico 

2 

2 






Utah 








Washington.. 

2 







Wyoming _. 

2 













~T 


Totals ... 

820 

278 

334* 

93 

63* 

30 

13 

j 2 


ROLL CALL FOR SECOND BALLOT. 


The President. No nomination having been made, according to the rules 
of the Convention, the Convention will now proceed to another vote. The 
Secretary will call the roll. 

The Secretary called the State of Alabama. 

Mr. Turner. Alabama casts one vote for John A. Logan ; one vote for 
James G. Blaine, and eighteen votes for Chester A. Arthur. 

Mr. Parsons, of Alabama. I challenge the announcement of the vote as 
made by the Chairman of the delegation, and demand the call of the roll of 
the States. 

The President. The roll will be called. Call Alabama. 

The Secretary proceeded to call the roll for Alabama; and had 
called “John H. Thomason,” as alternate for Geo. W. Braxdall. 



































































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


U3 


Mr. Parsons. I would like to move that the rule be enforced that the 
delegates must be in their seats when the roll is called, because we can not tell 
whether a man who answers down there among the alternates is either the 
delegate or the alternate or somebody else. 

Mr. Turner. We will bring him up here and exhibit him to the gentleman 
if he wants. 

A Delegate. The man is an alternate and a proper alternate, and has 
voted. 

The President. If the delegate is present he must vote ; and if he is not 
present then his alternate is entitled to vote. 

The Delegate. His alternate is here; but the delegate is not. 

Mr. Turner. The alternate has voted, and the vote has been recorded. 

The President. Very good. Proceed with the call. 

The Secretary then completed the call of Alabama, with the fol¬ 
lowing result : 

O 

For Arthur —Turner, Thomason (alternate for Braxdall), Sheats, Duke, 
Slaughter, Threet, George W. Washington, Strobacli, Heyman, Youngblood, 
Stevens, Carson, Anthony, Mabson, Moseley, Bingham, McCulloch—17. 

For Blaine —Parsons and Lewis J. Washington— 2. 

For Logan —Crenshaw—1. 

The Secretary then called the State of Arkansas. 

Mr. Logan H. Roots. Arkansas casts three votes for Chester A. Arthur, 
and eleven votes for James G. Blaine. 

Mr. M. W. Gibbs. I demand that the roll be called. 

The President. The Chair does not understand the gentleman. What is 
the demand ? 

Mr. Gibbs. I move that the roll be called. I am not satisfied with the 
announcement. 

The President. The roll will be called. 

The Secretary called the roll for Arkansas, with the following 
result: 

For Blaine —Clayton, Roots, Cooper, Trieber, Holland, Tufts, Thompson, 
Benjamin, Yoes, Gregg and Kidd—11. 

For Arthur —Gibbs, Johnson and Havis—3. 

The Secretary proceeded with the call until he reached the State 
of Florida. 

Mr. Joseph E. Lee. Florida casts seven- 

Mr. John G- Long. Call the roll. I demand the poll of Florida. 

The President. No vote has yet been announced from Florida; therefore 
no member is entitled to a call. 

The Secretary again called the State of Florida. 


144 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Lee. Florida casts seven votes for Chester A. Arthur and one for 
Blaine. 

Mr. Long. I demand the poll. 

The Secretary then called the roll for Florida, with the following 
result: 

For Arthur —Dennis Eagan, Joseph E. Lee, Jesse D. Cole, William G. 
Stewart, James N. Combs, A. C. Lightborne and H. W. Chandler—7. 

For Blaine —John G. Long—1. 

The Secretary then proceeded with the call until he reached the 
State of Illinois. 

Mr. S. M. Cullom. Illinois votes: Logan, forty; Blaine, three; Arthur, one. 

Mr. Abner Taylor. I challenge the correctness of the vote, and ask for 
a poll. 

The President. The delegates for Illinois will be called. 

The Secretary called the roll for Illinois, with the following result: 

For Logan —Cullom, Hamilton, Cook, Carr, Ruger, Piper, Raymond, Col¬ 
lins, Kelly, Fuller, Lewis, Towne, Baldwin, Noble, Willett, Bell, Rogers, Ven- 
num, Wriglit, Whiting, Chandler, Ballard, Mathews, Berry, Jayne, Smith, 
Fifer, Ingham, Eckhart, Wilcox, Churchill, Black, Rinaker, Truitt, Halbert, 
Reuter, Ridgeway, Stratton, Simpson and McAdams—40. 

For Blaine —Woodward, Davis and Wheeler —3. 

For Arthur—T aylor—1. 

The Secretary then called the State of Indiana. 

Mr. R. W. Thompson. Indiana casts one vote for George F. Edmunds, 
two for John Sherman, nine for Chester A. Arthur, and eighteen votes for 
James G. Blaine. 

Mr. Morris McDonald. I ask that the roll of Indiana be called. 

The Secretary then called the roll for Indiana, wdth the following 
result: 

For Blaine— Roelker (alternate for Benjamin Harrison), Baker, Gardner, 
Cravens, Montgomery, Burchenal, Mellett, Michever, Adams, Smith, McKeen, 
Daily, Thompson, Holman, Kenner, Votaw, Carter and Oliver—18. 

For Arthur— McDonald, Yeatch, Posey, Reiley, Alspaugh and Charles, 
Williams, Simons and Moon—9. 

For John Sherman— Thompson and Irwin —2. 

For Edmunds —Hay—1. 

The Secretary then proceeded with the call until he reached the 
State of Kentucky. 

Mr. William O. Bradley. John Sherman, one ; Robert Lincoln, one; 
Logan, two; Blaine, five; and seventeen for Chester A. Arthur. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


145 


Mr. W. L. Hazslip. I ask for a call of the roll of Kentucky. 

The President. Does the gentleman challenge the vote of Kentucky 
as announced ? 

Mr. Hazslip. Yes, sir. 

The President. Call the roll. 

The Secretary then called the roll of Kentucky, with the follow¬ 
ing result : 

For Arthur —Evans, Bradley, Culbertson, Lewis, Farly, Bragg, Moore, 
Landes, Allensworth, Jolly, Hilpp, Miller (}£), Brown (%), Scarlett, Stoll, 
Thomas, Auxier and Buckner—17. 

For Blaine —Hazslip, Wilson (%), Minton (%), Goodloe, Bradford and 
Tremble—5. 

For Logan —Boyd and Denny— 2. 

For Sherman —Comingore—1. 

For Lincoln —Eversole—1. 

When the State of Louisiana was called, 

Mr. W. P. Kellogg said: Louisiana casts nine votes for Chester A. 
Arthur, two for Logan, and four for Blaine. 

The vote was challenged by a delegate, and the roll was called 
by the Secretary, with the following result: 

For Arthur —Dumont, Pinchback, Badger, Merchant, Herwig, Demas, 
Drury, Martinet and Souer—9. 

For Blaine —Guichard, Harper, Wall and Morgan—4. 

For Logan —Kellogg and Morey— 2. 

When Missouri was called, the vote was announced by Mr. Havens, 
as follows : 

Sherman, one; Edmunds, live; Logan, eight; Blaine, eight; Arthur, ten. 

Mr. Neuenhahn, of Missouri. I challenge the vote, and ask that the roll 
be called. I desire the roll of the delegation to be called. 

The Secretary then called the roll of Missouri, with the follow¬ 
ing result: 

For Arthur —Van Horn, Barber, Mullens, Thomas, Hyde, Jones, Warner, 
Reynolds, Neuenhahn and Carroll—10. 

For Blatne —Havens, Dawes, Hill, McLean, Sankey, Upton, Gibbs—7. 

For Logan —Prentiss, Cramer, Turner, Meyer, Filley, Mott. Weber and 
Duncan—8. 

For Edmunds —Fletcher (alternate for J. B. Henderson), Guitar, Shirk, 
Bruere and Burton—5. 

For John Sherman —Tyler—1. 

Not Voting —Benseik—1. 

10 




OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


146 

Mr. Havens. I desire to state that after the vote of the delegation was 
taken, one of the delegates retired from the hall, and that is the occasion of the 
difference between the announcement made by the Chair and the present vote. 

When New York was called, 

Mr. Curtis said: New York casts one vote for Robert Lincoln, twelve votes 
for George F. Edmunds, twenty-eight for James G. Blaine, thirty-one for 
Chester A. Arthur. 

Mr. A. S. Draper, of New York. I ask for the roll call. I challenge the 
vote, and demand that the New York delegation be polled. 

The President. Does the gentleman challenge the vote as announced ? 

Mr. Draper. I do, sir. 

The roll of New York was then called, with the following result: 

For Arthur —Dutcher, Beard, Day, Rliineliart, Bennett, O’Brien, Brady, 
Lawson, Taintor, McCord, Collins, Starr (alternate), Hilliard, Cregan, Biglin, 
Lydecker, Perley (alternate), Doud, Raymond, Eagleston, Carpenter, Fish, 
Townsend, Burleigh, Campbell (3*0 Draper ( 34 ), Hammond, Chalioon, War¬ 
ren, Jewett, Urban, Sanborn—31. 

For Blaine —McCook, Robertson, Husted, Blauvelt, Cornell, Ballentine, 
Lamb (34), Houck (34), West, Kellogg, Russell, Bagley, Scripture. Richardson 
(alternate), Krum, Slieard, C. E. Smith, Frazee (alternate), Platt, DeLano, 
Osborne, Yeomans, Dwight, W. L. Smith, Cornwell, Hayt, Pitts, Allen and 
F. S. Smith—28. 

For Edmunds —Roosevelt, White, Gilbert, Packard, Curtis, King (alternate), 
Hobbs, Baird, Pease, Odell, Burritt and Wadsworth—12. 

For Lincoln —Warner—1. 

When the District of Columbia was called, 

Mr. Conger said: Mr. President: My colleague declines to announce his vote 
to the Chairman of the delegation. The District of Columbia casts one vote 
for Arthur. 

Mr. Perry II. Carson. Mr. Carson votes for Blaine. 

The Secretary announced the result of the ballot as follows : 


SECOND BALLOT. 

Whole number of delegates_...____820 

Necessary to a choice...... 411 

Whole number of votes cast_ __.... 819 

James G. Blaine. ....... .... 349 

Chester A. Arthur____ ___ 270 

George F. Edmunds..._'_ 85 

John A. Logan____ __ 61 

John Sherman....._ 28 

J. R. Hawley... _ 13 

R. T. Lincoln_ _ _ . 4 

W. T. Sherman_____ ____ 3 













REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


147 


The vote by States and Territories was as follows : 



GO 

w 





z 



z 

< 

3 

States and Territories. 

> 

& 

o 

Ph 

p 

X 

H 

X 

M 

◄ 

in 

P 

z 

§ 

8 

ft 

z 

◄ 

a 

« 

« 

X 

03 

h 

§ 

z 

p 

o 

o 

z 

rM 

X 

03 

EH* 


K 


M 

H 

a 



A 

1 ^ 

Alabama_ _ . . 

20 

17 

2 


1 





Arkansas.. 

14 

3 

11 







California . 

16 

16 







Colorado___ . . .. 

6 


6 







Connecticut_ 

12 





12 



Delaware.. . . ... 

C 

1 

5 






Florida_ .. . 

8 

7 

1 







Georgia 

24 

24 







Illinois 

44 

1 

3 


40 





Indiana. 

30 

9 

18 

1 

2 




Iowa . ... _ 

26 

26 






Kansas 

18 

2 

13 


2 


1 



Kentucky ..._ 

26 

17 

5 


2 

1 

1 


Louisiana___ 

16 

9 

4 


2 



Maine 

12 

12 







Maryland 

16 

4 

12 







Massachusetts 

28 

3 

1 

15 

24 






Michigan 

26 

4 

5 





2 

Minnesota 

14 

1 

7 

6 






Mississippi _ 

18 

17 

1 






Missouri 

32 

10 

7 

5 

8 

1 



1 

Nebraska 

10 

2 

8 





Nevada 

6 


6 







Hamnshire 

8 

5 

3 






New .Tersev 

18 


9 

6 


1 


2 


New York_ .. __ 

72 

31 

28 

12 




1 


North Carolina 

22 

18 

3 


1 





XI V-/X til v/cu c/muu - -- -- -- -- - - 

Ohio 

46 

23 



23 




Oregon 

6 


6 






Ppti n s'vl v fin in 

60 

11 

47 

1 

1 





"Rhodp Island 

8 


8 





ItllvUU XOitt'UU, - - - - --- 

Smith CJarolina 

18 

17 

1 






kJUUtU Vtu iiutii. - -- -- -- -- -- 

Tennessee 

24 

16 

7 


1 





Texas 

26 

11 

13 


2 





V prm on t, 

8 

" 8 





Viro’i nin 

24 

21 

2 

1 





Wpot Virginia 

12 

12 







T f UOl T ildiuuv - -- -- -- - 

Wisconsin 

22 

.'6 

11 

5 






A riyona 

2 

2 







Dakota 

2 


2 







Tlistripf of Columbia_ 

2 

1 

1 







Tdaho 

2 

2 








1VT nntfln ;i 

2 


1 

1 






Arpm ArpYipn 

2 

2 







C W lUtAiCO----- 

TTtali 

2 

2 








W n ch 1 crton 

2 

2 







W vn m i n o* 

2 

2 

















Totals- - 

820 

276 

349 

85 

61 

28 

13 

4 

l fl 3 






















































































































































148 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


ROLL CALL FOR THE THIRD BALLOT. 

The President. No candidate having received a majority of all the votes 
cast, the Secretary will proceed to call the roll for the third ballot. 

The Secretary then proceeded to call the roll. 

When the vote of Massachusetts was announced, 

A Delegate said: Mr. President: I challenge the vote. 

The .President. [Mr. John D. Long, of Massachusetts, in the chair.] The 
gentleman from Massachusetts challenges the vote. The roll will be called. 

The Delegate. I will withdraw the challenge. 

The President. The challenge is withdrawn. 

When the vote of Pennsylvania was announced, 

A Delegate said: I challenge the vote of Pennsylvania. 

The President. The roll will be called for the State of Pennsylvania. 

The Secretary called the roll, with the following result : 

For Blaine —James McManes, Hamilton Disston, P. L. Kimberly, J. W. 
Lee, Lewis Emery Jr., W. H. Jessup, William R. Leeds, Samuel B. Gilpin, 
Alexander Crowe Jr., W. Elwood Rowan, B. F. Fisher, Richard Young, Rob¬ 
ert M. Yardley, J. P. Hale Jenkins, Samuel R. Deppen, F. S. Livengood, 
Edwin Reimhold, Lewis S. Hartman, Samuel Thomas, William S. Kilpatrick, 
James Cruikshank, James C. Brown, Hubbard B. Payne, Henry M. Boies, 
Horace Brock, Jacob II. Wagner, F. F. Lyon, G. A. Grow, E. G. Scliieffelin, 
C. W. Hill, Daniel J. Morrell, Edward Scull, John Stewart, B. F. Wagonsel- 
ler (alternate), William H. Lanius, Jacob A. Kitzmiller, E. A. Irvin, Dr. 
Thomas C. Thornton, J. K. Ewing, James E. Sayers, Thomas M. Bayne, E. M. 
Byers, E. F. Acheson, John W. Wallace, J. B. Henderson, H. C. Howard, T. 
C. Cochran, W. II. H. Riddle, E. W. Echols, Joseph Johnson—50. 

For Arthur —H. H. Bingham, W. J. Pollock, David H. Lane, Harry 
Hunter, John T. Thompson, John Ruhl, C. L. Magee, William Flynn—8. 

For Logan —J. A. M. Passmore—1. 

For Edmunds —J. Y. Sollenberger—1. 

When Texas was called. Mr. Binkley, from that State, announced 
the vote, as follows : 

Arthur, eleven; Blaine, fourteen; Logan, one. 

Mr. Webster Flannagan challenged the vote as given by the 
Chairman of the delegation. The Chair directed that the roll of the 
State delegation be called, which was accordingly done by the Sec¬ 
retary. 

When the Secretary called the name of Henry Green, it was ascer¬ 
tained that Mr. Green was not present. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


14:9 


A Delegate from Texas. Mr. Green lias just stepped out, and will return 
in a moment. 

Mr. Binkley. When I announced the vote, I supposed he \yas present. 

The Secretary passed the name of Henry Green for the present, 
and continued the call of the roll. 

Upon the completion of the call, 

Mr. Binkley said: Will the Secretary call Mr. Green again? 

The President. The name of Mr. Green will now be called. 

The Secretary called the name of Mr. Green, and the gentleman 
recorded his vote. 

The roll call resulted as follows : 

For Arthur— C. C. Binkley, It. Allen, J. B. Farris, G. W. Burkitt, 
Webster Flannagau, A. G. Malloy, Frank L. Cleve, B. B. Rentfro, Nathan 
Patton, 0 J. C. DeGress, II. H. McConnell—11. 

For Blaine —N. W. Cunev, Robert Zapp, It. J. Evans, J. D. Davis, J. R. 
Carter, O. T. Lyon, J. S. Witner, J. C. Akers, A. J. Rosenthal, W. II. Blont, 
Robert Hanschke, It. F. Campbell, Henry Green, II. C. Ferguson—14. 

For Logan —Alexander Burge—1. 

When the vote of Wisconsin had been announced by the Chair¬ 
man of the delegation, 

Mr. Cooper, of Wisconsin, said : I challenge the vote of Wisconsin, and 
call for the roll. 

The President. Does the gentleman except to the correctness of the 
announcement ? 

Mr. Cooper. I do. One moment. 

The President. Is the challenge withdrawn? 

Mr. Cooper. I withdraw it. 

Upon the completion of the roll call, the Secretary announced 
the result, as follows : 

third ballot. 


Whole number of delegates- - __ . 820 

Necessary to a choice ----- 411 

Whole number of votes---—....819 

James G. Blaine- -- 375 

Chester A. Arthur----- -274 

George F. Edmunds__ 69 

John A. Logan- 53 

John Sherman------ - - 25 

J. R. Hawley_ 13 

R. T. Lincoln- - -- 8 

W. T. Sherman- 2 













150 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The vote by States and Territories was as follows : 


• 

States and Territories. 

h 

K* 

fa 

c 

6 

£ 

| Arthur. 

i 

Blaine. 

£ 

p 

8 

p 

W 

Logan. 

J. Sherman. 

1 

Hawley. 

Lincoln. 

W. T. Sherman. 

Alabama___ 

20 

17 

2 


1 





Arkansas.___ 

14 

3 

11 







California___ 

16 


16 







Colorado. _ 

6 


6 







Connecticut_ 

12 






12 



Delaware___ 

6 

1 

5 







Florida__ 

8 

7 

1 







Georgia_. _ 

24 

24 








Illinois.... 

44 

1 

3 


40 





Indiana___ 

30 

10 

18 



2 




Iowa.... 

26 



26 






Kansas__ 

18 


15 


2 


1 

• 


Kentucky.... 

26 

16 

6 


2 

1 


1 


Louisiana... 

16 

9 

4 


2 





Maine.. 

12 


12 







Maryland___ 

16 

4 

12 







Massachusetts_ 

28 

3 

1 

24 






Michigan.. . 

26 

4 

18 

3 





1 

Minnesota.. 

14 

2 

rt 

{ 

5 






Mississippi.. 

18 

16 

1 





1 


Missouri__ 

32 

11 

12 

4 

4 

1 




Nebraska___ 

10 


10 







Nevada . . __ 

6 


6 







New Hampshire_ 

8. 

5 


3 






New Jersey__ 

18 

1 

11 





6 


New York___ 

72 

32 

28 

12 






North Carolina_ 

22 

18 

4 







Ohio... 

46 


25 



2l" 




Oregon.. 

6 


6 






Pennsylvania.. 

60 

8 

50 

1 

1 





Rhode Island__ 

8 

1 


8 






South Carolina_ 

18 

16 

2 







Tennessee.. 

24 

17 

7 







Texas.. . 

26 

11 

14 


1 





Vermont_ 

8 



.... 






Virginia... . 

24 

20 

4 







West Virginia_ 

12 


12 







Wisconsin_ 

22 

10 

11 






1 

Arizona.. 

2 


2 






Dakota.. 

o 


2 







District of Columbia_ 

2 

1 

1 







Idaho___ 

2 

1 

1 







Montana. ... 

2 


1 

1 






New Mexico_ 

2 

2 








Utah... 

2 

2 








Washington ...... 

2 


2 







Wyoming_ _ 

2 

"2 


















Totals.. _ 

820 

274 

375 

69 

53 

25 

13 

8 

2 
































































































































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


151 


MOTION TO TAKE A RECESS. 

Mr. Foraker, of Ohio. I move you, sir, that this Convention do now take 
a recess until 10 o’clock to-morrow morning. 

Mr. Dutcher, of New York. I second the motion. 

Mr. Stewart, of Pennsylvania. The opposing forces in this Convention 
have already passed the skirmish line, and there is one phalanx present, assured, 
confident, steadfast, certain of victory- 

Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, of New York [interrupting], I rise to a point 
of order. The point of order that I make is that the motion to adjourn is not 
debatable nor amendable. 

Mr. Stewart. We want to see this through. 

Mr. Foraker. I amend my motion by making it that we adjourn till half¬ 
past seven o’clock this evening. 

Mr. Winston, of North Carolina. I rise to support Mr. Roosevelt’s point of 
order. The motion is not debatable nor amendable. 

Mr. W. W. Phelps, of New Jersey. We do not wish to debate it, but to 
vote it down. 

Mr. Stewart, of Pennsylvania. We are ready for the shock of battle. 

The motion to adjourn was declared lost. 

Mr. Roosevelt. I demand a roll call of the States upon the motion. 

Mr. Burrows, of Michigan, seconded the motion. 

Mr. Roosevelt. We demand a roll call on the question of adjournment, 
and we have a right to have it. 

A Delegate from North Carolina. What is the question before the house? 

Several Delegates. Adjournment. 

Mr. Dutcher, of New York. I demand a call of the roll upon that 
question. 

The President. Call the roll. 

The Secretary called the State of Alabama. 

The President. What State called for the vote to be recorded ? 

Mr. Roosevelt. The State of New York. 

Mr. Siieard, of New York. I rise to a point of order. The roll call having 
been begun, there is no other business in order. 

A Delegate. It has not been begun. 

Another Delegate. It has. 

The President. Did the gentleman from New York call for the vote to be 
recorded ? 

Mr. Dutcher. The gentleman from New York did call for the vote to be 
recorded. 

The President. What States ? 

Mr. Dutcher. New York and North Carolina. 


152 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Harris, of North Carolina. I second the motion for a call of States. 

Mr. Siteard, of New York. I rise to another point of order—that the State 
of New York has not been polled upon the demand for the roll call; and there¬ 
fore no gentleman has a right to demand it in her name. 

Mr. Winston, of North Carolina. North Carolina seconds the motion for 
a call of States, 

Mr. Roosevelt. North Carolina seconds it. New York, North Carolina 
and Mississippi. 

The Clerk again called Alabama. 

Mr. Clark E. Carr, of Illinois. I rise to a point of order. Pending the 
roll call no person can be recognized by the Chair, except a person from the 
State which has been called. Alabama has been called. I ask that no person 
be recognized or permitted to make a motion until Alabama shall have expressed 
herself upon the call. 

Mr. Spooner, of New York. A member can always be recognized on a 
point of order. I rise to a point of order. My point of order is that the roll 
call was called on the motion to adjourn by the request of a number of States, 
and that the call of the roll should be ordered by the Chair. 

Mr. Husted, of New York [to the President]. Fair pla/liere, sir. 

The President. The house will come to order. 

Mr. Husted, of New York. I rise to a point of order. My point of order 
is, sir, that the demand for votes was not made until after the Chair had 
decided the motion lost a few moments ago. 

Mr. Roosevelt. I made the motion. 

Mr. McKinley, of Ohio. Gentlemen of the Convention: I hope no friend 
of James G. Blaine will object to having the roll call of the States made. Let 
us raise no technical objection ; I care not when the question was raised. The 
gentlemen representing the different States here have a right to the voice of 
this Convention upon this subject, and, as a friend of James G. Blaine, I insist 
that all his friends shall unite in having the roll of States called, and then vote 
that proposition down. 

The President. The roll will be called on the question of adjournment. 

The roll was then called. 

When the State of Illinois was reached, 

Mr. S. M. Cullom said : It is difficult for any delegate in this part of t lie hall 
to ascertain what the question before the Convention is. 

The President. The question is, Will the Convention take a recess until 
half-past 7 o’clock this evening ? 

Mr. Cullom, of Illinois. I ask the Convention to allow the Illinois dele¬ 
gation a very few moments to ascertain our desires and vote. 

Mr. Winston. That is all right. 

Mr. Cullom. Illinois casts twenty-nine votes in favor of adjournment, and 
fifteen against. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


153 


Mr. B. C. Cook, of Illinois. I challenge the count, and demand a call 
of the roll. 

The President. The roll will be called. 

The roll of Illinois was then called, with the following result: 

Ayes —J. M. Hamilton, B. C. Cook, Clark E. Carr, J. L. Woodward, Abner 
Taylor, W. II. Ruger, S. B. Raymond, C. E. Fuller, Norman Lewis, O. C. 
Towne, H. T. Noble, R. W. Willett, A. J. Bell, S. T. Rogers, W. W. Wright, 
C. V. Chandler, C. A. Ballard, W. W. Berry, D. C. Smith, G. K. Ingham, 
C. G. Eckhart, L. S. Wilcox, Chas. Churchill, H. Black, J. I. Rinaker, J. M. 
Truitt, R. A. Halbert, H. Reuter, T. S. Ridgeway, T. M. Simpson, W. Mc¬ 
Adams—31. 

Noes —S. M. Cullom, C. E. Piper, G. R. Davis, J. R. Wheeler, L. C. Col¬ 
lins, Jr., L. M. Kelly, I. G. Baldwin, T. Vennum, R. H. Whiting, A. C. 
Matthews, Wm. Jayne, J. W. Fifer and C. T. Stratton—13. 

When the State of New York was called, 

Mr. Curtis said : New York casts- 

Mr. John D. Lawson. I challenge the vote, and ask that the roll be called. 

The President. No announcement has yet been made ; and, therefore, no 
roll can be called. 

Mr. Curtis. Mr. President: New York casts twenty votes for adjourn¬ 
ment, twenty-eight against adjournment, and the rest of the delegation do 
not vote. 

Mr. Spooner. I challenge the count, and demand a call of the roll of the 
delegation. 

The President. The roll will be called. 

* 

The call of the roll resulted as follows : 

Ayes —Theodore Roosevelt, Andrew D. White, John I. Gilbert, Edwin 
Packard, G. W. Curtis, J. A. King (alternate), E. H. Hobbs, S. B. Dutcher, G. L. 
Pease, Wm. II. Beard, M. N. Day, C. D. Rhinehart, G. C. Bennett, J. J. O’Brien, 
J. II. Brady, J. D. Lawson, C. N. Taintor, R. G. McCord, John Collins, Geo. 
Starr (alternate), Geo. Hilliard, M. Cregan, B. Biglin, J. R. Lydecker, J. L. 
Perley (alternate), Wm. Doud, F. Raymond, J. A. Eagleston, B. B. Odell, 
B. P. Carpenter, II. Fish, Jr., Wm. E. Kisselburgh (alternate;, H. G. Bur¬ 
leigh, G. Campbell (%), II. Griggs J. Hammond, Geo. Chahoon, L. Bur 
ritt, H. H. Warner, J. W. Wadsworth, J. D. Warren, J. Jewett, Geo. Urban, 
Jr., Lee R. Sanborn—42. 

Noes —A. D. Baird, A. G. McCook, W. II. Robertson, J. AY. Husted, D. J. 
Blauvelt, T. Cornell, D. Ballentine, J. Lamb (%), J. A. Houck (%), George 
West, J. Kellogg, L. W. Russell, G. A. Bagley, W. E. Scripture, R. J. Rich¬ 
ardson (alternate), Hobart Krum, Titus Slieard, C. E. Smith, H. L. Duguid, 
T. C. Platt, M. DeLano, D. D. Osborne, T. G. Yeomans, J. W. Dwight, W. 
L. Smith, G. R. Cornwell, S. T. Hayt, E. L. Pitts, N. M. Allen, F. S. Smith 
—29. 



154 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The vote of North Carolina was announced as sixteen yeas and six 
nays. A delegate asked to have the vote polled, which was done, with 
the following result : 


Ayes —J. J. Mott, J. E. O’Hara, J. B. Hill, Isaac J. Young, C. D. Upchurch, 
T. B. Keogh, P. H. Winston, Jr., W. W Jenkens (alternate), E. J. Penny 
packer, H. C. Cowles, A. S. Richardson, L. L. Green, J. B. Eaves, II. D. 
Hunt (alternate)—13. 

Noes —W. S. Docker, J. H. Harris, E. A. White, J. C. Dancy, J. S. Leary, 
J. H. Williamson—6. 

The vote of Pennsylvania was announced as yeas nine, nays fifty- 
one. 

Mr. David H. Lane, of Pennsylvania. I challenge the correctness of the 
announcement, and ask that the roll of Pennsylvania be called. 

The President. Call the roll. 

The Secretary called the roll for Pennsylvania, with the following 
result : 

Ayes —J. McManes, H. H. Bingham, W. J. Pollock, D. H. Lane, H Hunter, 
J. T. Thompson, John Ruhl, J. A. M. Passmore, J. Y. Sollenberger, C. L. 
Magee, Wm. Flynn—11. 

Noes —J. L. Hill (alternate), P. L. Kimberly, J. W. Lee, L. Emery, Jr., 
W. H. Jessup, W. H. Leeds, A. Crowe, Jr., W. E. Rowan, B. F. Fisher, 
Richard Young, R. M. Yardley, J. P. H. Jenkins, S. R. Deppen, F. S. Liven- 
good, E. Reimhold, L. S. Hartman, S. Thomas, W. S. Kirkpatrick, James 
Oruikshank, J. C. Brown, II. B. Payne, H. M. Boies, H. Brock, J. II. Wagner, 
F. F. Lyon, G. A. Grow, E. G. Scliieffelin, C. W. Hill, D. J. Morrell, E. Scull, 
J. Stewart, B. F. Wagonseller (alternate), W. H. Lanius, J. A. Kitzmiller, E. 
A. Irwin, T. C. Thornton, J. K. Ewing, J. E. Sayers, T. M. Bayne, E. M. 
Byers, E. F. Acheson, J. W. Wallace, J. B. Henderson, H. C. Howard, T. C. 
Cochran, W. II. H. Riddle, E. W. Echols, J. Johnson—48. 

When Tennessee was called, 

Mr. Houck, the Chairman of the delegation, said • Ayes, twenty-four. 

Mr. J. II. Smith, of Tennessee. 1 demand a call of Tennessee. I object to 
that count. 

The President. The Secretary will call the roll. 

The. Secretary did so, and the result was as follows : 

Ayes —J. C. Napier, T. F. Cassells, W. C. Chandler, W. C. Chumlea, H. F. 
Griscom, B. W. Buford, John Pruitt, II. L. W. Cheatham, B. J. Hadley, R. 
Harris, C. Harris, J. II. Smith—12. 

Noes— W. P. Brownlow, L. C. Houck, A. II. Pettibone, J. W. Brown, 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


155 


F. V. Brown, W. Y. Elliott, W. M. Ekin, A. M. Hughes, Jr., S. W. Hawkins, 
.1 C. Watson, M. E. Bell, S. A. McElwee—12. 

Upon the completion of the roll call, the Secretary announced the 
vote as follows : 


BALLOT ON MOTION FOR RECESS. 


Total number of votes... 814 

Ayes. 864 

Noes. 450 

Majority against.....*___ 84 


States and Territories. 

Ayes. Noes. 

States and Territories. 

Ayes. 

Noes. 

A labama .. 

... 17 

3 

New York.... 

... 42 

29 

Arkansas ... 

3 

11 

North Carolina.. 

... 14 

6 

California. 


16 

Ohio.. 

... 17 

28 

Colorado__ 


6 

Oregon__ 


6 

Connecticut. 


12 

Pennsylvania_ 

... 11 

48 

Delaware .. 

1 

5 

Rhode Island.. 

. . 7 

1 

Florida.. 

5 

3 

South Carolina... 

... 16 

2 

Georgia. 

.... 24 

. 

Tennessee.. 

12 

12 

Illinois .. 

... 31 

13 

Texas___ 

... 10 

16 

Indiana. 

8 

22 

Vermont_ _ 


8 

Iowa... 

2 

24 

Virginia__ 

... 20 

4 

Kansas. 


18 

West Virginia.. 


12 

Kentucky.. 

.... 18 

8 

Wisconsin_ 

... 10 

12 

Louisiana. 

7 

8 

Arizona .. .... 


2 

Maine 1.... 


12 

Dakota_ 


2 

Maryland.. 

4 

12 

District of Columbia_ 

1 

1 

Massachusetts. 

.... 23 

5 

Idaho.. 


2 

Michigan...... 

8 

18 

Montana___ 

_ i 

1 

Minnesota.. 


14 

New Mexico__ 

2 

_ 

Mississippi. 

.... 17 

1 

Utah___ 

2 

_ 

Missouri__ 

.... 10 

22 

Washington .. 


2 

Nebraska. 


10 

Wyoming_ 


2 

Nevada.... 


6 


— 

— 

New Hampshire.. 

8 

- - . . 

Totals. 

... 364 

450 

New Jersey.... 

5 

13 





The President. The motion to adjourn is lost. 

Upon the announcement being made, there was great applause 
and confusion. 

Mr. Winston, of North Carolina. I move that we proceed to another roll 
call. 

MOTION TO NOMINATE BLAINE BY ACCLAMATION. 

.Judge Foraker, of Ohio. I move, sir, that the rules of the Convention be 
suspended, and that James G. Blaine be nominated by acclamation. [Loud 
cheers, and cries of “ No, no.”] 

Mr. Winston. I move that we proceed with the order of business. 1 de¬ 
mand a call of the roll. 























































OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


156 

Mr. Massey, of Delaware. I demand the regular order. 

Mr, Roosevelt, of New York. Call the roll. 

Mr. Keyes, of Wisconsin. I call for order. 

Mr. Houck, of Tennessee. I desire to inquire how Mr. Cassells voted. 

Mr. Foraker. Mr. President - 

The President. The gentleman from Ohio has the floor. 

Mr. Foraker. Mr. President: Have you got my motion ? 

The President. Please state your motion. 

Mr. Foraker. My motion is, Mr. President, that the rules of this 
Convention be suspended, and that James G. Blaine be nominated by 
acclamation. 

Mr. Roosevelt. I ask that the roll be called. 

Mr. Burrows, of Michigan. Mr. President: I demand the regular order, 
and a call of the roll. 

Mr. Roosevelt. On behalf of New York, I demand a call of the foil. 

Mr. Burrows. I demand a call of the roll. I hope my friend from Ohio 
will withdraw his motion to declare the nomination by acclamation, and pro¬ 
ceed to a ballot. [Cries of “ Withdraw, withdraw.”] 

Mr. Foraker. In order that the time of this Convention may be saved, 
and at the request of several members, I withdraw the motion I made. 

CALLING THE ROLL FOR THE FOURTH BALLOT. 

The President. The business now before the Convention is the fourth 
ballot for a candidate for President. The Secretary will proceed to call 
the roll. 

The Secretary called Alabama. 

Mr. Turner, of Alabama. I ask, Mr. President, that the roll call may be 
suspended one moment, in order that the delegation may be polled. There has 
been so much confusion that I have been unable to poll the delegation. 

The President. The Chairman of the delegation must first announce the 
vote before he can call the roll under the rule. 

Mr. Turner. 1 can not make the announcement until I see the delegation 
and know how they want to vote. 

The Secretary. Alabama. Make some kind of an announcement, and 
then object to it. 

Mr. Turner. Alabama gives twelve votes for Chester A. Arthur, and eight 
votes for James G. Blaine. 

Mr. Burrows, of Michigan. It is utterly impossible, Mr. President, to hear 
a word; and unless order can be restored, I shall move that this Convention 
adjourn to a hall by itself, where it can complete its labors. 

When the vote of Florida had been announced by the Chairman 
of the delegation, 

Mr. Long, of that State, said : I challenge the vote of Florida. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


157 


The President. The roll will be called. 

The Secretary proceeded to call the roll. 

When the name of Joseph E. Lee was called, he arose and said: The old 
guard dies, but never surrenders !—Chester A. Arthur. 

The call resulted as follows : 

For Arthur —Dennis Eagan, Joseph E. Lee, Jesse D. Cole, Wm. G. Stew¬ 
art and A. C. Lightborne—5. 

For Blaine —James N. Combs, John G. Long and H. W. Chandler—3. 

When Georgia was called, 

Mr. Buck, the Chairman of that delegation, said : By instructions of my 
delegation before coming into this Convention, we agreed to act as a unit. A 
majority of the delegation are still for Chester A. Arthur, and unless a vote is 
called, I shall so announce. Twenty-four votes for Arthur. 

The President. Is there any contest in Georgia ? 

Several Delegates. No, no. 

When Illinois was reached, 

Mr. S. M. Cullom said : Mr. President: I asK leave of this Convention 
to read a dispatch which I received a few moments ago from Gen. John A. Logan, 
addressed to the Illinois delegation. [Cries of “Object;” “Regular order;” 
“ Call the roll.”] 

Mr. Cullom. I ask permission to read this telegram : — “To the Repub¬ 
licans”-[Cries of “No,” “Regular order.”] 

Mr. Cullom —I am instructed by Gen. Logan to withdraw his name from 
this Convention, and shall send the dispatch to the Secretary’s desk to be read. 
[Great confusion, and cries of “ No, no, no.”] 

The President —The dispatch can not be read except with the unanimous 
consent of the Convention. 

Mr. Burrows, of Michigan. Mr. President, I make this point of order, 
that the reading of the dispatch is not in order, and nothing is except the call¬ 
ing of the roll. 

The President. The point of order is well taken. 

Mr. Cullom. The Illinois delegation then withdraws the name of Gen. 
Logan, and gives for Blaine thirty-four votes, for Logan seven, for Arthur 
three. [Loud cheering and great confusion.] 

Mr. Piper. For fear there may be some mistake, I shall challenge the vote, 
and ask for a call of the roll. There is so much confusion here it is impossible 
to tell what is being done. I challenge the vote, and demand a roll call. 

The roll of Illinois was then called, with the following result: 

For Blaine —S. M. Cullom, B. C. Cook, C. E. Carr, J. L. Woodward, W. H. 
Ruger, C. E. Piper, G. R. Davis, J. R. Wheeler, L. C. Collins, Jr., L. M. 


158 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Kelly, C. E. Fuller, Norman Lewis 0. C. Towne, I. G. Baldwin, II. T. Noble, 
R. W. Willett, A. J. Bell, S. T. Rogers, Thomas Vennum, W. W. Wright, C. 

V. Chandler, C. A. Ballard, A. C. Matthews, William Jayne, D. C. Smith, J. 

W. Fifer, C. G. Eckhart, L. S. Wilcox, C. Churchill, J. M. Truitt, II. Reuter, 
T. S. Ridgeway, C. T. Stratton, T. M. Simpson—34. 

Foil Logan—W. W. Berry, G. K. Ingham, H. Black, J. I. Rinaker, R. A. 
Halbert, W. McAdam—6. 

For Arthur —J. M. Hamilton, Abner Taylor, S. B. Raymond—3. 

When Kentucky was reached, the Chairman announced the vote, as 
follows: Lincoln, one ; Logan, one; Blaine, nine; Arthur, fifteen. 

Mr. Scarlett, of Kentucky, I challenge the vote of Kentucky, and ask 
for a call of the roll. 

Mr. Trimble. I challenge the vote, and demand a call of the roll. 

The roll was called, with the following result : 

For Arthur —Walter Evans, W. O. Bradley, W. W. Culbertson, J. W. 
Lewis, Edwin Farley, P. C. Bragg, J. Z. Moore, James J. Landes, G. P. Jolly, 
E. Hilpp, S. F. Miller {%), J. M. Brown (3^), J. A. Scarlett, R. P. Stoll, G. 
M. Thomas, A. J. Auxier—15. 

For Blaine —W. L. Hazslip, A. Allenswortli, A. E. Wilson (J^), M. Min¬ 
ton (%), L. R. Hawthorne (alternate), W. C. Goodloe, Geo. Denny, Jr., T. S. 
Bradford, R. A. Buckner, Jr., H. G. Trimble—9. 

For Logan— Robert Boyd—1. 

For Lincoln —J. C. Eversole—1. 

When Louisiana was reached, the Chairman of that delegation 
announced the vote as six for Arthur and nine for Blaine. 

Mr. Pinchback, of Louisiana. I desire to have this vote polled. 

The vote was accordingly polled, with the following result : 

For Blaine —W. P. Kellogg, R. F. Guichard, P. F. Herwig, Geo. Drury, 
Wm. Harper, Frank Morey, E. W. Wall, L. J. Souer, C. Morgan—9. 

For Arthur —A. J. Dumont, P. B. S. Pinchback, A. S. Badger, W. B. 
Merchant, H. Demas, L. A. Martinet, A. J. Smith (alternate)—7. 

Mr. Kellogg. I desire to state to the Convention, in justice to myself, that 
I polled the delegation, and that Mr. Demas voted for Blaine, but changed liis 
vote to Arthur; and another member, rather than to have it on record in that 
manner, took his place and voted for Blaine. 

The President. The gentleman from Louisiana, Mr. Kellogg, is out of 
order. 

When Maine was called, 

The Chairman said : Maine has twelve votes for her idol, James G. 
Blaine. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


159 


When Massachusetts was called, the Chairman of that delegation 
stated the vote to be seventeen for Edmunds, eight for Arthur and 
three for Blaine. 

Mr. Stone, of Massachusetts. I challenge the vote of Massachusetts, and 
ask for a poll. 

The delegation was then polled, and the result was as follows : 

Foil Edmunds— G. F. Hoar, W. W. Crapo, J. D. Long, H. C. Lodge, F. 
M. Ames, E. L. Ripley, H. P. Kidder, E. L. Pierce, E. Stearns, J. F. Andrew, 
A. F. Breed, C. D. Wright, E. II. Haskell, Geo. W. Cate, F. T. Greenhalze, 
J. G. Ray, R. R. Bishop, W. W. Rice—18. 

For Arthur —J. Bourne, F. S. Stevens, A. C. Stone, C. C. Conant, Rod¬ 
ney Wallace, H. S. Hyde, E. S. Wilkinson (alternate)—7. 

For Blaine —J. M. Gove, John Taylor (alternate), C 1 . D. Paige (alternate) 
— 3 . 

When New York was called, 

Mr. Curtis said: New York casts 1 vote for Robert T. Lincoln, 2 votes for 
Joseph R. Hawley, 9 votes for George F. Edmunds, 29 votes for James G. 
Blaine, 31 votes for Chester A. Arthur. 

Mr. John D. Lawson, of New York. Mr. President: I question that vote, 
and ask for a call of the roll. 

Mr. Roosevelt. Stick to it, Lawson ! 

Mr. Lawson. I challenge the vote, and ask for a call. 

The Secretary then called the roll of New York, with the follow¬ 
ing 1 result : 

For Arthur —S. B. Dutclier, W^H. Beard, M. N. Day, C. D. Rhinehart, 
G. C. Bennett, J. J. O’Brien, J. H. Brady, J. 1). Lawson, C. N. Taintor, R. G. 
McCord, John Collins, Geo. Starr (alternate), Geo. Hilliard, M. Cregan, B. Big- 
1 in, J. R. Lydecker, Chas. Whittock (alternate), J. L. Perley (alternate), F. 
Raymond, J. A. Eagleston, B. P. Carpenter, H. Fish, Jr., W. E. Kisselburgh 
(alternate), H. G. Burleigh, Geo. Campbell (34), A. S. Draper (alternate) (34), 
Geo. Chalioon, J. D. Warren, J. Jewett, Geo. Urban, Jr., Lee R. Sanborn—30. 

For Blaine —A. G. McCook, W. H. Robertson, J. W. Ilusted, D. ,T. Blau- 
velt, T. Cornell, D. Ballentinc, J. Lamb (34), J- A. Houck (34), Geo. West, 
J. Kellogg, L. W. Russell, G. A. Bagley, W. E. Scripture, R. J. Richardson 
(alternate), H. Krum, Titus Sheard, C. E. Smith, James Frazel (alternate), T. 
C. Platt, M. De Lano, D. D. Osborne, T. G. Yeomans, J. W. Dwight, W. L. 
Smith, G. R. Cornwell, S. T. Hayt, L. Burritt, E. L. Pitts, N. M. Allen, F. S. 
Smith—29. 

For Edmunds— T. Roosevelt. A. D. White, J. T. Gilbert, E. Packard, G. 
W. Curtis, J. M. Crane, G. L. Pease, B. II. Odell, J. W. Wadsworth—9. 

For Hawley — E. H. Hobbs—1. 

For Lincoln — H. H. Warner—1. 


160 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


When North Carolina was called, the Chairman announced her 
vote as one for Hawley, seven for Blaine, and fourteen for Arthur. 

Mr. Williamson. Mr. Chairman: I request that the North Carolina dele¬ 
gation be polled. 

The President. The Chair announces that that is not sufficient ground 
to entitle the gentleman to the call. Does he say that the count is incorrect ? 

Mr. Williamson. Yes, sir: I challenge the vote, and demand that the dele¬ 
gation be polled. 

The President. Call the roll. 

The Secretary called the roll, with the following result: 

For Arthur —J. J. Matt, J. E. O’Hara, J. B. Hill, Isaac J. Young, L. W. 
Humphrey, T. B. Keogh, P. H. Winston, Jr., W. W. Jenkens (alternate), E. J. 
Pennypacker, H. C. Cowles, W. E Henderson, L. L. Green—12. 

For Blaine —W. S. Dockey, J. H. Harris, E. A. White, J. C. Dancy, J. S. 
Leary, J. H. Williamson, J. B. Eaves, T. J. Candler—8. 

For Hawley —C. D. Upchurch—1. 

When the Secretary called the State of Ohio, Mr. Foraker said : 

Mr. Chairman: For what I supposed to he for the best interests of the 
party, I presented to this Convention the name of John Sherman. Also, sup¬ 
posing it to be for the best interests of the party, we have until now faithfully 
and most cordially supported him. Now, also, in the interest of the party, we 
withdraw him, and cast for James G. Blaine forty-six votes. 

When South Carolina was called, the Chairman announced the 
vote as two for Blaine and sixteen for Arthur. 

Mr. Lee. I dispute the correctness of the vote, and ask a poll vote of the 
delegation. 

The Secretary then called the roll, and the vote was recorded as 
follows: 

For Arthur —R. Smalls, W. N. Taft, E. M. Brayton, Samuel Lee, J. M. 
Freeman, E. H. Webster, Paris Simpkins, S. E. Smith, E. F. Blodgett, R. W. 
Boone, C. M. Wilder, E. H. Dibble, E. H. Deas, T. B. Johnston, W. H. 
Thompson—15. 

For Blaine —Wilson Cook, C. C. Macoy—2. 

For Edmunds —D. T. Corbin—1. 

When Tennessee was called, Mr. Houck announced the vote as, 
Arthur, thirteen ; Blaine, ten ; Logan, one. 

Mr. W. P. Brownlow. I challenge the correctness of the count of Ten¬ 
nessee. 

Mr. Cassells. I challenge the count, and ask for a call of the roll. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


161 


The roll was called, and the result was as follows : 

Foil Arthur— L. C. Houck, J. C. Napier, T. F. Cassells, W. C. Chandler, 
H. F. Griscom, B. W. Burford, J. S. Smith (alternate), II. L. W. Cheatham, A. 
M. Hughes, Jr., Richard Harris, Carter Harris, J. H. Smith—12. 

For Blaine —W. P. Brownlow, A. H. Pettibone, J. W. Brown. W. C. 
Chumlea, F. V. Brown, J. C. McAdams (alternate), W. M. Ekin, S. W. Haw¬ 
kins, J. C. Watson, M. E. Bell, S. A. McElwee—11. 

When Texas was called, the Chairman of the delegation, Mr. 
Binkley, announced the vote as, Arthur, eleven ; Blaine, fourteen ; 
Logan, one. 

Mr. J. S. Witner, of Texas. I challenge the correctness of the vote, and 
ask that the roll be called. 

The President. The roll of the State will be called. 

The Secretary then called the roll for Texas. 

Mr. Binkley. I would like to have the name of Mr. Cl eve called. 

The Secretary. Frank L. Cleve. 

Mr. Binkley. I was authorized to cast his vote for James G. Blaine. 

The Secretary. You can’t do it. 

The result was as follows : 

For Blaine —C. C. Binkley, N. W. Cuney, Robert Zapp, R. J. Evans, J. 
D. Davis, J. R. Carter, O. T. Lyon, J. S. Witner, J. C. Akens,H. C. Ferguson, 
A. J. Rosenthal, Henry Green, W. H. Blont, R. Hanschke, R. F. Campbell—15. 

For Arthur —R. Allen, J. B. Farris, G. W. Burkitt, W. Flannagan, A. G. 
Malloy, B. B. Rentfro, J. C. De Gress, H. H. McConnell—8. 

When the District of Columbia was called, 

Mr. Carson said: The District of Columbia casts two votes for James G. 
Blaine. 

Mr. Conger. I challenge that vote. 

Several Delegates. Call the roll. 

The President. Call the roll. 

The Secretary did so, and the result was : 

For Arthur— Frank Conger. 

For Blaine— Perry H. Carson. 

The Secretary then completed the roll call. 

Mr. Strobach, of Alabama. I move that the record be read, so that we 
may know how our votes are recorded. Is there any objection to it ? We 
would like to put our names on record how we voted. 

The President. It is too late; it can not be done now. 

11 


102 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The Secretary announced the result of the fourth ballot, as 
follows : 


Whole number of delegates 

Necessary to a choice.. 

Whole number of votes cast 

Robert T. Lincoln__ 

John A. Logan.. 

Joseph R. Hawley... 

George F. Edmunds_ 

Chester A. Arthur. 

James G. Blaine.. 


820 

411 

818 

2 

7 

15 

41 

207 

541 


The vote by States and Territories was as follows : 


States and Territories. 

GO 

s 

P 

o 

> 

Px 

O 

o' 

fc 

Arthur. 

Blaine. 

Edmunds. 

r. 

■< 

3 

W 

it 

< 

W 

Lincoln . 

Alabama_ _ ___ 

20 

12 

8 





Arkansas_ ___ 

14 

3 

11 





California____ _ 

16 


16 





Colorado.__ .. 

6 


6 





Connecticut.. 

12 





12 


Delaware.. . 

6 

1 

5 





Florida__ 

8 

5 

3 





Georgia... 

24 

24 






Illinois... 

44 

3 

34 


6 



Indiana. .. 

30 


30 





Iowa.... . .. 

26 

2 

24 





Kansas____ 

18 


18 





Kentucky___ 

26 

15 

9 


1 


1 

Louisiana ... 

16 

7 

9 





Maine . _ 

12 


12 





Maryland___ 

16 

1 

15 





Massachusetts_ ____ 

28 

7 

3 

18 




Michigan__ 

26 


26 





Minnesota____ 

14 


14 





Mississippi. 

18 

16 

2 





Missouri_____ 

32 


32 





Nebraska ..... . 

10 


10 





Nevada .... 

6 


6 





New Hampshire.... 

8 

2 

3 

3 




New Jersey.. 

18 


17 

1 




New York... .. 

72 

30 

29 

9 


2 

1 

North Carolina.... 

22 

12 

8 


1 

JL 

Ohio____ 

46 


46 





Oregon .... 

6 


6 





Pennsylvania. . 

60 

8 

51 

1 




Rhode Island..__ 

8 

1 

7 





South Carolina ...... 

18 

15 

2 

1 




Tennessee.. l ___ 

24 

12 

11 





Texas. 

26 

8 

15 

























































































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


103 


States and Territories. 

1 

W 

H 

O 

' > 
h 

O 

o' 

fc 

Arthur. 

Blaine. 

Edmunds. 

s? 

■4 

o 

o 

_5 

Hawley . 

Lincoln . 

Vermont. 

8 



8 




Virginia._. 

24 

20 

4 





West Virginia.. 

12 


12 





Wisconsin. 

22 


22 





Arizona... 

2 

l. 

2 





Dakota... 

2 

2 





District of Columbia. 

2 

1 

1 





Idaho___ 

2 


2 





Montana__ 

2 


2 





New Mexico . 

2 

2 






Utah...... 

2 


2 





Washington..•_... 

2 


2 





Wyoming___ 

2 


2 













Totals 

820 

207 

541 

41 

ry 

i 

15 

2 


The annourtcement of the vote provoked a scene of the wildest 
confusion, the cheering and applause continuing for several minutes. 


The President. James G. Blaine, of Maine, having received the votes of 
a majority of all the delegates elected to this Convention, the question now 
before the Convention is. Shall the nomination of Mr. Blaine be made unani¬ 
mous ? On that motion the Chair recognizes Mr. Burleigh, of New York. 

Mr. Burleigh, of New York. Mr. President: In behalf of the President of 
the United States, and at his request, I move to make the nomination of James 
G. Blaine unanimous; and I promise for the friends of President Arthur, who 
are always loyal at the polls, and for Northern New York, 20,000 Republican 
majority. And I promise you that we will do all we can for the ticket and 
the nominee; and we will show you in November next that New York is a 
Republican State. It elected James A. Garfield, and it will elect James G. 
Blaine, of Maine. 

Mr. Dwight M. Sabin, of Minnesota. Four years ago, in this very hall, 
and as a delegate to the National Republican Convention, I was opposed to 
Chester A. Arthur and to the elements with which he then associated. Since 
then, he has been called, under the most trying circumstances, to fill the first 
place in the gift of the people of this country. So well, so nobly, has he filled 
that trust; so happily has he disappointed not only those who were his oppo¬ 
nents, but his friends; so fully has he filled the position of the gentleman that 
he is—of a scholar and of a gentleman possessed of that great, good common 
sense which has made his administration a great and pronounced success—that 
he has grown upon me, until to-day I honor and revere Chester A. Arthur. 

As a friend of his I no less honor and revere that prince of gentlemen, that 
scholar, that gifted statesman, James G. Blaine. And it affords me the 
greatest pleasure to second the motion to make his nomination unanimous, and 
with the prediction that his name, before this country in November, will pro- 























































OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


164 

duce the same spontaneous enthusiasm which will make him President of the 
United States the 4th of March next. 

Mr. P. B. Plumb, of Kansas. This Convention has discharged one of its 
most important trusts, and is now, notwithstanding the length of time it has 
been in session and the exciting scenes through which it has passed, in thorough 
good humor, and I believe ready to go on and conclude the business which 
brought us here. 

Mr. Winston. I move that this Convention do now take a recess to eight 
o’clock this evening. 

The President. The question is upon making the nomination unanimous. 

A Delegate. I call for the regular order. 

Mr. Plumb. Mr. President, before proceeding to this I desire also, in con¬ 
nection with the Senator from Minnesota, and responding to the sentiment 
which pervades this entire Convention, to second the motion that this nomi¬ 
nation be made unanimous, and I hope there will not be a dissenting voice in 
all this vast assemblage. 

The Secretary. I have been requested to read to the Convention the 
following telegraphic dispatch: 

“ The President has sent the following dispatch to Mr. Blaine : 

“‘To the Hon. James G. Blaine, Augusta, Me. As the candidate/of the 
Republican party you will have my earnest and cordial support. 

‘ ‘ ‘ CHESTER A. ARTHUR.’ ” 

The announcement was received with applause. 

The President. The motion is, Shall the nomination of Mr. Blaine be 
made unanimous ? 

The motion was carried amidst great cheering. 

Mr. Husted, of New York. I move that this Convention take a recess 
until 8 o’clock this evening. 

The motion was carried, and the Convention accordingly took a 
recess until 8 o’clock. 


EVENING SESSION. 

June 6, 1884. 

The Convention was called to order at 8.15 by the President. 

The President. The evening session of the Convention will be opened 
with prayer by the Rev. Dr. O’Reilly, of Detroit. 

PRAYER BY REV. DR. O’REILLY. 

Let us pray. O Almighty and merciful God, who in Thy wisdom knoweth 
all hearts, and in Thy goodness guideth the councils of men, lend, we beseech 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


165 


Thee, to this assembly, the light of Thy countenance, and direct its deliberations 
to the preserving of good conscience, and to the prosperity of this favored 
land. Bless, we beseech Thee, the beneficent institutions of this great Republic. 
Grant to its children the furtherance of that liberty which was a heritage from 
pious ancestors. Give them, O God, the grace of fraternal charity and the 
wisdom of the fear of Thee. O clement God! mercifully regard not our ignor¬ 
ances ; be unmindful of our offenses ; mindful only of Thy mercy. Deliver us 
from all evil through the merits of Thy Divine Son, our Lord and Saviour 
Jesus Christ. Amen. 

Mr. Abner Taylor, of Illinois. Mr. President - 

THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE MEMBERSHIP. 

The President. The gentleman will suspend for one moment. There is 
a matter of unfinished business. The States and Territories which have not 
yet sent up their members for the National Executive Committee will now 
send them up. 

The Secretary. Florida. 

Mr. Joseph E. Lee, of Florida. Jesse D. Cole. 

The Secretary. Nebraska. 

Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska. What is the call for ? 

The President. For the member of the National Committee. 

Mr. Thurston. Nebraska sent in on the first call the name of Church Ilowe. 

The Secretary. Kansas. 

Mr. P. B. Plumb. Mr. John A. Martin, who was first selected by the 
delegation, having resigned, we desire to present the name of Cyrus Leland, Jr. 
as a member of the National Committee. 

The Secretary. Colorado. 

Mr. Alex. Gullett, of Colorado. Pass Colorado for the time being. The 
Chairman is not here, and the delegation has not yet agreed upon a com¬ 
mitteeman. [The name of Jerome B. Chaffee was subsequently presented.] 

Mr. Horace Davis, of California. I desire to offer a resolution respecting 
the filling of vacancies of the Republican National Committee—a matter omitted 
in the rules. 

The President. The gentleman will send it forward. 

Mr. Perry H. Carson. Mr. President - 

The President. I can not entertain any motion now. There is a matter 
before the Convention. 

Mr. Carson. This is not a motion. This is to fill the National Committee. 

The President. Call the District of Columbia. 

The Secretary. The District of Columbia. 

Mr. Arthur Smith, of the District of Columbia. The District of Columbia 
desires to name Col. Perry H. Carson. 

The Secretary read the following, offered by Mr. Davis, of 
California : 

Resolved, That in case of a vacancy occurring in the Republican National 
Committee, such vacancy may be filled by the State Central Committee of the 
State, Territory or district thus left unrepresented. 




166 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

The resolution was adopted. 

Mr. Taylor, of Illinois. I desire to offer a resolution, which I will read. 

Mr. F. B. Conger, of the District of Columbia. Mr. President: I have been 
trying to get recognized for some time. 

A Delegate. I call for the regular order. 

The President. The gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Taylor] is entitled to 
the floor. 

Mr. Conger. I am from the District of Columbia ; and I understand that 
Mr. Carson’s name has been put on the National Committee ; and I object 
to it. 

The President. The gentleman is out of order. 

Mr. Conger. Mr. President - 

Mr. Abner Taylor, of Illinois. I offer the following resolution : 

Resolved, That the time be limited to ten minutes in presenting names for 
Vice-President; and may be occupied by one or more persons. 

I offer that resolution. 

The President. Send forward the resolution. 

Mr. Conger. I have protested against this name of Mr. Carson- 

The President. The gentleman is out of order. 

Mr. Conger. I am not out of order. 

The President. There is a gentleman on the floor now. 

Mr. Taylor. I move the suspension of the rules for a vote on that reso¬ 
lution. 

Mr. Conger. I desire to enter my protest against his name going on the 
committee. 

The President. Well, you will enter it. 

Mr. Conger. I want to know whether one delegate of the District has got 
the right to put his name on the committee. 

The President. The gentleman is out of order. 

Mr. Conger. I am not out of order. I appeal from the decision of the 
Chair. I have not agreed to that name. And I don’t intend to agree to it, 
either. 

The President. The Secretary will read the resolution offered by the gen¬ 
tleman from Illinois [Mr. Taylor]. 

The Secretary repeated the resolution as read by Mr. Taylor. 

Mr. Taylor. I move its adoption. 

Mr. Horr, of Michigan. We could not hear one word of it. We would 
like to know what it is. 

Mr. Conger. I want to know if you are going to stifle the voice of the 
District of Columbia in this Convention. 

The President. The Chair would be exceedingly gratified if he could. 

Mr. Spooner, of New York. I rise to a point of order. 

The President. There is a matter now before the Convention. 

Mr. Conger. I rise to a point of order. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


167 


The President. Read the resolution again. 

The Secretary [reading]. “ Resolved, that the time shall be limited to ten 
minutes in presenting names ”- 

Mr. Conger. I rise to a point of order. 

The President. The gentleman is out of order. 

Mr. Conger. I think I have a right to make my point before you decide 
me out of order. 

The President. There is a matter now before the Convention. 

Mr. Conger. I rose before that was proposed. 

The President. The gentleman will please take liis seat. 

Mr. Conger. I take my seat in deference to the Chair, and for no other 
reason. [Laughter.] 

The Secretary read Mr. Taylor’s resolution again. 

The President. The question is upon the adoption of the resolution. 

Mr. Lawson, of New York. We haven’t heard what the resolution is, there 
is so much confusion. I ask that the resolution may be reported again, so that 
we shall know what it is we are to vote upon. 

The President. I shall have to send a Sergeant-at-arms to read it to each 
member of the Convention unless you will keep silence. 

Mr. Lawson. I would suspend the business until the Convention came to 
order, if I was in the chair. [Laughter.] 

Mr. Houck, of Tennessee. We can’t hear a word. 

Mr. Buttrick, of West Virginia. I suggest we suspend business for fifteen 
minutes, to allow delegates to talk. We have wanted to hear, but they talk, 
and take up time talking, so that we do not hear a word. 

Mr. Llewellyn, of New Mexico. The gentleman named for the member 
of the National Committee from New Mexico having resigned, the delegation 
desires to have the name of the Hon. Stephen B. Elkins placed upon the 
National Executive Committee from New Mexico. 

The President. It will be so done. 

Mr. Conger. I desire to know whether the name of Perry H Carson is to 
be placed upon the roll of the National Committee against my protest. I wish 
the ruling of the Chair. 

The President. The name has been placed on the roll. 

Mr. Conger. On what ground ? 

The President. Because it was announced by the gentleman who rose. 

Mr. Conger. I am the Chairman of the District of Columbia delegation. 
That gentleman is not. He has jumped up here repeatedly to-day and ignored 
the Chairman of that delegation. I say I never have consented to his goingon 
the roll. His alternate is not here. I say he never had any authority for his 
name to be placed there. 

The President. The gentleman was absent from his seat, and liis alternate 
made the announcement. 

Mr. Conger. No: I was right over there. 1 think I have rights here. Do 
you decide that one member of the delegation can name the member of the 
Nat ional Committee ? 


168 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Spooner, of New York. I rise to a point of order. 

The President. You are in order. 

Mr. Conger. Can one member of a delegation name the member of the 
National Committee ? 

Mr. Spooner. My point of order is, that no delegate to this Convention 
can be regarded as not in his place when he is upon the floor of this Conven¬ 
tion; and that the Chair can not disregard his protest; but that the result 
announced by the delegate, Mr. Carson, from the District of Columbia, being 
challenged by a member of that delegation, the Chair must call the roll of that 
delegation. 

Mr. Carson, of the District of Columbia. I and my alternate agreed to 
appoint me as a member of the National Committee, in the absence of Mr. 
Conger. 

Mr. Spooner. My first point of order is, that Mr. Conger, being on the floor 
of this Convention, can not be declared not entitled to his voice. He need not 
be in one particular chair. 

The President. The Chair announces that the District of Columbia was 
called, and a name was presented and placed on the roll; and no protest was 
made until that was done. 

Mr. Conger. I protested at the time. I demanded that the Chair should 
hear me. I came down that aisle and demanded it, sir. 

The President. The gentleman is out of order. 

Mr. Houck, of Tennessee. I rise to a point of order. We want some order 
here. If we can not get it in any other way, give us the Sergeant-at-arms. The 
closing scenes of this Convention certainly ought to have more order about 
them. 

The President. The question now before the Convention is the nomina¬ 
tion of a candidate for Vice-President. The Secretary will call the roll. 

Mr. Taylor, of Illinois. You have not disposed of my resolution yet. It is 
before this Convention, and must be acted upon. 

The resolution was again read by the Secretary. 

Mr. Taylor. I have moved its adoption. 

The resolution was then adopted, unanimously. 

NOMINATION FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. 

The roll of the States was called for the nomination of candidates 
for Vice-President. 

When Illinois was called, Mr P. B. Plumb, of Kansas, came for¬ 
ward and spoke as follows; 

Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention: This Convention has 
already discharged two of the most serious obligations which rested upon it: 
the adoption of a platform, and the nomination of a candidate for the Presi¬ 
dency. The platform is one upon which all good Republicans and all good 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


169 

citizens can safely stand, for it voices their sentiments and best interests. The 
candidate for the Presidency needs no eulogium from me; and I can only say for 
him that he can beat any man in the Democratic part}', whether that man be dead 
or whether he be alive! Upon that statement it might seem a matter of compara¬ 
tive indifference as to who should fill the second place; but, Mr. President and 
gentlemen, there is such a thing as proportion. Having nominated a states¬ 
man of approved reputation, a man of whom we are all proud, we owe it to him, 
as we owe it to the party, to nominate the best and most available man we have 
for the second place. 

Mr. President, this is the first time in the history of the Republican party 
since the war, when the man who is to fill the first place is not a soldier. There 
are a million men yet living who served their country in the late war. And 
now, Mr. President, after the lapse of twenty years since the close of that war, 
they are bound together by ties as strong as they ever were while serving under 
arms; and the great brotherhood of the soldiery of the United States is one of 
the most important factors in the social and political life of the American 
Republic. It is due, not as a matter of availability, but as a matter of just 
recognition to that great body of soldiers who made the Republican party 
possible, that a fit representative of theirs should have the second place upon the 
ticket; a man who combines within himself not only the qualities of a soldier, 
but also the qualities of a statesman, because the American people are be¬ 
coming considerate as to who shall be Vice-President;' and it is a matter of 
grave concern that the man to be chosen shall be fit to step into the shoes of 
the man in the first place. 

Mr. President, as I said, if it were only a question of electing a ticket, we 
might nominate anybody. But it is more than that. It is not only a question 
of electing a President and a Vice-President, but it is a question of the election 
of a majority of the House of Representatives in Congress. It is a question 
of rehabilitating States where legislatures have been lost, and consequently 
members of the Senate have been equally lost. We want, therefore, to 
strengthen the ticket, if that can be done, by adding to it a man who has his 
representatives in all portions of this broad land, in every county, in every 
township, in every school district, in every representative district, in order 
that the ticket may be carried to the farthest confines of the Republic, and 
its remotest places, with that good will and recognition which will make sure 
of a full vote. 

We are now at the period when, more than at any other since the close of 
the war, the kindly feeling growing out of mutual service and sacrifice has come 
up. Out of that kindly feeling has grown the organization of the Grand Army 
of the Republic, which has now in its communion more than three-quarters of 
a million of the men who lately wore the blue. .They are mainly Republicans, 
because the Republican party is true to them, to their interests, and to all those 
things for which they fought and sacrificed; and it is only just and proper 
that, in making tickets as in making platforms, we should recognize that great, 
body of honorable and self-sacrificing men. 

Mr. President and gentlemen, in presenting to you a candidate, I shall pre¬ 
sent one to you who, I believe, fills all the qualifications necessary for even the 


1T0 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


first place on this ticket; a man whose military record is of exceptional merit, 
and whose civil record will not be obscured by even so brilliant a one as that 
of the head of the ticket. And that is the kind of a man that we want; a man 
tried in war and a man tried in peace; a man who has worn in every capacity 
in which he has been tried, until to-day his name and his fame are a part of 
the proud heritage of the American people. 

By the terms of your resolution you have abridged that which I would say, 
but it is enough for me to say that the man whom 1 present for your considera¬ 
tion, believing that he will add strength to the ticket, and believing that lie 
will justify the expectations of the men of whom I have spoken is Gen. 
John A. Logan, of Illinois. 

I do not present him on behalf of Illinois ; nor do I present him on behalf 
of Kansas, nor of any single State, but on behalf of all the States. His repu¬ 
tation is no more the property of Illinois than it is of Kansas; but there are 
75,000 ex-soldiers of the late War upon the prairies of Kansas, who, with one 
accord, when they hear of the nomination of John A. Logan, will rise up and 
indorse it and ratify it. 

I know Illinois begrudges him to the country. Like Hosea Bigelow's wife, 
they “want him for home consumption.” But. Mr. President, it is a command 
which we have a right to lay upon them, and I know that in laying that com¬ 
mand upon them, they will do as Gen. Logan would do himself. He obeys the 
duty and obligation of party, the command of the party and the country; and, 
in fact, he never disobeyed but one order, and that was in order to fight a 
battle. 

Therefore, in behalf of the ex-soldiers of the Union, in behalf of the State 
of Kansas, by whom I am commissioned for this purpose, and in behalf, gen¬ 
erally, of the great body of the Republican party of the Union who admire and 
esteem this man, I present his name for your consideration, and hope that he 
may receive the nomination at your hands. 

Mr. L. C. IIouck, of Tennessee. Thus far, while I have not received my 
first choice, this Convention has done well. Under the leadership, at the head 
of the ticket, of the Plumed Knight of Maine, we expect in November, all 
other conditions being equal, to march to glorious and final victory over the 
Democratic party in the United States. Now that the first part of our duties 
lias been discharged; now that we have a candidate at the head of the ticket 
whom every genuine Republican in these United States, whether for or against 
him in this contest, can cheerfully and heartily support; now that we have 
started thus well, let us complete our work by adding as the candidate for Vice- 
President of the United States, one who, as we all know, may have to enter 
the Executive Mansion and discharge the duties of the first office of the Nation. 

I say, let us now see if we can not come to a common understanding and agree¬ 
ment, and unite upon one who will do equal honor in that position as the dis¬ 
tinguished leader who is at the head of our ticket. 

In looking through the halls of Congress, going back over the reminis¬ 
cences of the war, analyzing the character of the man, whether upon the field or 
in the balls of legislation, wherever he has been called to duty, John A. Logan 
has never been found wanting. And it has been well said by the gentleman 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


171 


who has preceded me, that, having nominated a civilian for the first time since 
the war, it is now all-important to give to the soldiers of the country, who 
fought the battles of the Union and preserved the liberties of the people, a 
representative upon that ticket. That being so, in whom can we find all the 
elements necessary to make up the statesmanship which is necessary to dis¬ 
charge the duties of this high office, but in Gen. John A. Logan? I can do it 
the more cheerfully—it is perfectly natural to me; it becomes a part of my 
nature and goes into my sympathies, into the very sympathies of my heart, to 
advocate his nomination—coming as I do (perhaps I will give you something 
that some of you never thought of)—coming as I do, as a representative from 
that part of the country where two Congressional Districts, the First and Sec¬ 
ond of Tennessee, gave more soldiers to fight under the flag than any two dis¬ 
tricts in the United States of America. That being so, representing these ele¬ 
ments, I know that when the wires shall have transmitted the news of the 
nomination of John A. Logan for the Vice-Presidency of the United States to 
the soldier boys of East Tennessee, they will rejoice there, as they will rejoice 
everywhere the news is transmitted. It is an inviting theme; but I am admon¬ 
ished that under the rules I should desist, after a few more words. 

Now, gentlemen, let us join hands. The truth is, there ought not to be any 
other nomination than John A. Logan. John A. Logan ought to be nominated 
by acclamation. Our delegation, as you have seen, has been somewhat divided 
on everything else, but when you come to John A. Logan we are united, twenty- 
four strong. Mr. President, and gentlemen of the Convention, for the consid¬ 
erations which I have mentioned, I now place John A. Logan’s destinies in 
your hands, with the full conviction that when the roll is called you will make 
him the candidate of the party, and in November victory will perch upon our 
banners. 

Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska. In seconding this magnificent nomination on 
behalf of a great veteran constituency, limited by the order of this Convention, 
I have only this to say : Let us write upon the banner of the Republican party 
for this glorious campaign this invincible legend : “Blaine and Logan, Peace 
and War.” The great gratitude of the American people will crown these 
victors of them both with their grand and'glorious approbation. 

Mr. J. W. Lee, of Pennsylvania. You have inaugurated here to-day a 
glorious victory for November, by nominating for President a native of Penn¬ 
sylvania, but whose fame was too great for his own State. It is of the whole 
country. You will complete the work which you have so well begun. The 
people believed, with a belief which amounted to conviction, that you would 
recognize their sovereign will in the nomination which you would here make, 
and you have not disappointed them. 

Pennsylvania unites with the great Commonwealth of Kansas in seconding 
the nomination of a man for Vice-President who was fit to be President of the 
United States. I second, on behalf of the great Middle States of Pennsylvania 
and Ohio, the nomination of John A. Logan. 

Mr. Roswell. G. IIorr, of Michigan. Mr. President [Calls were made to 
Mr. Horr to take the stand; but he declined, and continued as follows]: 
I will be through before I can get to the stand. I simply rise, Mr. Presi- 


172 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


dent in behalf of the large army of us men who staid at home during the war, 
and at the request of the State of Michigan, to second the nomination of John 
A. Logan, of Illinois; and I only wish to say that in doing that we will light 
the camp-fires among the soldiers of the country from one end of this Nation 
to the other. 

Mr. John C. Dancy, of North Carolina. I am here the humble representa¬ 
tive of twelve hundred thousand colored voters in this country; and I believe, 
gentlemen of the Convention, that with the nomination already made of the 
Hon. James G. Blaine, of Maine, if to that you will add the name of John A. 
Logan, you will strengthen the confidence and courage of these twelve hundred 
thousand colored voters; and each and every one of them on the day of the 
election will be found at the polls casting their votes for those two candi¬ 
dates. 

Gentlemen, we know John A. Logan in the South; we have learned to love 
him and to honor him. He has stood by us under any and all circumstances. 
We will be certain to stand by him. Great in war, he has been likewise great 
in peace; and, keeping the even tenor of his way, he has won the confidence 
and respect, not only of the Republican party, but of the Democratic party as 
well; and I believe that he can command as many votes in the South as 
any man who could be named; and as we have a State that was Democratic 
by only 300 two years ago, we know that with this ticket we can carry 
it by at least 5,000 majority in this election. And so speaking for North Caro¬ 
lina, I say for it, as I say also for some others of the Southern States, we are 
for John A. Logan, first, last, and all the time. 

Mr. P. H. Winston, Jr, of North Carolina. I move that we nominate 
Logan by acclamation. 

Mr. Arnold, of Georgia. As the representative of twenty-four as true and 
noble men as ever trod the American soil, and who stood by Chester A. Arthur 
until his flag went down, I rise in my place to second the nomination of John 
A. Logan. And while we, sir, in Georgia, are not able to give you an electoral 
vote, we pledge to you our aid, sympathy, active support, and all that there is 
within us. [Applause ] 

Mr. Dawes, of Missouri. Mr. President: I move you that the nomination 
of John A. Logan be made by acclamation. 

Mr. Church Howe, of Nebraska. I move that the rules be suspended, and 
that John A. Logan be declared the nominee of this Convention. 

The President put the question on the motion, and, on the vote 
being had, said : 

It requires two-thirds to suspend the rules ; and, the Chair being in doubt, 
the roll will be called. 

The Secretary called the State of Alabama. 

Mr. Winston, of North Carolina. Are the nominations closed ? 

Mr. Carr, of Illinois. Mr. President: There have several gentlemen expressed 
a desire to speak, and so far every one that has spoken has spoken words that 


Republican national convention. 


173 


are grateful and precious to every Illinois heart. There are others who. still 
desire to speak, and I hope that the roll will not he called. I hope that this 
action will be suspended until gentlemen from other States who desire to speak 
shall have had an opportunity to be heard from. 

Mr. W. O. Bradley, of Kentucky, had been standing on his chair 
attempting to get the attention of the President, and loud calls were 
made for him. 

Mr. Dawes, of Missouri. Mr. President: I feel assured that it is only a 
question of time that the nomination of John A. Logan will be made unanimous, 
and I withdraw my motion to make it by acclamation. 

Mr. Howe. I withdraw my motion to suspend the rules also. 

Considerable confusion was caused by delegates in all parts of the 
hall attempting to gain the eye of the President. 

Mr. S. Lee, of South Carolina, was recognized by the President: 
but the calls for Bradley were renewed, and Mr. Lee was unable to 
proceed. 

A Delegate from Mississippi. I would suggest that the gentleman from 
Kentucky go ahead on the east side of the hall, and the gentleman from South 
Carolina on the west. 

Mr. Lee. I most cheerfully yield to the distinguished gentleman from 
Kentucky, provided I shall be accorded the privilege of speaking for the 
Republicans of my State when he shall have finished. 

Mr. Bradley, of Kentucky. Mr. President: I am warned by the condition 
of my voice not to undertake to speak against the tumult of this multitude. I 
simply arise as one of those fifteen faithful Kentuckians, who, through sun¬ 
shine and through storm, followed the fate of our gallant leader, Chester A. 
Arthur, to second the nomination of the great volunteer soldier of Illinois. 

A statesman wise in council, a soldier upon whose sword there is no stain of 
dishonor, a friend of the oppressed—no more gallant knight ever drew lance 
upon the bloody fields of Palestine or fell beneath the gleaming scimiter of 
Saladin. I arise for the purpose of seconding the nomination of General Logan, 
in behalf of the hundred thousand— yes, the hundred thousand —brave soldiers 
who have marched under the flag and kept step to the music of the Union from 
the State of Kentucky. 

You have given us a great statesman from Maine; and I for one bow my 
humble acquiescence, and am willing, with all the Republicans of this Union, 
to follow wherever his white plume shines. With Blaine as our candidate 
for President, with Logan as our candidate for Vice-President, we shall sweep 
the country, and wipe from the political map the name of Democracy, so that 
the places that know it now, shall know it no more forever. 

I would like to say more upon this fruitful theme, but the condition of my 
voice, as well as the state of your patience, reminds me that I have said enough. 
And now, in conclusion, fellow-citizens of the whole Republic, who are assembled 


m 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


here, and delegates in this Convention, down in the State of Kentucky, where 
the black cloud of Democracy still bends above us, let me say to you that, while 
we can not give you our electoral votes, we will in November poll for Blaine 
and Logan the votes of 120,000 brave men and true. I have said enough, 
and I thank you again and again for your kindness in asking me to second 
this nomination. 

Mr. Lee, of South Carolina. I come from a State that gave the United 
States Government the first colored soldier that the United States Government 
ever enlisted in its army. In 1862, in the town of Beaufort, South Carolina, 
Col. Higginson, of Massachusetts, organized the first colored troops. I am 
here to-night, and I am glad that it is my privilege, upon this occasion, to say 
to the American people assembled here in a Republican National Convention, 
that those people in South Carolina never can forget the memorable march, 
through that State, of Sherman’s army. In that army was the gallant and 
brave John A. Logan. They know him, and they love him, and their anxious 
hearts have been waiting, hoping to hear from this Convention, that if their 
first choice, Chester A. Arthur, should not be made the nominee of this Con¬ 
vention, their hearts would be gladdened by the news being wired to them 
that John A. Logan was the fortunate choice of this Convention. And, Mr.# 
President- 

Mr. Pettibone, of Tennessee. Mr. President: In the name of' three-quarters 
of a million of the old soldiers of the Republic, who did not stay at home, 
but went to the front, and in the name of 30,000 ex-Confederate soldiers of 
Tennessee, we all of us rejoice in the name of Black Jack Logan. 

Mr. Lee, of South Carolina [who had been interrupted by Mr. Pettibone]. 
Tennessee is so nearly allied to us that she feels at liberty to take any privilege 
she sees a chance to take with us. We accord it freely to her. Mr. Presi¬ 
dent, I shall not move to strike out the gentleman’s remarks, for he and I, 
away from the close relations that our States bear to each other, are 
closely allied as individuals, until I am always proud to be connected with 
him in any way. 

And I wish to say also, briefly, that South Carolina gave the first volunteer 
to the United States navy, in the person of the hero, Robert Smalls, who carried 
the Planter out of the harbor of Charleston, and brought her over and deliv¬ 
ered her up to the Federal navy. The people in South Carolina will go to the 
polls if John A. Logan is upon the ticket with the brilliant genius, James G. 
Blaine, and will go there at any risk, as they have done before ; and no name 
connected with James G. Blaine will create such enthusiasm in South Carolina 
as the name of John A. Logan. 

Mr. Frank Morey, of Louisiana. At the request of the solid delegation 
of more than one Southern State besides the State of Louisiana, I rise to sec¬ 
ond the nomination of Gen. John A. Logan. Mr. President, in 1861, when I 
left my prairie home in Illinois to assist in fighting the battles of the Union, it 
was my good fortune to be under the command of Gen. John A. Logan in our 
march from the Ohio river on our way to the gulf. At the conclusion of the 
war and after peace had settled upon the country, and when a fighting constit¬ 
uency had sent me from my new home in Louisiana to the halls of Congress, 


REPUBLICAN' NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


my first committee work was done on the Committee of Military Affairs, of 
which Gen. John A. Logan was the Chairman. 

Mr. President, I know him well, and I love him with my whole heart. I 
have watched his career as a statesman, and on all public questions he has been 
almost invariably right; and upon all questions touching the protection of the 
lives and the liberties, particularly the political and civil rights of Republicans, 
both white and black, in the South, he has been always right. 

And, sir, the Republicans of the South will feel', in the election of Gen. 
John A. Logan as Vice-President, that they will always have a true friend and 
a tried counselor, having the confidence of the chief Executive of the Nation. 
It will give renewed courage to the saddened hearts of Southern Republicans 
now fighting the unequal battle of Republicanism in the South. Gen. Logan 
is the grand development of the brave, generous and courageous sentiment of 
the Mississippi valley. He combines, by his glorious manhood, the bravery of 
the true and gallant soldier and the ability of the eminent statesman. Every 
element of his character is that of a true American; and his nomination as 
Vice-President, with James G. Blaine, will electrify the patriotic sentiment of 
the loyal people of this country, and will be the cap-stone to the magnificent 
work begun and achieved by this Convention. 

Mr. Hill, of Mississippi. I suggest that we proceed to nominate Gen. 
Logan by acclamation, and let us go to bed, and have the other speeches 
printed, and we can read them in the morning. 

Mr. Blair, of Virginia. By request of Gen. Mahone, the Chairman of the 
Virginia delegation itself, and inasmuch as Senator Mahone is not able to be 
here to-night, by reason of physical disability, I am here to represent in this 
Convention, not those Union soldiers that followed Gen. John A. Logan in the 
last contest, but I am here as a member of the Republican Virginia delegation, 
that represents in Virginia 80,000 ex-Confederate soldiers, that have come to the 
rescue of the Republic. I was a Confederate soldier myself for four years, as 
were many of the delegation with whom I am now associated, and I serve no¬ 
tice upon these Northern Republicans that they must look well to their laurels, 
because in old Virginia we have erected the standard of Republicanism, and in 
the vocabulary of Virginia liberalism “there’s no such word as fail.” And 
that, with the handful of ex-Confederate soldiers and Virginians who have 
raised the revolt against Democratic outrage, we have grown with their growth 
and strengthened with their strength, until to-day we have 127,000 that will 
vote for James G., Blaine and John A. Logan as President and Vice-President 
of the United States. I, therefore, in behalf of the Virginia delegation, rise to 
second the nomination of John A. Logan, and move that the nomination be 
made unanimous. 

Mr. Packard, of New York. I rise to move, as a substitute, that the roll 
be called, and each State name its choice in the regular order of business. 

Mr. Howe, of Nebraska. I now renew my motion that the rules be sus¬ 
pended, and Gen. John A. Logan be declared the nominee of this Convention 
for Vice-President. 

The President. The Secretary will call the roll. 

Gen. J. S. Robinson, of Ohio. Mr. President: In behalf of the Repub- 


176 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


licans of Ohio, I desire to second this nomination. I followed Gen. Logan on 
many a hard-fought field, and he never in any instance failed to respond to the 
sound of the enemy’s musketry. I therefore move to suspend the rules, and 
nominate Gen. Logan by acclamation. [Great confusion, many delegates ask¬ 
ing for the floor. Cries of “ Second the nomination.”] 

The President. It has been moved and seconded that the rules be 
suspended. 

Mr. Robinson. Mr. President: I insist upon my motion, which has been 
seconded by several delegations, to suspend the rules, and nominate Gen. Logan 
by acclamation. 

The President. Well, if you will be still. I am putting your motion. 

Mr. Robinson. That we nominate Gen. Logan by acclamation. 

The President. It is moved that the rules be suspended, and that Gen. 
Logan be nominated by acclamation. 

The motion was carried almost unanimously. 

Mr. Lampson, of Ohio. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention: 
The Nineteenth District of Ohio, the banner district of the Union, which was 
so long and so ably represented in the National Congress by that grand states¬ 
man and civilian whom the last Republican National Convention delighted to 
honor with the highest position in the gift of the Republican party, promises 
20,000 Republican majority for the bosom friend of our martyred Garfield, 
James G. Blaine, of Maine, and the grand old soldier, John A. Logan, of 
Illinois. 

Mr. Spooner, of New York. I have a resolution which I desire to offer. 

Mr. McKinley, of Ohio. Following the usual order of National Conven¬ 
tions, I move you that a committee be appointed to advise the nominees of this 
Convention of its action. 

Mr. Roots, of Arkansas. I second the motion. 

Mr. McKinley. Of which the President of this Convention shall be 
Chairman. 

The motion was adopted. 

The Secretary. I desire to announce that the National Committee 
will meet on the stage immediately after the adjournment of the Convention 
to-night. 

Mr. Davis, of Illinois. Mr. President: on behalf of the State of Illinois I 
insist that the roll shall be called at the request of our delegates, on the nomi¬ 
nation of Vice-President. 

The President. The Secretary will call the roll. 

The Secretary then proceeded to call the roll. 

When the State of Massachusetts was reached, Mr. Crapo an¬ 
nounced the votes as nine for Logan, and three for Fairchild, of 
Wisconsin. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


177 


After the next State had been called, 

Mr. Crapo arose and said: I desire to announce again the vote of 
Massachusetts. I desire to have Massachusetts called again. We vote twelve 
for Logan, being the entire vote that is present. 

When New York was called, 

Mr. Curtis said: I desire that New York be allowed a little time to com¬ 
plete her tally, New York is not quite ready to report her vote. I ask a little 
time be given her to complete the count. 

Mr. Husted, of New York. Mr. President: I ask that the rule may be 
suspended so that the other States may be called, and New York called after¬ 
ward. I ask unanimous consent. 

The President. It will be so ordered without objection. 

When the District of Columbia was reached, 

Mr. Conger said : Mr. President: I have asked my colleague to name his 
vote, and he has refused to do so. I cast my vote for John A. Logan. 

Mr. Carson. Mr. President: This is the first time the gentleman has agreed 
with me. I cast my vote for John A. Logan. 

At the end of the roll call, New York was again called upon, and 
announced her vote. 

THE BALLOT FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. 


Whole number of delegates..820 

Necessary to a choice...411 

Whole number of votes cast. .780 

John A. Logan......773 

W. Q. Gresham...... 6 

J. B. Foraker.... 1 


The vote by States and Territories was as follows : 


States and Territories. 

No. of 
Votes. 

Logan. 

Gresham. 

Foraker. 

A lahama. .. __ __ 

20 

20 



A rl? a n sa s . _ _ _ 

14 

14 



rialifnrnifl. _ 

16 

16 



ClnlnraHn __ 

6 

6 



f'Vmnpi’t.ifMlt. _ 

12 

5 



Dpi ftWfiTP. _ 

6 

6 



FlnriVIji. _- 

8 

8 



Gporfria __ 

24 

24 



T1 linnis __ 

44 

44 



T nrliana. _ __ 

30 

30 



lQWp r _ _ 

26 

26 



TZ GnsG.Q _ 

18 

18 



Kentucky.... 

26 

26 




12 










































jLYS 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


States and Territories. 

No. op 
Votes. 

Logan. 

Louisiana... 

16 

16 

Maine__...__ . 

Maryland... 

12 

16 

12 

16 

Massachusetts . . .. 

28 

12 

Michigan..... 

26 

26 

Minnesota..... 

14 

14 

Mississippi__ 

18 

18 

Missouri... 

32 

30 

Nebraska.... 

10 

10 

Nevada__-. .. 

6 

6 

New Hampshire.. ... 

8 

8 

New Jersey . ____ 

18 

18 

New York..... 

72 

60 

North Carolina... 

22 

22 

Ohio__ 

46 

46 

Oregon .. 

6 

6 

Pennsylvania. 

60 

59 

Rhode Island..... 

8 

8 

South Carolina___ 

18 

18 

Tennessee. ..... 

24 

24 

Texas...... . 

26 

26 

Vermont.... 

8 

8 

Virginia ..... 

24 

24 

West Virginia ... 

12 

12 

Wisconsin.... 

22 

19 

Arizona..... 

2 

2 

Dakota.. .... 

2 

2 

District of Columbia.. 

2 

2 

Idaho.. .... 

2 

2 

Montana .. 

2 

2 

New Mexico __ 

2 

2 

Utah...... 

2 

2 

Washington___ 

2 

2 

Wvominsr _ _ 

2 

2 




Totals 

820 

773 



Gresuam. 

Foraker. 

























6 

1 











































6 

1 


The President. The question now is, Shall the nomination be made 
unanimous ? 

The motion was carried unanimously. 

Mr. Husted, of New York. Mr. President: I offer the following resolution: 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention be and they are hereby 
tendered to the late National Republican Committee for the excellent provision 
made for the Convention; to the citizens of Chicago for the cordial hospitality 
extended to our members; to the Hon. John B. Henderson, President, for his 
uniform and unfailing courtesy and efficiency in presiding over our deliberations; 
and to the attendants on the Convention for their fidelity to their respective 
trusts. 


The resolution was adopted. 
















































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


179 


The President. The Chair announces to the Convention that it will select 
the members of the committee to announce the nominations to the respective 
gentlemen nominated to-night, and will publish the names to-morrow morning. 

Mr. Hamilton, of Illinois. Mr. President: I have offered a resolution 
which I have sent to the desk. 

The President. There is no resolution here. 

Mr. Hamilton. I will then state it verbally. I move that the thanks of 
this Convention be tendered to the Sergeant-at-arms, Colonel Sexton, and the 
members of the Union Veteran Club of Chicago, for their valuable assistance 
during this Convention. 

The motion was carried. 

Mr. Taylor, of Illinois. I desire to ask for information. Has the resolution 
been passed appointing a committee to notify the candidates of their nomination? 

The President. It has been done. 

Mr. Spooner, of New York. Mr. President: I ask that my resolution in the 
hands of the Secretary be read. 

Amid the great confusion prevailing, a motion to adjourn sine die 
was made and carried, and the Convention, at 9:45 p. m., June 6th, 
was declared adjourned sine die. 


COMMITTEE OF NOTIFICATION. 

The President of the Convention, in conformity with the resolution 
adopted at the last session of the Convention, appointed the following- 
named gentlemen as the committee charged with the duty of notify¬ 
ing Mr. Blaine and Gen. Logan of their respective nominations : 

John B. Henderson, Missouri, Chairman. 


Alabama__George Turner. 

Arkansas..Logan H. Roots. 

California_ _Charles F. Crocker. 

Colorado--S. H. Elbert. 

Connecticut..-__Samuel Fessenden. 

Delaware ____Washington Hastings. 

Florida___W. G. Stewart. 

Georgia..---C. D. Forsyth. 

Illinois__George R. Davis. 

Indiana.....John H. Baker. 

Iowa...N. M. Hubbard. 















180 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Kansas. 

Kentucky. 

Louisiana- 

Maine. 

Maryland. 

Massachusetts. 

Michigan. 

Minnesota. 

Mississippi_ 

Missouri.. 

Nebraska. 

Nevada.. 

New Hampshire... 

New Jersey.. 

New York_ 

North Carolina_ 

Ohio. 

Oregon. 

Pennsylvania_ 

Rhode Island. 

South Carolina..... 

Tennessee.. 

Texas. 

Vermont.. 

Virginia. 

West Virginia. 

Wisconsin.. 

Arizona.. 

Dakota.. 

District of Columbia 

Idaho.. 

Montana. 

New Mexico_ 

Utah.. 

Washington_ 

Wyoming_ 


....Henry E. Insley. 

.W. C. Goodloe. 

__W. B. Merchant. 

__J. Manchester Haynes. 

_J. McPherson Scott. 

__Jesse M. Gove. 

__Julius C. Burrows. 

_____Cushman K. Davis. 

..John R. Lynch. 

„ __Chauncey I. Filley. 

....Church Howe. 

. ___M. D. Foley. 

_Edward H. Rollins. 

... .William Walter Phelps. 

_Andrew D White. 

__Patrick H. Winston, Jr. 

...John B. Foraker. 

..O. N. Denny. 

..Galusha A. Grow. 

_Daniel G. Littlefield. 

..Samuel Lee. 

__J. C. Napier. 

_N. W. Cuney. 

__Frederick Billings. 

___Samuel M. Yost. 

.Arnold C. Sherr. 

...E. W. Keyes. 

__A. H. Stebbins. 

__J. L. Jolly. 

_ _P. H. Carson. 

..W. N. Shilling. 

__Lee Mantle. 

.. __..W. H. H. Llewellyn. 

.Nathan Kimball. 

.George D. Hill. 

...J. W. Meldrum. 

Chas. W. Clisbee, Michigan, Secretary. 


THE NOTIFICATION TO MR. BLAINE. 

The committee appointed by the National Republican Conven¬ 
tion, to notify Hon. James G. Blaine of the action of the Conven¬ 
tion, performed that duty on Saturday, June 21st, 1884, at Augusta, 
Maine, the shady lawn in front of the Blaine homestead being chosen 
as the scene of the ceremonial. When all the preliminaries had been 
arranged, General Henderson, of Missouri, stepped forward and 
presented the address of the committee, as follows : 






































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


181 


Mr. Blaine: Your nomination for the office of President of the United 
States, by the National Republican Convention recently assembled in Chicago, 
is already known to you. The gentlemen before you, constituting a committee 
composed of one member from each State and Territory of the country, and 
one from the District of Columbia, now come as the accredited organ of that 
Convention, to give you formal notice of the nomination and to request your 
acceptance thereof. 

It is, of course, known to you, that besides your own, several names, among 
the most honored in the councils of the Republican party, were presented by 
their friends as candidates for this office. Between your friends and the friends 
of gentlemen so justly entitled to the respect and confidence of their political 
associates, the contest was one of generous rivalry, free from any taint of bit¬ 
terness, and equally free from the reproach of injustice. At an early stage of 
the proceedings of the Convention, it became manifest that the Republican 
States, whose aid must be invoked at last to insure success to the ticket, ear¬ 
nestly desired your nomination. It was equally manifest that this desire, so 
earnestly expressed by the delegates from these States, was but the truthful 
reflection of an irresistible popular demand. It was not thought, nor pre¬ 
tended, that this demand had its origin in any ambitious desires of your own, 
or in the organized work of your friends, but it was recognized to be what it 
truthfully is—the spontaneous expression by a free people of their love and 
admiration of a chosen leader. 

No nomination would have given satisfaction to all the members of the party. 
This was not to be expected in a country so extended in area and so varied in 
interests. The nomination of Mr. Lincoln, in 1860, disappointed so many fond 
hopes and overthrew so many cherished ambitions, that for a short time the 
disaffection threatened to ripen into open revolt. In 1872, the discontent was 
so pronounced as to impel large masses of the party into organized opposition 
to its nominees. For many weeks after the nomination of Gen. Garfield, in 
1880, defeat seemed almost inevitable. Fortunately, in each case the shock of 
disappointment was followed by the sober second thought. Individual prefer¬ 
ences gradually yielded to convictions of public duty. The promptings of 
patriotism finally rose superior to the irritations and animosities of the hour. 
Indeed, the party in every trial has grown stronger in the face of threatened 
danger. 

In tendering you this nomination, it gives us pleasure to remember that 
those great measures which furnished causes for party congratulation by the 
late Convention at Chicago, and which are now crystallized into the legislation 
of the country—measures which have strengthened and dignified the Nation, 
while they have elevated and advanced the people—have, at all times and on 
all proper occasions, received your earnest and valuable support. It was your 
good fortune to aid in protecting the Nation against the assaults of armed 
treason ; you were present and helped to unloose the shackles of the slave; 
you assisted in placing the new guarantees of freedom in the Federal Consti¬ 
tution; your voice was potent in preserving the National faith; when false the¬ 
ories of finance would have blasted National and individual prosperity, we 
kindly remember you as the fast friend of honest money and commercial integ- 


182 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


rity. In all that pertains to the security and repose of capital, the dignity of 
labor, the manhood, elevation and freedom of the people, the right of Ihe 
oppressed to demand, and the duty of the government to afford, protection, 
your public acts have received the unqualified indorsement of popular approval. 

But we are not unmindful of the fact that parties, like individuals, can 
not live entirely on the past, however splendid the record. The present is 
ever charged with its immediate cares, and the future presses on with its new 
duties and its perplexing responsibilities. Parties, like individuals, however, 
that are free from the stain of violated faith in the past, are fairly entitled to 
presumptions of sincerity in their promises for the future. 

Among the promises made by the party in its late Convention at Chicago, 
are: Purity and economy of administration ; protection of the citizen, native 
and naturalized, at home and abroad; the prompt restoration of our navy; a 
wise reduction of the surplus revenues, relieving the tax payer without in¬ 
juring the laborer; the preservation of the public lands for actual settlers; 
import duties, when necessary at all, to be levied not for revenue only, but 
for the double purpose of revenue and protection; regulation of internal com¬ 
merce by the National Congress; settlement of international differences by 
peaceful arbitration, but coupled with the reassertion and maintenance of the 
Monroe doctrine as interpreted by the fathers of the Republic; perseverance 
in the good work of civil service reform, “ to the end that the dangers to free 
institutions which lurk in the power of official patronage may be wisely and 
effectively avoided : ” honest currency based on coin of intrinsic value, 
adding strength to the public credit, and .giving renewed vitality to every 
branch of American industry. 

Mr. Blaine: During the last twenty-three years the Republican party has 
builded a new Republic—a Republic far more splendid than that originally de¬ 
signed by our fathers. Its proportions, already grand, may yet be enlarged; 
its foundations may yet be strengthened, and its columns adorned with a 
beauty more resplendent still. To you, as its architect-in-chief, will soon be 
assigned this grateful work. 

To which Mr. Blaine replied as follows: 

“Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen of the National Committee: I 
receive, not without deep sensibility, your official notice of the action of the 
National Convention, already brought to my knowledge through the public 
press. I appreciate, more profoundly than I can express, the honor which is 
implied in the nomination for the Presidency by the Republican party of the 
Nation, speaking through the authoritative voice of its duly accredited dele¬ 
gates. To be selected as a candidate by such an assemblage, from the list of 
eminent statesmen whose names were presented, fills me with embarrassment. 
I can only express my gratitude for so signal an honor, and my desire to prove 
worthy of the great trust reposed in me. 

“ In accepting the nomination, as I now do, I am impressed, I might almost 
say oppressed, with a sense of the labor and responsibility which attach to 
my position. The burden is lightened, however, by the host of earnest men 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


1 S3 


who support my candidacy, many of whom add, as does your honorable com¬ 
mittee, the cheer of personal friendship to the pledge of political fealty. A 
more formal acceptance will naturally be expected, and will in due season be 
communicated. It may, however, not be inappropriate at this time to say that 
I have already made a careful study of the principles announced by the Na¬ 
tional Convention, and in whole and in detail they have my heartiest sympa¬ 
thy and meet my unqualified approval. 

“ Apart from your official errand, gentlemen, I am extremely happy to wel¬ 
come you all to my home. With many of you I have already shared the duties 
of the public service, and have enjoyed the most cordial friendship. I trust 
your journey from all parts of the great Republic has been agreeable, and that 
during your stay in Maine you will feel that you are not among strangers, but 
among friends. Invoking the blessing of God upon the great cause which we 
jointly represent, let us turn to the future without fear, and with manly hearts.” 

At the conclusion of Mr. Blaine’s reply, the members of the committee 
were introduced to him individually, and an hour was spent in social and 
informal converse. The members of the committee were then entertained at 
lunch. At 1 o’clock they left for Portland. 

THE NOTIFICATION TO JOHN A. LOGAN. 

Washington, June 24, 1884. 

Chairman J. B. Henderson, and the members of the committee 
charged by the Republican National Convention with the duty of 
formally informing the candidates for President and Vice-President 
of their nomination, met at Washington, D. C., June 24th, 1884, to 
present the formal address to General Logan. General Henderson 
then addressed General Logan as follows : 

Senator Logan : The gentlemen present constitute a committee of the Re¬ 
publican Convention recently assembled at Chicago, charged with the duty of 
communicating to you the formal notice of your nomination by that Conven¬ 
tion as a candidate for Vice-President of the United States. You are not una¬ 
ware of the fact that your name was presented to the Convention and urged by 
a large number of the delegates as a candidate for President. So soon, how¬ 
ever, as it became apparent that Mr. Blaine, your colleague on the ticket, was 
the choice of the party for that high office, your friends, with those of other 
competitors, promptly yielded their preferences to this manifest wish of the 
majority. 

In tendering you this nomination, we are able to assure you it was made 
without opposition, and with an enthusiasm seldom witnessed in the history of 
nominating conventions. We are gratified to know, that in a career of great 
usefulness and distinction you have most efficiently aided in the enactment of 
those measures of legislation and of constitutional reform in which the Con¬ 
vention found special cause for party congratulation. The principles enunci¬ 
ated in the platform adopted will be recognized by you as the same which have 


184 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


so long governed and controlled your political conduct. The pledges made by 
the party find guarantee of performance in the fidelity with which you have 
heretofore discharged every trust confided to your keeping. 

In your election, the people of this country will furnish new proof of the 
excellence of our institutions. Without wealth, without help from others, 
without any resources except those of heart, conscience, intellect, energy, and 
courage, you have won a high place in the world’s history, and secured the con¬ 
fidence and affections of your countrymen. Being one of the people, your 
sympathies are with the people. In civil life your chief care has been to bet¬ 
ter their condition, to secure their rights, and perpetuate their liberties. When 
the Government was threatened by armed treason, you entered its service as a 
private, became a commander of armies, and are now the idol of the citizen 
soldiers of the Republic. Such, in the judgment of your party, is the candi¬ 
date it has selected, and, in behalf of that party, we ask you to accept its nom¬ 
ination. 

To which Gen. Logan replied : 

Mr. Chairman , and Gentlemen of the Committee: I receive your visit with 
pleasure, and accept with gratitude the sentiments you have so generously ex¬ 
pressed in discharge of the duty with which you have been intrusted by the 
National Republican Convention. Intending to address you a formal com¬ 
munication shortly, in accordance with recognized usage, it would be out of 
place to detain you at this time with remarks which properly belong to the official 
utterances of a letter of acceptance. I may be permitted to say, however, that, 
though I did not seek the nomination of Vice-President, I accept it as 
a trust reposed in me by the Republican party, to the advancement of 
whose broad policy upon all questions connected with the progress of 
our Government and of our people I have dedicated my best energies, and 
with this acceptance I may properly signify my approval of the platform 
of principles adopted by the Convention. I am deeply sensible of the 
honor conferred upon me by my friends in so unanimously tendering this nom¬ 
ination, and I sincerely thank them for this tribute. I am not unmindful of 
the great responsibility attaching to the office, and if elected I shall enter upon 
the performance of its duties with the firm conviction that he who has such 
unanimous support of his party friends, as the circumstances connected with 
the nomination and your own words, Mr. Chairman, indicate, and conse¬ 
quently such wealth of counsel to draw upon, can not fail in a proper discharge 
of the duties committed to him. I tender to you my thanks, Mr. Chairman, 
for the kind expressions you have made, and I offer you and your fellow-com¬ 
mitteemen my most cordial greetings. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


185 


MR. BLAINE'S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. 

Augusta, Me., July 15,1884. 

The Hon. John B. Henderson and others of the Committee, etc., etc. 

Gentlemen: In accepting the nomination for the Presidency tendered me 
by the Republican National Convention, I beg to express a deep sense of the 
honor which is conferred and of the duty which is imposed. I venture to 
accompany the acceptance with some observations upon the questions in¬ 
volved in the contest—questions whose settlement may affect the future of the 
Nation favorably or unfavorably for a long series of years. 

In enumerating the issues upon which the Republican party appeals for 
popular support the Convention has been singularly explicit and felicitous. It 
has properly given the leading position to the industrial interests of the country 
as affected by the tariff on imports. On that question the two political parties 
are radically in conflict. Almost the first act of the Republicans, when they 
came into power in 1861, was the establishment of the principle of protection 
to American labor and to American capital. This principle the Republican 
party has ever since steadily maintained, while on the other hand the Demo¬ 
cratic party in Congress has for fifty years persistently warred upon it. Twice 
within that period our opponents have destroyed tariffs arranged for protection, 
and since the close of the Civil War, whenever they have controlled the House 
of Representatives, hostile legislation has been attempted—never more conspic¬ 
uously than in their principal measure at the late session of Congress. 

Revenue laws are in their very nature subject to frequent revision in order 
that they may be adapted to changes and modifications of trade. The Repub¬ 
lican party is not contending for the permanency of any particular statute. 
The issue between the two parties does not have reference to a specific law. It 
is far broader and far deeper. It involves a principle of wide application and 
beneficent influence, against a theory which we believe to be unsound in con¬ 
ception and inevitably hurtful in practice. In the many tariff revisions which 
have been necessary for the past twenty-three years, or which may hereafter 
become necessary, the Republican party has maintained and will maintain 
the policy of protection to American industry, while our opponents insist upon 
a revision which practically destroys that policy. The issue is thus distinct, 
well defined, and unavoidable. The pending election may determine the fate 
of protection for a generation. The overthrow of the policy means a large and 
permanent reduction in the wages of the American laborer, besides involving 
the loss of vast amounts of American capital invested in manufacturing enter¬ 
prises. The value of the present revenue system to the people of the United 
States is not a matter of theory, and I shall submit no argument to sustain it. 
I only invite attention to certain facts of official record which seem to con¬ 
stitute a demonstration. 

In the census of 1850 an effort was made for the first time in our history 
to obtain a valuation of all the property in the United States. The attempt 
was in large degree unsuccessful. Partly from lack of time, partly from 
prejudice among many who thought the inquiries foreshadowed a new scheme 


180 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


of taxation, the returns were incomplete and unsatisfactory. Little more was 
done than to consolidate the local valuation used in the States for purposes 
of assessment, and that, as every one knows, differs widely from a complete 
exhibit of all the property. 

In the census of 1860, however, the work was done with great thorough¬ 
ness—the distinction between “assessed” value and “true” value being care¬ 
fully observed. The grand result was that the “ true value ” of all the property 
in the States and Territories (excluding slaves) amounted to fourteen thousand 
millions of dollars ($14,000,000,000). This aggregate was the net result of the 
labor and the savings of all the people within the area of the United States from 
the time the first British colonist landed in 1607 down to the year 1860. It rep¬ 
resented the fruit of the toil of 250 years. 

After 1860 the business of the country was encouraged and developed by a 
protective tariff. At the end of twenty years the total property of the United 
States, as returned by the census of 1880, amounted to the enormous aggregate 
of forty-four thousand millions of dollars ($44,000,000,000). This great result 
was attained, notwithstanding the fact that countless millions had in the inter¬ 
val been wasted in the progress of a bloody war. It thus appears, that while 
our population between 1860 and 1880 increased 60 percent., the aggregate- 
property of the country increased 214 per cent., showing a vastly enhanced 
wealth per capita among the people. Thirty thousand millions of dollars 
($30,000,000,000) had been added during these twenty years to the permanent 
wealth of the Nation. 

f 

These results are regarded by the older nations of the world as phenomenal. 
That our country should surmount the peril and the cost of a gigantic war, and 
for an entire period of twenty years make an average gain to its wealth of 
$125,000,000 per month, surpasses the experience of all other nations, ancient 
or modern. Even the opponents of the present revenue system do not pretend 
that in the whole history of civilization any parallel can be found to the mate¬ 
rial progress of the United States since the accession of the Republican party 
to power. 

The period between 1860 and to-day has not been one of material prosperity 
only. At no time in the history of the United States has there been such prog¬ 
ress in the moral and philanthropic field. Religious and charitable institutions, 
schools, seminaries, and colleges, have been founded and endowed far more- 
generously than at any previous time in our history. Greater and more varied 
relief has been extended to human suffering, and the entire progress of the 
country in wealth has been accompanied and dignified by a broadening and 
elevation of our National character as a people. 

Our opponents find fault that our revenue system produces a surplus. But 
they should not forget that the law has given a specific purpose to which all of 
the surplus is profitably and honorably applied—the reduction of the public 
debt and the consequent relief of the burden of taxation. No dollar lias been 
wasted, and the only extravagance with which the party stands charged, is the 
generous pensioning of soldiers, sailors, and their families—an extravagance 
which embodies the highest form of justice in the recognition and payment of a 
sacred debt. When reduction of taxation is to be made, the Republican party 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


187 


can be trusted to accomplish it in such form as will most effectively aid the 
industries of the Nation. 

A frequent accusation by our opponents is that the foreign commerce of 
the country has steadily decayed under the influence of the protective tariff. In 
this way they seek to array the importing interests against the Republican party. 
It is a common and yet radical error to confound the commerce of the country 
with its carrying trade—an error often committed innocently and sometimes 
designedly—but an error so gross that it does not distinguish between the ship 
and the cargo. Foreign commerce represents the exports and imports of a 
country, regardless of the nationality of the vessel that may carry the commod¬ 
ities of exchange. Our carrying trade has from obvious causes suffered many 
discouragements since 1860, but our foreign commerce has in the same period 
steadily and prodigiously increased—increased, indeed, at a rate and to an amount 
which absolutely dwarf all previous developments of our trade beyond the sea. 
From 1860 to the present time the foreign commerce of the United States 
(divided with approximate equality between exports and imports) reached the 
astounding aggregate of twenty-four thousand millions of dollars ($24,000,000,- 
000). The balance in this vast commerce inclined in our favor, but it would 
have been much larger if our trade with the countries of America—elsewhere 
referred to—had been more wisely adjusted. 

It is difficult even to appreciate the magnitude of our export trade since 1860, 
and we can gain a correct conception of it only by comparison with preceding 
results in the same field. The total exports from the United States from the 
Declaration of Independence in 1776 down to the day of Lincoln’s election in 
1860, added to all that had previously been exported from the American Colo¬ 
nies from their original settlement, amounted to less than nine thousand millions 
of dollars ($9,000,000,000). On the other hand, our exports from 1860 to the 
close of the last fiscal year exceeded twelve thousand millions of dollars 
$12,000,000,000—the whole of it being the product of American labor. Evi¬ 
dently a protective tariff has not injured our export trade, when, under its 
influence, we exported in twenty-four years 40 per cent, more than the total 
amount that had been exported in the entire previous history of American 
commerce. All the details, when analyzed, correspond with this gigantic 
result. The commercial cities of the Union never had such growth as they 
have enjoyed since 1860. Our chief emporium, the City of New York, with 
its dependencies, has within that period doubled her population and increased 
her wealth fivefold. During the same period the imports and exports which 
have entered and left her harbor are more than double in bulk and value the 
whole amount imported and exported by her between the settlement of the 
first Dutch colony on the Island of Manhattan and the outbreak of the Civil 
War in 1860. 

The agricultural interest is by far the largest in the Nation, and is entitled 
in every adjustment of revenue laws to the first consideration. Any policy 
hostile to the fullest development of agriculture in the United States must be 
abandoned. Realizing this fact, the opponents of the present system of revenue 
have labored very earnestly to persuade the farmers of the United States that 
they are robbed by a protective tariff, and the effort is thus made to consolidate 


188 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


their vast influence in favor of free trade. But, happily, the farmers of Amer¬ 
ica are intelligent, and can not be misled by sophistry when conclusive facts are 
before them. They see plairly that, during the past twenty-four years, wealth 
has not been acquired in one section or by one interest at the expense of 
another section or another interest. They see that the agricultural States have 
made even more rapid progress than the manufacturing States. 

The farmers see that in 1860 Massachusetts and Illinois had about the same 
wealth—between $800,000,000 and $900,000,000 each—and that in 1880 Massa¬ 
chusetts had advanced to $2,600,000,000, while Illinois had advanced to 
$3,200,000,000. They see that New Jersey and Iowa were just equal in popu¬ 
lation in 1860, and that in twenty years the wealth of New Jersey was increased 
by the sum of $850,000,000, while the wealth of Iowa was increased by the sum 
of $1,500,000,000. They see that the nine leading agricultural States of the 
West had grown so rapidly in prosperity that the aggregate addition to their 
wealth since 1860 is almost as great as the wealth of the entire country in that 
year. They see that the South, which is almost exclusively agricultural, has 
shared in the general prosperity, and that, having recovered from the loss and 
devastation of war, it has gained so rapidly that its total wealth is at least the 
double of that which it possessed in 1860, exclusive of slaves. 

In these extraordinary developments the farmers see the helpful impulse of 
a home market, and they see that the financial and revenue system, enacted 
since the Republican party came into power, has established and constantly 
expanded the home market. They see that even in the case of wheat, which 
is our chief cereal export, they have sold, in the average of the years since the 
close of the war, three bushels at home to one they have sold abroad, and that 
in the case of corn, the only other cereal which we export to any extent, 100 
bushels have been used at home to three and a half bushels exported. In some 
years the disparity has been so great that for every peck of corn exported 100 
bushels have been consumed in the home market. The farmers see that, in 
the increasing competition from the grain-fields of Russia and from the distant 
plains of India, the growth of the home market becomes daily of greater con¬ 
cern to them, and that its impairment would depreciate the value of every acre 
of tillable land in the Union. 

Such facts as these, touching the growth and consumption of cereals at 
home, give us some slight conception of the vastness of the internal commerce 
of the United States. They suggest also, that, in addition to the advantages 
which the American people enjoy from protection against foreign competition, 
they enjoy the advantages of absolute free trade over a larger area and with a 
greater population than any other nation. The internal commerce of our thirty- 
eight States and nine Territories is carried on without let or hindrance, without 
tax, detention, or governmental interference of any kind whatever. It spreads 
freely over an area of three and a half million square miles—almost equal in 
extent to the whole continent of Europe. Its profits are enjoyed to-day by 
56,000,000 of American freemen, and from this enjoyment no monopoly is cre¬ 
ated. According to Alexander Hamilton, when he discussed the same subject 
in 1790, “ the internal competition which takes place does away with everything 
like monopoly, and by degrees reduces the prices of articles to the minimum of 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


189 


a reasonable profit on the capital employed.” It is impossible to point to a sin¬ 
gle monopoly in the United States that has been created or fostered by the 
industrial system which is upheld by the Republican party. 

Compared with our foreign commerce, these domestic exchanges are incon¬ 
ceivably great in amount—requiring merely as one instrumentality as large a 
mileage of railway as exists to-day in all the other nations of the world com¬ 
bined. These internal exchanges are estimated by the Statistical Bureau of 
the Treasury Department to be annually twenty times as great in amount as 
our foreign commerce. It is into this vast field of home trade—at once the cre¬ 
ation and the heritage of the American people—that foreign nations are striving 
by every device to enter. It is into this field that the opponents of our present 
revenue system would freely admit the countries of Europe—countries into 
whose internal trade we could not reciprocally enter; countries to which we 
should be surrendering every advantage of trade; from which we should be 
gaining nothing in return. 

A policy of this kind would be disastrous to the mechanics and workingmen 
of the United States. Wages are unjustly reduced when an industrious man is 
not able by his earnings to live in comfort, educate his children, and lay by a 
sufficient amount for the necessities of age. The reduction of wages inevita¬ 
bly consequent upon throwing our home market open to the world would 
deprive them of the power to do this. It would prove a great calamity to our 
country. It would produce a conflict between the poor and the rich, and in the 
sorrowful degradation of labor would plant the seeds of public danger. 

The Republican party has steadily aimed to maintain just relations between 
labor and capital, guarding with care the rights of each. A conflict between 
the two has always led in the past and will always lead in the future to the 
injury of both. Labor is indispensable to the creation and profitable use of 
capital, and capital increases the efficiency and value of labor. Whoever arrays 
the one against the other is an enemy of both. That policy is wisest and best 
which harmonizes the two on the basis of absolute justice. The Republican 
party has protected the free labor of America so that its compensation is larger 
than is realized in any other country. It has guarded our people against the 
unfair competition of contract labor from China, and may be called upon to 
prohibit the growth of a similar evil from Europe. It is obviously unfair to 
permit capitalists to make contracts for cheap labor in foreign countries to the 
hurt and disparagement of the labor of American citizens. Such a policy (like 
that which would leave the time and other conditions of home labor exclusively 
in the control of the employer) is injurious to all parties—not the least so to the 
unhappy persons who are made the subjects of the contract. The institutions 
of the United States rest upon the intelligence and virtue of all the people. 
Suffrage is made universal as a just weapon of self-protection to every citizen. 
It is not the interest of the Republic that any economic system should be adopted 
which involves the reduction of wages to the hard standard prevailing else¬ 
where. The Republican party aims to elevate and dignify labor—not to de¬ 
grade it. 

As a substitute for the industrial system which, under Republican Adminis¬ 
trations, has developed such extraordinary prosperity, our opponents offer a 


190 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


policy which is but a series of experiments upon our system of revenue—a 
policy whose end must be harm to our manufactures and greater harm to our 
labor. Experiment in the industrial and financial system is the country’s great¬ 
est dread, as stability is its greatest boon. Even the uncertainty resulting from 
the recent tariff agitation in Congress has hurtfully affected the business of the 
entire country. Who can measure the harm to our shops and our homes, to 
our farms and our commerce, if the uncertainty of perpetual tariff agitation is 
to be inflicted upon the country? We are in the midst of an abundant harvest; 
we are on the eve of a revival of general prosperity. Nothing stands in our 
way but the dread of a change in the industrial system which has wrought such 
wonders in the last twenty years, and which, with the power of increased 
capital, will work still greater marvels of prosperity in the twenty years to 
come. 

Our foreign relations favor our domestic development. We are at peace with 
the w r orld—at peace upon a sound basis, with no unsettled questions of sufficient 
magnitude to embarrass or distract us. Happily removed by our geographical 
position from participation or interest in those questions of dynasty or boundary 
which so frequently disturb the peace of Europe, we are left to cultivate friendly 
relations with all, and are free from possible entanglements in the quarrels of 
any. The United States has no cause and no desire to engage in conflict with 
any Power on earth, and we may rest in assured confidence that no Power 
desires to attack the United States. 

With the nations of the Western Hemisphere we should cultivate closer 
relations, and for our common prosperity and advancement we should invite 
them all to join with us in an agreement, that, for the future, all international 
troubles in North or South America shall be adjusted by impartial arbitration, 
and not by arms. This project was part of the fixed policy of President Garfield’s 
administration, and it should, in my judgment, be renewed. Its accomplish¬ 
ment on this continent would favorably affect the nations beyond the sea, and 
thus powerfully contribute at no distant day to the universal acceptance of the 
philanthropic and Christian principle of arbitration. The effect even of sug¬ 
gesting it for the Spanish-American States has been most happy, and has in¬ 
creased the confidence of those people in our friendly disposition. It fell to 
my lot as Secretary of State, in June, 1881, to quiet apprehension in the Re¬ 
public of Mexico by giving the assurance, in an official dispatch, that “ there 
is not the faintest desire in the United States for territorial extension south of 
the Rio Grande. The boundaries of the two Republics have been established 
in conformity with the best jurisdictional interests of both. The line of de- 
markation is not merely conventional. It is more. It separates a Spanish- 
American people from a Saxon-American people. It divides one great Nation 
from another with distinct and natural finality.” 

We seek the conquests of peace. We desire to extend our commerce, and 
in an especial degree with our friends and neighbors on this continent. We 
have not improved our relations with Spanish America as wisely and as per¬ 
sistently as we might have done. For more than a generation the sympathy 
of those countries has been allowed to drift away from us. We should now 
make every effort to gain their friendship. Our trade with them is already 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


191 


large. During the last year our exchanges in the Western Hemisphere amounted 
to $350,000,000—nearly one-fourth of our entire foreign commerce. To those 
who may be disposed to underratetlie value of our trade with the countries of 
North and South America it may be well to state that their population is nearly 
or quite 50,000,000, and that, in proportion to aggregate numbers, we import, 
nearly double as much from them as we do from Europe. But the result of 
the whole American trade is in a high degree unsatisfactory. The imports 
during the past year exceeded $225,000,000, while the exports were less than 
$125,000,000—showing a balance against us of more than $100,000,000. But 
the money does not go to Spanish America. We send large sums to Europe in 
coin or its equivalent to pay European manufacturers for the goods which 
they send to Spanish America. We are but paymasters for this enormous 
amount annually to European factors—an amount which is a serious draft, in 
every financial depression, upon our resources of specie. 

Can not this condition of trade in great part be changed? Can not the market 
for our products be greatly enlarged ? We have made a beginning in our effort 
to improve our trade relations with Mexico, and we should not be content until 
similar and mutually advantageous arrangements have been successively made 
with every nation of North and South America. While the great Powers of 
Europe are steadily enlarging their colonial domination in Asia and Africa, it 
is the especial province of this country to improve and expand its trade with 
the nations of America. No field promises so much. No field has been culti¬ 
vated so little. Our foreign policy should be an American policy in its broadest 
and most comprehensive sense—a policy of peace, of friendship, of commercial 
enlargement. 

The name of American, which belongs to us in our National capacity, must 
always exalt the just pride of patriotism. Citizenship of the Republic must be 
the panoply and safeguard of him who wears it. The American citizen, rich or 
poor, native or naturalized, white or colored, must everywhere walk secure in 
his personal and civil rights. The Republic should never accept a lesser duty, 
it can never assume a nobler one, than the protection of the humblest man who 
owes it loyalty—protection at home, and protection which shall follow him 
abroad into whatever land he may go upon a lawful errand. 

I recognize, not without regret, the necessity for speaking of two sections of 
our common country. But the regret diminishes when I see that the elements 
which separated them are fast disappearing. Prejudices have yielded and are 
yielding, while a growing cordiality warms the Southern and the Northern heart 
alike. Can any one doubt that between the sections confidence and esteem are 
to-day more marked than at any period in the sixty years preceding the election 
of President Lincoln? This is the result in part of time and in part of Republican 
principles applied under the favorable conditions of uniformity. It would be a 
great calamity to change these influences under which Southern Commonwealths 
are learning to vindicate civil rights, and adapting themselves to the conditions 
of political tranquillity and industrial progress. If there be occasional and vio¬ 
lent outbreaks in the South against this peaceful progress, the public opinion of 
the country regards them as exceptional, and hopefully trusts that each will 
prove the last. 


192 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The South needs capital and occupation, not controversy. As much as any 
part of the North the South needs the full protection of the revenue laws which 
the Republican party offers. Some of the Southern States have already entered 
upon a career of industrial development and prosperity. These at least should 
not lend their electoral votes to destroy their own future. 

Any effort to unite the Southern States upon issues that grow out of the 
memories of the war will summon the Northern States to combine in the asser¬ 
tion of that Nationality which was their inspiration in the civil struggle. And 
thus great energies which should be united in a common industrial develop¬ 
ment will be wasted in hurtful strife. The Democratic party shows itself a foe 
to Southern prosperity by always invoking and urging Southern political con¬ 
solidation. Such a policy quenches the rising instinct of patriotism in the heart 
of the Southern youth; it revives and stimulates prejudice; it substitutes the 
spirit of barbaric vengeance for the love of peace, progress and harmony. 

The general character of the Civil Service of the United States under all 
administrations has been honorable. In the one supreme test—the collection 
and disbursement of revenue—the record of fidelity has never been surpassed 
in any Nation. With the almost fabulous sums which were received and paid 
during the late war, scrupulous integrity was the prevailing rule. Indeed, 
throughout that trying period it can be said, to the honor of the American 
name, that unfaithfulness and dishonesty among civil officers were as rare as 
misconduct and cowardice on the field of battle. 

The growth of the country has continually and necessarily enlarged the 
Civil Service, until now it includes a vast body of officers. Rules and methods 
of appointment which prevailed when the number was smaller, have been found 
insufficient and impracticable, and earnest efforts have been made to separate 
the great mass of ministerial officers from partisan influence and personal con¬ 
trol. Impartiality in the mode of appointment to be based on qualification, 
and security of tenure to be based on faithful discharge of duty, are the two 
ends to be accomplished. The public business will be aided by separating the 
legislative branch of the government from all control of appointments, and the 
Executive Department will be relieved by subjecting appointments to fixed 
rules, and thus removing them from the caprice of favoritism. But there 
should be rigid observance of the law which gives, in all cases of equal compe¬ 
tency, the preference to the soldiers who risked their lives in defense of the 
Union. 

I entered Congress in 1863, and in a somewhat prolonged service I never 
found it expedient to request or recommend the removal of a civil officer, 
except in four instances, and then for non-political reasons which were instantly 
conclusive with the appointing power. The officers in the district, appointed 
by Mr. Lincoln in 1861 upon the recommendation of my predecessor, served, as 
a rule, until death or resignation. I adopted at the beginning of my service 
the test of competitive examination for appointments to West Point, and main¬ 
tained it so long as I had the right by law to nominate a cadet. In the case of 
many officers I found that the present law* which arbitrarily limits the term of 
the commission, offered a constant temptation to changes for mere political 
reasons. I have publicly expressed the belief that the essential modification of 
that law would be in many respects advantageous. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


193 


My observation in the Department of State confirmed the conclusion of my 
legislative experience, and impressed me with the conviction that the rule of 
impartial appointment might with advantage be carried beyond any existing 
provision of the civil service law. It should be applied to appointments in the 
consular service. Consuls should be commercial sentinels—encircling the 
globe with watchfulness for their country’s interests. Their intelligence and 
competency become, therefore, matters of great public concern. No man 
' should be appointed to an American consulate who is not well instructed in the 
history and resources of his own country, and in the requirements and language 
of commerce in the country to which he is sent. The same rule should be 
applied even more rigidly to secretaries of legation in our diplomatic service. 
The people have the right to the most efficient agents in the discharge of public 
business, and the appointing power should regard this as the prior and ulterior 
consideration. 

Religious liberty is the right of every citizen of the Republic. Congress is 
forbidden by the Constitution to make any law “ respecting the establishment of 
religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” For a century, under this 
guarantee, Protestant and Catholic, Jew and Gentile, have worshiped God ac¬ 
cording to the dictates of conscience. But religious liberty must not be per¬ 
verted to the justification of offenses against the law. A religious sect, strongly 
intrenched in one of the Territories of the Union, and spreading rapidly into 
four other Territories, claims the right to destroy the great safeguard and 
muniment of social order, and to practice as a religious privilege that which is 
a crime punished with severe penalty in every State of the Union. The sacred¬ 
ness and unity of the family must be preserved as the foundation of all civil 
government, as the source of orderly administration, as the surest guarantee of 
moral purity. 

The claim of the Mormons that they are divinely authorized to practice 
polygamy should no more be admitted than the claim of certain heathen tribes, 
if they should come among us, to continue the right of human sacrifice. The 
law does not interfere with what a man believes; it takes cognizance only of 
what he does. As citizens, the Mormons are entitled to the same civil rights as 
others, and to these they must be confined. Polygamy can never receive Na¬ 
tional sanction or toleration by admitting the community that upholds it as a 
State in the Union. Like others, the Mormons must learn that the liberty of 
the individual ceases where the rights of society begin. 

The people of the United States, though often urged and tempted, have 
never seriously contemplated the recognition of any other money than gold and 
silver— an d currency directly convertible into them. They have not done so, 
they will not do so, under any necessity less pressing than that of desperate war. 
The one special requisite for the completion of our monetary system is the fixing 
of the relative values of silver and gold. The large use of silver as the money of 
account among Asiatic nations, taken in connection with the increasing com 
merce of the world, gives the weightiest reasons for an international agreement 
in the premises. Our Government should not cease to urge this measure until 
a common standard of value shall be reached and established—a standard that 
shall enable the United States to use the silver from its mines as an auxiliary to 
gold in settling the balances of commercial exchange. 

13 


194 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The strength of the Republic is increased by the multiplication of land¬ 
holders. Our laws should look to the judicious encouragement of actual set¬ 
tlers on the public domain, which should henceforth be held as a sacred trust 
for the benefit of those seeking homes. The tendency to consolidate large 
tracts of land in the ownership of individuals or corporations should, with 
proper regard to vested rights, be discouraged. One hundred thousand acres 
of land in the hands of one man is far less profitable to the Nation in every 
way than when its ownership is divided among one thousand men. The evil 
of permitting large tracts of the National domain to be consolidated and con¬ 
trolled by the few against the many, is enhanced when the persons controlling 
it are aliens. It is but fair that the public land should be disposed of only to 
actual settlers, and to those who are citizens of the Republic, or willing to 
become so. 

Among our National interests, one languishes—the foreign carrying trade. 
It was very seriously crippled in our Civil War, and another blow was given to 
it in the general substitution of steam for sail in ocean traffic. With a frontage 
on the two great oceans, with a freightage larger than that of any other nation, 
we have every inducement to restore our navigation. Yet the Government has 
hitherto refused its help. A small share of the encouragement given by the 
Government to railways and to manufactures, and a small share of the capital 
and the zeal given by our citizens to those enterprises, would have carried our 
ships to every sea and to every port. A law just enacted removes some of the 
burdens upon our navigation, and inspires hope that this great interest may at 
last receive its due share of attention. All efforts in this direction should 
receive encouragement. 

This survey of our condition as a Nation reminds us that material prosper¬ 
ity is but a mockery if it does not tend to preserve the liberty of the people. 
A free ballot is the safeguard of republican institutions, without which no 
national welfare is assured. A popular election, honestly conducted, embodies 
the very majesty of true government. Ten millions of voters desire to take 
part in the pending contest. The safety of the Republic rests upon the integ¬ 
rity of the ballot, upon the security of suffrage to the citizen. To deposit a 
fraudulent vote is no worse a crime against constitutional liberty than to 
obstruct the deposit of an honest vote. He who corrupts suffrage strikes at 
the very root of free government. He is the arch-enemy of the Republic. He 
forgets that in trampling upon the rights of others he fatally imperils his own 
rights. “ It is a good land which the Lord our God doth give us,” but we can 
maintain our heritage only by guarding with vigilance the source of popular 
power. 

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, 


JAMES G. BLAINE. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


195 


GEN. LOGAN’S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. 

Washington, D. C., July 21, 1884. 

Dear Sir: Having received from you the 24th of June official notification 
of my nomination by the National Republican Convention as the . Repub¬ 
lican candidate for Vice-President of the United States, and considering 
it to be the duty of every man devoting himself to the public service to 
assume any position to which he may be called by the voice of his country¬ 
men, I accept the nomination with a grateful heart and a deep sense of its 
responsibilities; and if elected shall endeavor to discharge the duties of the 
office to the best of my ability. This honor, as is well understood, was wholly 
unsought by me. That it was tendered by the representatives of the party in a 
manner so flattering will serve to lighten whatever labors I may be called upon 
to perform. Although the variety of subjects covered in the very excellent and 
vigorous declaration of principles adopted by the late Convention prohibits, 
upon an occasion calling for brevity of expression, that full elaboration of which 
they are susceptible, I avail myself of party usage to signify my approval of 
the various resolutions of the platform and to discuss them briefly. 

The resolutions of the platform declaring for the levy of such duties “as to 
afford security to our diversified industries, and protection to the rights and 
wages of the laborer, to the end that active and intelligent labor, as well as 
capital, may have its just award, and the laboring man his full share in the 
National prosperity,” meet my hearty approval. If there be a nation on the 
face of the earth which might, if it were a desirable thing, build a wall upon its 
every boundary line, deny communion to all the world, and proceed to live upon 
its own resources and productions, that nation is the United States. There is 
hardly a legitimate necessity of civilized communities which can not be repro¬ 
duced from the extraordinary resources of our several States and Territories, 
with their manufactories, mines, farms, timber lands and waterways. This 
circumstance, taken in connection with the fact that our form of government 
is entirely unique among the nations of the world, makes it utterly absurd to 
institute comparisons between our own economic system and those of other 
governments, and especially to attempt to borrow systems from them. We 
stand alone in our circumstances, our forces, our possibilities, and our aspira¬ 
tions. In all successful governments it is a prime requisite that capital and 
labor should be upon the best terms, and that both should enjoy the highest 
attainable prosperity. If there be a disturbance of the just balance between 
them, one or the other suffers, and dissatisfaction follows, which is harmful to 
both. 

The lessons furnished by the comparatively short history of our own 
National life have been too much overlooked by our people. The fundamental 
article in the old Democratic creed proclaimed almost absolute free trade, and 
this, too, no more than a quarter of a century ago. The low condition of our 
National credit, the financial and business uncertainties, and general lack of 
prosperity under that system, can be remembered by every man now in middle 
life. Although in the great number of reforms instituted by the Republican 


196 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


party, sufficient credit has not been publicly awarded to that of tariff reform, its 
benefits have nevertheless been felt throughout the land. The principle underly¬ 
ing this measure has been in process of gradual development by the Republican 
party during the comparatively brief period of its power, and to-day a portion 
of its antiquated Democratic opponents make an unwilling concession to the 
correctness of the principle of an equitably adjusted protective tariff by follow¬ 
ing slowly in its footsteps, though a very long way in the rear. The principle 
involved is one of no great obscurity, and can be readily comprehended by any 
intelligent person calmly reflecting upon it. The political and social systems 
of some of our trade-competing nations have created working classes miserable 
in the extreme. They receive the merest stipend for their daily toil, and by 
the great expense of the necessaries of life are deprived of those comforts of 
clothing, housing, and health-producing food, which, with wholesome mental 
and social recreation, can alone make existence happy and desirable. Now, if 
the products of those countries are to be placed in our markets alongside of 
American products, either the American capitalist must suffer in his legitimate 
profits, or he must make the American laborer suffer, in an attempt to compete 
with the species of labor above referred to. In case of a substantial reduction 
in pay, there can be no compensating advantages for the American laborer, 
because the articles of daily consumption which he uses, with the exception of 
articles not produced in the United States and specially provided for, such as 
coffee and tea, are grown in our own country, and would not be affected in price 
by the lowering of duties. Therefore, while he would receive less for his labor, 
his cost of living would not be decreased. Being practically placed upon the 
pay of a European laborer, our own would be deprived of facilities for educat¬ 
ing and sustaining his family respectably; he would be shorn of proper oppor¬ 
tunities of self-improvement, and his value as a citizen charged with a portion 
of the obligations of the government would be lessened. The moral tone of 
the laboring class would suffer, and, in turn, the interests of capital and the 
well-being of orderly citizens in general would be menaced, while one evil 
would react upon another until there would be a general disturbance of the 
whole community. The true problem of good and stable government is how to 
infuse prosperity among all classes of people, the manufacturer, farmer, 
mechanic and laborer alike. Such prosperity is a preventive of crime, a secur¬ 
ity to capital, and the very best guaranty of peace and happiness. The obvious 
policy of our government is to protect both capital and labor by the proper 
imposition of duties. This protection should extend to every article of Ameri¬ 
can production which goes to build up the general prosperity of our people. 
The National Convention, in view of special dangers menacing the wool inter 
ests of the United States, deemed it wise to adopt separate resolutions on the 
subject of its proper protection. This industry is a very large and important 
one. The necessary legislation to sustain this industry upon a prosperous 
basis should be extended. No one realizes more fully than myself the great 
delicacy and difficulty of adjusting the tariff so nicely and equitably as to 
protect every home industry, sustain every class of American labor, promote 
to the highest point our great agricultural interests, and at the same time to 
give to one and all the advantages pertaining to foreign productions not in com- 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


197 


petition with our own, thus not only building up our foreign commerce, but 
taking measures to carry it in our own bottoms. Difficult as this work appears 
and really is, it is susceptible of accomplishment by patient and intelligent 
labor, and to no hands can it be committed with as great assurance of success 
as to those of the Republican party. 

The Republican party is the indisputable author of a financial and monetary 
system, which, it is safe to say, has never before been equaled by that of any 
other nation. Under the operation of our system of finance, the country was 
safely carried through an extended and expensive war, with a National credit 
which has risen higher and higher with each succeeding year, until no;v the 
credit of the United States is surpassed by that of no other nation, while its 
securities, at a constantly increasing premium, are eagerly sought after by 
investors in all parts of the world. Our system of currency is most admirable 
in construction. While all the conveniences of bill circulation attach to it, 
every dollar of paper represents a dollar of the world’s money standard, and as 
long as the just and wise policy of the Republican party is continued, there can 
be no impairment of the National credit. Therefore, under the present laws 
relating thereto, it will be impossible for any man to lose a penny in bonds or 
bills of the United States or in bills of the National banks. The advantage of 
having a bank note in the house which will be as good in the morning as it was 
the night before should be appreciated by all. The convertibility of the cur¬ 
rency should be maintained intact, and the establishment of an international 
standard among all commercial nations, fixing the relative values of gold and 
silver coinage, would be a measure of peculiar advantage. 

The subjects embraced in the resolutions, respectively, looking to the pro¬ 
motion of our inter-State and foreign commerce, and to the matter of our for¬ 
eign relations, are fraught with great importance to our people. In respect to 
inter-State commerce, there is much to be desired in the way of equitable rates 
and the facilities of transportation, that commerce may flow freely to the 
States themselves, to the diversity of industries and employments to be pro¬ 
moted in all sections of our country; and that the great granaries and manu¬ 
facturing establishments of the interior may be enabled to send their products 
to the seaboard for shipment to foreign countries, relieved of vexatious 
restrictions and discriminations, in relation to which it may emphatically be 
said, “ Time is money,” and also of unjust charges upon articles destined to 
meet close competition from the products of other parts of the world. 

As to our foreign commerce, the enormous growth of our industries and our 
surprising production of cereals and other necessities of life imperatively 
require that immediate and effective means shall be taken, through peaceful, 
orderly, and conservative methods, to open markets which have been and are 
now monopolized largely by other nations. This more particularly relates to 
our sister Republics, Spanish America, as also to our friends, the people of the 
Brazilian Empire. The republics of Spanish America are allied to us by the 
very closest and warmest feelings, based upon a similarity of institutions and 
government, common aspirations and mutual hopes. The “ Great Republic,” 
as they proudly term the United States, is looked upon by their people with 
affectionate admiration and as a model for them to build upon, and we should 


198 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


cultivate between them and ourselves closer commercial relations, which will 
bind all together by ties of friendly intercourse and mutual advantage. Further 
than this, being small commonwealths in the military and naval sense of Euro¬ 
pean Powers, they look to us as at least a moral defender against a system of 
territorial and other encroachments which, aggressive in the past, has not been 
abandoned at this day. Diplomacy and intrigue have done much more to wrest 
the commerce of Spanish America from the United States than has legitimate 
commercial competition. Politically, we should be bound to the republics of 
our continent by the closest ties, and communication by ships and railroads 
should be encouraged to the fullest possible extent consistent with a wise and 
conservative public policy. Above all, we should be upon such terms of friend¬ 
ship as to preclude the possibility of national misunderstandings between our¬ 
selves and any member of the American republican family. The best method 
to promote uninterrupted peace between one and all would be in a meeting of 
a general conference or congress, whereby an agreement to submit all interna¬ 
tional differences to the peaceful decision of friendly arbitration might be 
reached. An agreement of this kind would give to our sister republics confi¬ 
dence in each other and in us, closer communication would at once ensue, and 
reciprocally advantageous commercial treaties might be made whereby much 
of the commerce which now floats across the Atlantic would seek its legitimate 
channels and inure to the greater prosperity of all American commonwealths. 
The full advantages of a policy of this nature could not be stated in a brief dis¬ 
cussion like the present. 

The United States has grown to be a government representing more than 
50,000,000 people, and in every sense, excepting that of mere naval power, is 
one of the first nations of the world. As such its citizenship should be valua¬ 
ble, entitling its possessor to protection in every quarter of the globe. I do 
not consider it necessary that our government should construct enormous fleets 
of improved ironclads, and maintain a commensurate body of seamen, in order 
to place ourselves on a war footing with the military and naval Powers of 
Europe. Such a course would not be compatible with the peaceful policy of 
our country, though it seems absurd that we have not effective means to repel 
the wanton invasion of our coast and give protection to our coast towns and 
cities against any power. The great moral force of our country is so univer¬ 
sally recognized as to render an appeal to arms by us, either in protection of 
our citizens abroad or in recognition of any just international right, quite im¬ 
probable. What we most need in this direction is a firm and vigorous assertion 
of every right and privilege belonging to our government or its citizens, as well as 
an equally firm assertion of the rights and privileges belonging to the general 
family of American republics situated upon this continent, when opposed, if 
ever they should be, by different systems of government upon another conti¬ 
nent. An appeal to right by such a government as ours could not be disre¬ 
garded by any civilized nation. In the treaty of Washington we led the 
world to a means of escape from the horrors of war, and it is to be hoped 
that an era when all international differences shall be decided by peaceful 
arbitration is not far off. 

The central idea of the republican form of government is the rule of the 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


199 


whole people, as opposed to other forms which rest upon the privileged class. 
Our forefathers, in the attempt to erect a new government which might repre¬ 
sent the advanced thought of the world at that period upon the subject of gov¬ 
ernmental reform, adopted the idea of the people’s sovereignty, and thus laid 
the basis of our present Republic. While technically a government of the 
people, it w T as in strictness only the government of a portion of the people, 
excluding from all participation a certain other portion, held in a condition of 
absolute, despotic and hopeless servitude, the parallel to which, fortunately, 
does not now exist in any modern Christian nation. With the Culmination, 
however, of another cycle of advanced thought, the American Republic sud¬ 
denly assumed the full character of the government of the whole people, and 
4,000,000 human creatures emerged from the condition of bondmen to the full 
status of freemen, theoretically invested with the same civil and political rights 
possessed by their former masters. The subsequent legislation, which guaran¬ 
teed by every legal title the citizenship and full equality before the law in all 
respects of this previously disfranchised people, amply covers the requirements, 
and secures to them, so far as legislation can, the privileges of American citi¬ 
zenship. But a disagreeable fact of the case is, that while, theoretically, we 
are in the enjoyment of a government of the whole people, practically we are 
almost as far from it as we were in the ante-bellum days of the Republic. 
There are but a few leading and indisputable facts which cover the whole state¬ 
ment of the case. In many Southern States the colored population is in large 
excess of the white. The colored people are Republicans, as are also a consid¬ 
erable portion of the white people. The remaining portion of the latter are 
Democrats. In the face of this incontestable truth, these States invariably 
return Democratic majorities. In other States of the South, the colored peo¬ 
ple, although not a majority, form a very considerable body of the population, 
and, with the white Republicans, are numerically in excess of the Democrats; 
yet precisely the same political result obtains, the Democratic party invariably 
carrying the elections. It is not even thought advisable to allow an occasional 
or unimportant election to be carried by the Republicans as a “ blind,” or as a 
stroke of finesse. Careful and impartial investigation has shown these results 
to follow the systematic exercise of physical intimidation and violence, con¬ 
joined with the most shameful devices ever practiced in the name of free elec¬ 
tions. So confirmed has this result become, that we are brought face to face 
with the extraordinary political fact that the Democratic party of the South 
relies almost entirely upon the methods stated for success in the National 
elections. 

This unlawful perversion of the popular franchise, which I desire to state 
dispassionately and in a manner comporting with the proper dignity of the 
occasion, is one of deep gravity to the American people, in a double sense : 

First. It is in violation—open, direct and flagrant—of the primary prin¬ 
ciple upon which our government is supposed to rest, viz.: That the control of 
the government is participated in by all legally qualified citizens, in accordance 
with the plan of popular government, that majorities must rule in the decis¬ 
ion of all questions. 

Second. It is in violation of the rights and interests of the States wherein 


200 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


are particularly centred the great wealth and industries of the Nation, and 
which pay an overwhelming portion of the National taxes. The immense 
aggregation of interests embraced within, and the enormously greater popula¬ 
tion of, these other States of the Union, are subjected every four years to dan¬ 
gers of a wholly fraudulent show of numerical strength. Under this system 
the minorities actually attempt to direct the course of National affairs, and, up 
to this time, success has not attended their efforts to elect a President, yet 
success has been so perilously imminent as to encourage a repetition of the effort 
at each quadrennial election, and the subject interests an overwhelming major¬ 
ity of our people North and South. 

The stereotyped argument in refutation of these plain truths is, that if the 
Republican element was really in the majority they could not be deprived of 
their rights and privileges by the minority; but neither statistics of population 
nor the unavoidable logic of the situation can be overridden. The colored 
people of the South have recently emerged from the bondage of their present 
political oppressors; they have had but few advantages of education which might 
enable them to compete with the whites. As I have heretofore maintained, 
in order to achieve the ideal perfection of popular government, it is absolutely 
necessary that the masses should be educated. This proposition applies itself 
with full force to the colored people of the South. They must have better edu¬ 
cational advantages, and thus be enabled to become the intellectual peers of their 
white brethren, as man} r of them undoubtedly already are. A liberal school 
system should be provided for the rising generation of the South, and the col¬ 
ored people be made as capable of exercising the duties of electors as the white 
people. In the meantime it is the duty of the National Government to go be¬ 
yond the resolutions and declarations on the subject, and to take such action 
as may lie in* its power to secure the absolute freedom of National elections 
everywhere, to the end that our Congress may cease to contain members repre¬ 
senting fictitious majorities of their people, thus misdirecting the popular will 
concerning the National legislation, and especially to the end that in Presiden¬ 
tial contests the great business and other interests of the country” may not be 
placed in fear and trembling lest an unscrupulous minority should succeed in 
stifling the wishes of the majority. In accordance with the spirit of the last 
resolution of the Chicago platform, measures should be taken at once to 
, remedy this great evil. 

Under our liberal institutions the subjects and citizens of every nation have 
been welcomed to a home in our midst, and, in compliance with our laws, to 
cooperation with our government. While it is the policy of the Republican 
party to encourage the oppressed of other nations, and offer them facilities for 
becoming useful and intelligent citizens, in the legal definition of the term, the 
party has never contemplated the admission of a class of servile people who are 
not only unable to comprehend our institutions, but indisposed to become a part 
of our National family, or embrace any higher civilization than their own. To 
admit such immigrants would be only to throw a retarding element into the 
very path of our progress. Our legislation should be amply protective against 
this danger, and if not sufficiently so now should be made so to the full extent 
allowed by our treaties with friendly Powers. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 


201 


The subject of civil service administration is a problem that Ms occupied 
the earnest thought of statesmen for a number of years past, and the record 
will show that toward its solution many results of a valuable and comprehen¬ 
sive character have been attained by the Republican party since its accession 
to power. In the partisan warfare made upon the latter with a view of weak¬ 
ening it in the public confidence, a great deal has been alleged in connection 
with the abuse of the civil service, the party making the indiscriminate charges 
seeming to have entirely forgotten that it was under the full sway of the Demo¬ 
cratic organization that the motto, “To the victors belong the spoils,” became 
a cardinal article in the Democratic creed. With a determination to elevate 
our governmental administration to a standard of justice, excellence and public 
morality, the Republican party has sedulously endeavored to lay the founda¬ 
tion of a system which shall reach the highest perfection under the plastic hand 
of time and accumulating experience. The problem is one of far greater intri¬ 
cacy than appears upon its superficial consideration, and embraces sub-questions 
of how to avoid abuses possible to the lodgment of an immense number of 
appointments in the hands of the Executive; of how to give encouragement to 
and provoke emulation in various government employes, in order that they may 
strive for proficiency and rest their hopes of advancement upon the attributes 
of official merit, good conduct, and exemplary honesty; and how best to avoid 
the evils of creating a privileged class in the government service, who, in imi¬ 
tation of European prototypes, may gradually lose all proficiency and value, in 
the belief that they possess a life calling, only to be taken away in case of some 
flagrant abuse. 

The thinking, earnest men of the Republican party have made no wordy 
demonstration upon this, but they have endeavored quietly to perform that 
which their opponents are constantly promising without performing. Under 
Republican rule the result has been, that, without engrafting any of the objec¬ 
tionable features of European systems upon our own, there has been a steady 
and even rapid elevation of the civil service in all its departments, until it can 
now be stated, without fear of successful contradiction, that the service is more 
just, more efficient, and purer in all its features, than ever before since the 
establishment of our government; and if defects still exist in our system, the 
country can safely rely upon the Republican party as the most efficient instru¬ 
ment for their removal. I am in favor of the highest standard of excellence in 
the administration of civil service, and will lend my best efforts to accomplish 
the point of greatest attainable perfection in this branch of our service. 

The Republican party came into existence in a crusade against the Demo¬ 
cratic institutions of slavery and polygamy. The first has been buried beneath 
the embers of civil war. The party should continue its efforts until the remain¬ 
ing iniquity shall disappear from our civilization under the force of faithfully 
executed laws. 

There are subjects of importance which I would gladly touch upon 
did space permit. I limit myself to saying, that, while there should be the 
most rigid economy in governmental administration, there should be no self- 
defeating parsimony either in our domestic or foreign service. Official dishon¬ 
esty should be promptly and relentlessly punished. Our obligations to the 


202 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS. 


defenders of our country should never be forgotten, and a liberal system of 
pensions provided by the Republican party should not be imperiled by adverse 
legislation. The law establishing a Labor Bureau, through which the interests 
of labor can be placed in an organized condition, I regard as a saluiary measure. 
The eight-hour law should be enforced as rigidly as any other. We should 
increase our navy to a degree enabling us to amply protect our coast lines, our 
commerce, and to give us a force in foreign waters which shall be a respectable 
and proper representative of a country like our own. 

The public lands belong to the people, and should not be alienated from 
them, but reserved for free homes for all desiring to possess them ; and, 
finally, our present Indian policy should be continued and improved upon as 
our experience in its administration shall from time to time suggest. 

I have the honor to subscribe myself, sir, your obedient servant, 

JOHN A. LOGAN. 

To the Hon. John B. Henderson, Chairman of the committee. 


INDEX 


Alabama. page 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 17 

Contests as to delegates in. 50 

Report on credentials of delegates... 50 

Delegates and alternates from. 51 

Roll call for President. 138 

First ballot. 141 

Second ballot. 146 

Third ballot. 149 

Fourth ballot. 162 

Andrews, A. H. & Co. 

Presentation of gavel by. 44 

Appointments. 

Territorial officers. 44 

Arizona. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 21 

Delegates and alternates from. 67 

Roll call f. r President, liret ballot_ 142 

Arkansas. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman..15, 17 

Delegates and alternates from. 51 

Roll call lor President, first ballot... 138 
Arthur, Chester A. 

Nominat’on of, for President.. 110 

Nomination seconded by — 

H. H. Bingham. 114 

John R. Lynch. 117 

P. H. Winston. Jr . 118 

P. B. S. Pinchback. 119 

First ballot for. 141 

Second ballot for. 146 

Third ballot for.149 

Fourth ballot for.. 162 

Congratulations to Blaine. 164 

Ballard, Henry. 

Submits report on credentials. 49 

Remarks on report. 49 

Ballot for President. 

First. 141 

Second. 146 

Third. 149 

Fourth . 162 

Ballot for recess. 155 

Ballot for Vice-President. 177 

Barrows. Rev. John H. 

Prayer by. 34 

Bayne, Thomas M. 

” Remarks on apportionment of dele¬ 
gates. 28 

Remarks on rules. 72 

Benjamin. Mason W. 

Speech on nomination of temporary 

Chairman. 13 

Bingham, H. H. 

Speech seconding nomination of 

Arthur. 114 

Bishop, Robert R 

Submits minority report from Com¬ 
mittee on Rules and Order of Busi¬ 
ness . 84 

Remarks on report of committee. ... 85 
Speech on representation. 90 


Blaine, James G. page 

Nominated for President by W. II. 

West . 104 

Nomination seconded by— 

C. K. Davis. 106 

W. C. Goodloe.... 107 

Thos. C. Platt. 108 

Galusha A. Grow. 109 

First ballot for. 141 

Second ballot for. 146 

Third ballot for. . 149 

Fourth ballot lor. 162 

Motion to nominate by acclamation. 155 
Motion for unanimous nomination of, 164 

Nominated for President. 164 

Speech to Notification Committee. 182 

Letter of acceptance. 185 

Blair, F. S. 

speech seconding nomination of 

Logan for Vice-President. 175 

Bradley, William O. 

Speech on representation. 85 

Seconding nomination of Logan for 

Vice-President. 173 

Brandegee, August. 

Speech nominating Gen. Hawley. 97 

Bristol, Rev. F. M. 

Prayer by. 3 

Burleigh, Henry G. 

Motion by, to make unanimous the 
nomination of Blaine. 163 

California. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 17 

Delegates and alternates from. 52 

Carr, Clark E. 

Speech on temporary Chairman. 10 

on roll call for Vice-President.... 172 
Carson, Hugh A. 

Remarks on amending rules... 71 

Clayton, Powell. 

Nominated for temporary Chairman. 6 
Remarks on motion to issue tickets 

to veterans. 46 

Speech on representation. 90 

Colorado. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 17 

Delegates and alternates from. 52 

Connecticut. 

Roll call of, for temporary Chairman. 17 

Delegates and alternates from. 52 

Convention. 

History of. iii 

Local Commit tee of Arrangements... iv 

Finance Committee. v 

Opening of. 3 

Call for. 4 

Conventions. 

Representation in district. 40 

Credentials. 

Committee on. 25 

Partial report from. 40 

Report from. 49 









































































204 


INDEX. 


Cullom, S. M. page 

Correction of a vote. 33 

Speech nominating Gen. Logan for 

President. 101 

Curtis, George William. 

Speech on temporary Chairman. 7 

Remarks during roll call of New 

York.... 16 

on pledging support to nominee. 38 
on seconding nomination of Ed¬ 
munds . 126 

during vote lor Vice-President... 177 

Dakota. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman. 21 

Delegates and alternates lrom. 67 

Dancy, John C. 

Speech seconding nomination of 

Logan for Vice-President. 172 

Davis, C^K. 

Speech seconding nomination of 

Blaine. 106 

Davis, George R. 

Remarks on adoption of rules. 77 

Dawes, A. C. 

Moves Logan’s nomination for Vice- 

President . 172 

Delaware. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman. 17 

Delegates and alternates from. 53 

Delegates. 

Motion for committee on revision of 

apportionment of.. 24 

List of. 51 

District conventions. 

Representation in. 40 

District of Columbia. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman .... 21 

Member of Committee on Credentials. 25 

Delegates and alternates lroin. 67 

Roll call for President, first ballot.. 140 

Dolph, Joseph N. 

Motion by, to lay resolution on table.39, 80 
Donnan, W. G. 

Presentation of memorial by. 31 

Drummond, J. H. 

Speech on nomination of temporary 

Chairman. 8 

Dutcher, S. P. 

Seconds Lynch’s nomination for tem¬ 
porary Chairman. 6 

Edmunds, George F. 

Nominated for President. 124 

Nomination seconded by George 

William. Curtis . 126 

Ewing, J. K. 

Resolution offered by. 40 

Fallows, Bishop. 

Prayer by. 48 

Female suffrage. 

Resolution respecting. 45 

Filley, Chauncey I. 

Speech on representation. 89 

Florida. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 18 

Delegates and alternates lrom. 53 

Roll call for President, first ballot.... 139 
Foraker, J. B. 

Speech on motion for roll call. 14 

Motion by, on presentation of gavel . 44 

Speech nominating Sbermau. 120 

Motion by, to nominate Blaine by 

acclamation. 155 

Foreigners. 

Ownership of realty by.31, 33, 36 


Fort, J. Frank. page 

Reads report on credentials. 50 

Gary, Jas. A. 

Presentation of memorial by. 35 

Gavel. 

Presentation of. 44 

Georgia. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman. .15, 18 

Contests as to delegates in. 50 

Delegates and alternates from. 53 

Gilbert, John I. 

Rises to a point of order. 32 

Goodloe, Wm. C. 

Speech seconding nomination of 

Blaine. 107 

Green, Wm. G. 

Speech on nomination of temporary 

Chairman. 12 

Grow, Galusha A. 

Appointed to conduct permanent 

President to the chair. 43 

Motion by, to amend rules. 70 

Called to the chair . 91 

Speech seconding nomination of 
Blaine. 109 

Harrison, Benjamin. 

Notice of his absence. 15 

Hart, Alphonso. 

Motion by, to refer resolution. 40 

Hawkins, S. W. 

Offer by, of resolution pledging sup¬ 
port to nominee.36, 37 

Withdraws said resolution. 39 

Hawley, Joseph R. 

Nomination of, for President. 97 

Henderson, John B. 

Reported for permanent President of 

Convention.. 41 

Address on taking chair. 43 

Member of Notification Committee.. 176 

Voted thanks of Convention. 178 

Hoar. George F. 

Remarks during roll call of his 

State. 15 

Appointed to conduct permanent 

President to chair. 43 

Offers resolution on female suffrage.. 45 

Remarks on civil service law. 79 

Holt, William H. 

Speech seconding nomination of Sher¬ 
man.:. 123 

Horr, Roswell G. 

Remarks favoring call of ioil by 

States . 9 

Motion by, for adoption of rules. 24 

Seconding nomination of Logan for 

Vice-President. 171 

Houck, L. C. 

Speech seconding nomination of 

Logan for Vice-President. 170 

Howe, Church. 

Moves to suspend rules, and nominate 
Logan for Vice-President.172 


Idaho. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman_ 21 

Delegates and alternates from. 67 

Roll call for President, first ballot.... 142 
Illinois. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman_ 18 

Contest as to delegates in . 50 

Delegates and alternates from. 53 

Indiana. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman .... 18 

Delegates and alternates from. 54 



































































INDEX. 


Iowa. PAGE 

Roll call for temporary Chairman .... 18 
Delegates and alternates from. 55 

Jessup, W. H. 

Motion by, to amend resolution. 46 

Johnston, Win. 

Offer by, of resolution relating to 
Department of Agriculture. 44 

Kansas. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 18 

Delegates and alternates from ... 55 
Roll call for President, first ballot.... 140 
Kentucky. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 18 

Contests as to delegates in.50, 51 

Delegates and alternates from. 56 

Knight, George A. 

Remarks on pledging support to 
nominee. 37 

Lampson, E L. 

Speech on representation. 86 

Land. 


Leary, John S. 

Remarks on adoption of rules. 81 

Lee, Joseph E. 

Remarks on resolution to issue ad¬ 
mission tickets. 46 

Lee, J. W. 

Speech seconding nomination of 

Logan for Vice-President. 171 

Lodge, Henry Cabot. 

Nominates Lynch for temporary 

Chairman. 6 

Remarks during roll call of Massa¬ 
chusetts. 16 

Logan, Gen. John A. 

Nominated for President by Cul- 

lom. 101 

Nomination seconded by Prentiss.... 103 

First ballot for. 141 

Second ballot for. 146 

Third ballot for. 149 

Fourth ballot for. 162 

Nominated for Vice-President by 

Plumb. 168 

Nomination seconded by Houck. 170 

Thurston. 171 

Lee. 171 

Horr. 171 

Bradley.173 

Motion to suspend rules and nom¬ 
inate. 172 

Nomination seconded by Lee. 174 

Morey. 174 

Blair. 175 

Nominated by acclamation. 176 

also by ballot. 177 

Nomination made unanimous.178 

Speech to Notification Committee... 184 

Letter of acceptance. 195 

Long, John D. 

Speech on representation. 89 

nominating Edmunds. 124 

Louisiana. 

Roll call for tempo r ary Chairman_ 18 


Roll call for President, first ballot... 140 
Lynch, John R. 

Nominated for temporary Chairman. 6 

Speech as temporary Chairman. 22 

on representation. 86 

on seconding nomination of 
Arthur. 117 


205 


Maine. * page 

Roll call for temporary Chairman_ 19 

Delegates and alternates from. 56 

Manning, Calvin. 

Remarks of, on tickets to veterans... 47 
Martin, John A. 

Secretary National Committee.___ 5 

Maryland. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman .... 19 

Contest as to delegates in. 50 

Delegates and alternates from. 57 

Massachusetts. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman. 15,16,19 

Delegates and alternates from. 57 

Massey, George V. 

Presentation of resolution by. 36 

Remarks of, on tickets to veterans... 47 

Matthews, A. C. 

Resolution by, to admit veterans. 45 

McClure, David. 

Motion by, to refer memorial. 31 

McKinley, William. 

Submits report of Committee on Res¬ 
olutions. 91 

Moves appointment of Notification 

Committee . 176 

Michigan. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 19 

Delegates and alternates from. 58 

Minnesota. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.. .16,19 

Delegates and alternates from. 58 

Mississippi. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman_ 19 

Delegates and alternates from. 58 

Missouri. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 19 

Delegates and alternates from. 59 

Montana. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 21 

Delegates and alternates from. 67 

Morey, Frank. 

Speech seconding nomination of 

Logan for Vice-President. 174 

Morrow, W. W. 

Speech on temporary Chairman. 7 

National Committee. 

Nominations of members of. 94 

List of members of, complete. 95 

Filling the committee. 96 

Completion of committee.137, 165 

Filling vacancies in. 165 

Vote of thanks to. 178 

Nebraska. 

Roll call for tern porary Chairman.... 19 

Delegates and alternates from. 59 

Nevada. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman ... 19 

Delegates and alternates from. 60 

New Hampshire. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman_ 19 

Delegates and alternates from. 60 

New Jersey. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 19 

Delegates and alternates from. 60 

New Mexico. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 21 
delegates and alternates from.... 67 
New York. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman. 16, 20 

Contests as to delegates in . 50 

Delegates and alternates from. 60 

Nominee. 

Resolution pledging support to. 37 

North Carolina. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 20 
Delegates and alternates from. 62 







































































206 


INDEX 


Notification Committee. page 

Appointment of. 176 

Members of. 179 

Notification to Mr. Blaine. 180 

to General Logan. 183 

O’Hara, J. E. 

Speech on representation. 90 

Ohio. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 20 

Delegates and alternates from. 62 

Oregon. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 20 

Delegates and alternates from. 63 

O'Reilly, Rev. Dr. 

Prayer by. 164 

Parks, William n. 

Submits report on rules and order of 

business. 68 

Motion by, for additional rule. 72 

Parsons, L. E. 

Remarks on issue of additional tickets 

of admission.... 47 

Patton, Nathan. 

Motion by, to lay report on table. 84 

Pennsylvania. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman_ 20 

Contest as to delegates in . 51 

Delegates and alternates from. 63 

Permanent Organization. 

Committee on. 26 

Report of Committee on. 41 

Pierce, E. L. 

Motion for committee on revision of 

apportionment of delegates, etc_ 24 

Remarks on pledging support to 

nominee. 37 

Pinchback, P. B. S. 

Speech seconding nomination of 

Arthur. 119 

Platform, The . 91 

Platt, Thos. C. 

Speech seconding nomination of 

Biaine. 108 

Pledger, W. A. 

Remarks on roll call of Georgia. 15 

Plumb, P. B. 

Offers resolution on land ownership.. 36 

Seconding Blaine's nomination. 164 

Speech nominating General Logan for 

Vice-President. 168 

Prayer by— x 

Rev. F. M. Bristol. 3 

Rev. John H. Barrows. 34 

Bishop Fallows. 48 

Rev. H. M. Scudder. 136 

Rev. Dr. O’Reilly. 164 

Prentiss, Ben. M. 

Speech on nomination of temporary 

Chairman. 9 

Speech seconding nomination of 

Gen. Logan. 103 

President of United States. 

First ballot for. 141 

Second ballot for. 146 

Third ballot for. 149 

Fourth ballot for. 162 

Presidential term of office. 

Resolution respecting. 36 

Prohibition. 

Memorial on. 31 

Reed, David C. 

Motion to adjourn. 119 

Resolutions. 

Committee on. 26 


Resolutions. tage 

Respecting term of office. 36 

land ownership. 36 

support of nominee . 37 

constitutional prohibition. 41 

officers in Territories. 44 

Department of Agriculture. 44 

female suffrage. 45 

admission of veterans.— 46 

vacancies in National Committee 165 

presenting names for Vice-Presi¬ 
dent .166 

Report of Committee on. 91 

Of thanks to officers of Convention.. 178 

Of thanks to Sergeant-at-arms. 179 

Rhode Island. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 21 

Delegates and alternates from. 64 

Roll Call. 

For temporary Chairman. 14 

Recapitulation of, for temporary 

Chairman. 22 

First ballot for President. 141 

Second ballot for President. 146 

Third ballot for President. 149 

Fourth ballot for President.. 162 

First ballot for Vice-President. 177 

Rollins, Edward H. 

Resolution offered by. 40 

Roosevelt, Theodore. 

Speech on nomination of temporary 

Chairman...-. 10 

on representation. 75 

Roots, Logan H. 

Announcing vote for Chairman. 15 

Rules and Order of Business. 

Committee on. 27 

Report of Committee on... . 68 

Minority report of Committee on.... 84 

Russell, Leslie W. 

Correcting name of. 17 

Remarks on organization. 23 

Amendment to rules, by. 81 

Sabin, D. M. 

Calling Convention to order. 3 

Chairman National Committee. 5 

Opening address. 5 

Speech seconding Blaine’s nomina¬ 
tion. 163 

Saunders, Wilbur F. 

Motion to amend rules.74, 79 

Scudder, Rev. Henry Martyn. 

Prayer by. 136 

Secretary. 

Permanent, elected. 41 

Secretaries. 

Temporary, appointment of. 24 

Assistant. 42 

Sewell, W. J. 

Motion for appointment of commit¬ 
tees . 23 

Sheats, C. C. 

Speech on nomination of temporary 

Chairman. 14 

Sherman, John. 

Nominated for President. 120 

Nomination seconded by W. H. Holt. 123 

First ballot for. 141 

Second ballot for. 146 

Third ballot for. 149 

Simpson, C. A. 

Seconds Lynch's nomination for tem¬ 
porary Chairman. 6 

South Carolina. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman .... 21 

Delegates and alternates from. 64 

Standing Committees.23, 24, 35 


























































































INDEX. 


207 


Stebbins, A. H. page 

Resolution by, respecting officers in 

Territories. 44 

Stewart, John. 

Speech on nomination of temporary 

Chairman. 9 

Stone, J. Y. 

Speech on representation. 88 

Taft W. N. 

Speech on nomination of temporary 

Chairman. 11 

Taylor, Abner 

Resolution offered by. 166 

Temperance Memorial. 

Presentation of. 35 

Preamble and resolution respect¬ 
ing .40, 41 

Temporary Chairman. 

Nominations for. 6 

Speech of. 22 

Tennessee. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman ... 21 

Delegates and alternates from. 64 

Territorial offices. 

Appointments to. 44 

Texas. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 21 

Contest as to delegates in. 50 

Delegates and alternates from. 65 

Thompson, R. W. 

Remarks during roll call of Indi¬ 
ana . 15 

Thurston, John M. 

Speech on nomination of temporary 

Chairman. 13 

on rules.... 77 

Seconding nomination of Logan for 

Vice-President. 171 

Tickets of admission. 

To veterans. 45, 96 

Townsend, Martin I. 

Speech on Representation. 88 

Speech nominating Arthur. 110 

Utah. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 21 

Delegates and alternates from. 67 


Vacancies. page 

Filling of, in National Committee... 165 
Vermont. 

Roll .call for temporary Chairman.... 21 

Delegates and alternates from. 65 

Vice-President. 

Nomination of Gen. Logan for. 168 

Seconding of nomination of Logan 

by Houck . 170 

Ballot for. 177 

Vice-Presidents. 

List of, of the Convention . 41 

Virginia. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 21 

Contest as to delegates in. 51 

Delegates and alternates from. 66 


Warner. William. 

Speech on representation. 87 

Washington. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman ... 21 

Delegates and alternates from. 67 

West Virginia. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 21 

Delegates and alternates from. 66 

West, William H. 

Speech on representation. 88 

Speech nominating Blaine. 104 

Williams, George B. 

Report by, on permanent organization 41 

Motion by, to adopt same. 42 

Appointed to conduct permanent 

President to chair. — 43 

Winkler, F. C. 

Remarks on resolution pledging sup¬ 
port to nominee. 37 

Winston, P. H., Jr. 

Speech on nomination of temporary 

Chairman. 12 

on rules.■.....’. 77 

on seconding nomination of 

Arthur. 118 

Wisconsin. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman_ 21 

Delegates and alternates from. 66 

Wyoming. 

Roll call for temporary Chairman.... 21 

Delegates and alternates from. 67- 
































































































































. 

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. 













Protection and Sound Money—Harrison and Morton. 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS 


OF THE 

Republican National Convention 


HELD AT 


Chicago, June 19, 20, 21, 22, 23 and 25, 

1888. 


1leprinted by authority of the Republican National Convention , of 1900 } 
at Philadelphia, as follows: 

“Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention be re¬ 
quested to republish the Official Proceedings of pre¬ 
ceding Republican National Conventions now out of 
print, under the direction of the National Committee.” 


CHARLES W. JOHNSON, Publisher, 
Minneapolis, Minn. 


1 903 . 








I hereby certify that the herewith published record of the proceedings ot 
the Republican National Convention, held at Chicago in June, 1888, is a full, 
complete and true record of said proceedings, and the only official publication 
of the same. 

EUGENE CARY, 

Chairman Committee on Official Reporting and Publication. 


COPYRIGHTED 

BY 

THE BLAKELY PRINTING CO. 
1888. 


COPYRIGHTED 

BY 

CHARLES W. JOHNSON. 
1903. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 


m 


The 4th of December, 1887, the Hon. John A. Roche, the Hon. George R. 
Davis, George B. Swift, Wm. Penn Nixon, Wm. K. Sullivan, A. M. Jones, 
Ferd W. Peck, Richard Michaelis, Daniel Shepard, Warren Leland and George 
H. Williams left for Washington, D. C., to attend the session of the Republican 
National Committee, and urge the holding of the National Convention of 1888 
in Chicago. 

The National Committee met the 8th of December, and the advantages of 
the city were presented by Mayor Roche and Senator Cullom. The local com¬ 
mittee, aided by Senators Cullom and Farwell, labored effectively, as was 
shown by the result of a vote for a place, Chicago being selected. 

In recognition of their services, the LaSalle Club gave them a reception 
when they returned home. 

The National Committee voted that the duty of taking charge of the prep¬ 
arations for the Convention should be intrusted to a sub-committee composed 
of nine members, of which the Chairman and Secretary of the National Com¬ 
mittee should be ex-officio members, and that the Chairman of the National 
Committee should appoint the other members from the members of the Na¬ 
tional Committee. The Chairman of the National Committee, Hon. B. F. 
Jones, made these appointments, and the Committee was organized as fol¬ 
lows: J. S. Clarkson, Iowa; Cyrus Leland, Jr., Kansas; A. L. Conger, Ohio; 
N. W. Cuney, Texas; Powell Clayton, Arkansas; Church Howe, Nebraska; 
Garret A. Hobart, New Jersey; and ex-officio, B. F. Jones, Pennsylvania, and 
Samuel Fessenden, Connecticut. 

This committee met on the 9th of December, in Washington, D. G, and 
selected Hon. J. S. Clarkson Chairman and Gen. William L. Alexander, of 
Iowa, Secretary. It met again February 9, 1888, at the Grand Pacific Hotel, 
in Chicago, and appointed the following committees of citizens to take charge 
of arrangements and look after details, locally, and continued its meetings in 
carrying out the work given it in charge by the National Committee until the 
close of the Convention. 


EXECUTIVE AJSD FINANCE. 

John A. Roche, Chairman. Samuel B. Raymond, Secretary . 

John L. Woodward, Treasurer. 

E. G. Keith, Chairman Committee on Hotels. 

George R. Davis, 


Robt. W. Patterson, 
Wm. B. Keep, 

George B. Swift, 

Jos. H. Wood, 

George Schneider, 
LeGrand W. Perce, 
Ferd W. Peck, 
Robert C. Clowry, 
John M. Smyth, 
Eugene Cary, 


Printing. 

“ Press. 

“ Transportation. 

“ Employes. 

“ Music. 

“ Decorations. 

“ State Headquarters. 

“ Halh 
“ Telegraph. 

“. Auditing. 

“ Official Reporting and Publication. 


IV 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


HOTELS. 

E. G. Keith/ C. M. Henderson, O. W. Potter, Abner Taylor, 

George F. Bis sell. 

PRimUfG. 

George R. Davis, D. Harry Hammer, Graeme Stewart. 

PRESS. 

Robert W. Patterson, Jr., Wm. K. Sullivan, James W. Scott, Thos. C. 
MacMillan, James J. West, A. C. Hesing, Richard Michaelis, 

M. E. Stone, C. A. Snowden, Walter Neff, John Anderson. 

TRANSPORTATION. 

Wm. B. Keep, Joseph Stockton, Arthur Dixon. 

EMPLOYES. 

George B. Swift, Pliny B. Smith, Fred L. Wilk. 

MUSIC. 

Jos. H. Wood, C. C. Kohlsaat, H. A. Wheeler, J. W. E. Thomas. 

DECORATIONS. 

George Schneider, Louis Wampold, C, R. Matson, H. N. Higinbotham. 

STATE HEADQUARTERS. 

LeGrand W. Perce, A. C. Bartlett, James A. Sexton. 

HALL. 

Ferd W. Peck, Wm. G. Beale, J. S. Run nells, O. C. Towne, 

Cfias. W. Drew. 

TELEGRAPH. 

Robert C. Clowry, George M. Bogue, Chas. H. Case, A. C. Thomas, 

Albert L. Suesman. 

AUDITING. 

John M. Smyth, H. E. Weaver, George H. Williams. 

OEFICIAL REPORTING AND PUBLICATION. 

Eugene Cary, Frank M. Blair, George T. Burroughs. 

The sub-committee, on the recommendation of the Executive and Finance 
Committee, appointed Gen. Charles FitzSimons Sergeant-at-Arms. 

The various committees performed the work assigned to them, the neces¬ 
sary money for expenses being raised within three weeks, and Thursday, June 
14, five days before the time of meeting, the Auditorium Building, with a 
seating capacity of 8,550, was turned over to the sub-committee. The hall 
was conceded by every one to be the best in every respect ever provided for a 
National Convention. 

The sub-committee adopted the following: 

Resolved, That the thanks of the Republican National Committee and the 
Republican party are hereby tendered to the people of Chicago for the gen¬ 
erous provisions made for the comfort of the National Convention and its 
members, and that thanks are especially due to the Chicago Auditorium Asso¬ 
ciation for the magnificent hall, with its unequaled accommodations, capacity 
and equipments, provided for the use of the Convention, and for the liberality 
and enterprise that the people of Chicago and of the Association constantly 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


v 


displayed, both toward the Sub-Committee and the Convention in the prepar¬ 
ation of the hall, and for the convenience of the Convention, its members and 
guests. 

The National Committee passed these resolutions: 

Resolved, That this Committee tenders its thanks to the Chairman and 
members of the Sub-Committee of the Republican National Committee for 
the able manner in which they have discharged the duty intrusted to them by 
this Committee. 

Resolved, That this Committee tenders its thanks to the citizens of Chi¬ 
cago and especially to the Committees on Arrangements charged with the 
duty of providing a suitable convention hall, and making all necessary arrange¬ 
ments for the meeting of the Republican National Convention of 1888 for the 
perfect accommodations furnished by them to the Convention, and to this 
Committee. 

The Convention was in session six days, and nominated Benjamin Harri¬ 
son, of Indiana, for President, and Levi P. Morton, of New York, for Vice- 
President. 

























































































































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REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 

1888 . 


PROCEEDINGS. 

FIRST DAY. 

Chicago, Tuesday, June 19, 1888. 

The Ninth Repurlican National Convention assembled in the Audi¬ 
torium, Chicago, at noon of this day, and was called to order at 12:30 p. m. 
by the Hon. B. F. Jones, Chairman of the National Committee, who said: 

Come to order, Gentlemen: The proceedings of this Convention will be 
opened with prayer. 

PRAYER BY THE REV. FRANK W. GUNSAULUS. 

The Rev. Frank W. Gunsaulus. pastor of Plymouth Church, Chicago, 
offered prayer as follows: 

Let us unite in prayer. Almighty God, our Heavenly Father, we thank 
Thee for the perfections of the Divine Government. We rejoice in all Thy 
mercies, and in all Thy love to the children of men. We give Thee our grati¬ 
tude at this time that Thou hast guided our nation by the powers of the Holy 
Spirit, and that Thou art giving unto us now such stars of hope in the sky of 
our thought and purpose. We thank Thee, this morning, O God, for the history 
which comes massed into this hour, and we rejoice for all that Thou has done 
by Thy Providence through the great organization whose representatives are 
here assembled. We thank Thee, our Heavenly Father, for the courage and 
heroism, for the intelligence and conscience, that have under these banners 
of the Republican party gone forward to the conquest of new realms, to the 
enlargement of human life. And we ask Thee to-day, O God, to give us such 
a vast and true vision of the future that all this great past may be kept for¬ 
ever pure and forever sacred. We thank Thee, O God, for the problems of 
the present as well as for the glories of the past. We thank Thee, for the 
majesty of the law. We thank Thee for the inspiration of liberty, and we 
thank Thee for all the forces of loyalty that are ready to leap to the front at 
the command of great ideas in our land. And we pray Thee that this conven¬ 
tion may be so dominated by lofty purposes and so ruled by great truths that 
in its large work for days to come it may do much to the glory of God and 
for the good of man. We ask Thy blessing to-day upon all these delegates. 
We beseech Thee for Thy holy spirit for them, that they may act according 



8 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


to the inspirations of God. We pray Thy blessing for all the leaders of this 
party at home and abroad. We ask Thy blessing for those who stand in high 
places of Government, that they may be cheered by the inspirations of Heaven 
and held up by the power of the living God. We pray Thy blessing to-day 
upon that great soldier, the captain of our armies, who lies so near to death. 
O Lord, touch him tenderly by Thy hand, comfort him by Thy spirit, and 
restore him to the Nation that loves him, with all health, and with all hope. 
We beseech Thee to-day, O God, to receive our gratitude for the cross of 
Jesus Christ. We thank Thee that the flag—the Stars and Stripes—has been 
held so near to the cross that there are in our land, and in its atmosphere, 
the hopes of equal rights for all men. We pray Thee that wherever this cross 
has not won its perfect victory for equal rights for-black and white, and bond 
and free, the largest triumph may come. We ask Thee for Thy blessing upon this 
convention, that its work may be done for the glory of this cross, and the tri¬ 
umph of its principle. And we will give Thee all the honor and the glory at 
last in the city of God, through Christ Jesus, our Lord. Amen. 

THE CALL. 

Mr. Jones. The Secretary will read the call for the Convention. 

Mr. Samuel Fessenden, Secretary of the National Committee, read the 
following call: 

To the Republican Electors of the United States: In accordance with 
usage and obedient to the instructions of the Republican National Convention 
of 1884 a National Convention of delegated representatives of the Republican 
party will be held at the City of Chicago, Ill., on Tuesday the 19th day of 
June, 1888, at 12 o’clock noon, for the purpose of nominating candidates for 
President and Vice-President to be supported at the next National election, 
and for the transaction of such other business as may be there presented. Repub¬ 
lican electors in the several States, and voters without regard to past political 
affiliations, differences or action, who believe in the American principle of a 
protective tariff for the defence and development of home industries, and the 
elevation of home labor and who would reduce the National taxes and pre¬ 
vent the accumulation of the surplus in the Treasury in harmony with this 
principle; who are opposed to the attempt now more openly avowed than ever 
before to establish a policy which would strike down American labor to the 
level of the underpaid and oppressed workers of foreign lands; who favor 
a system of naval and coast defences which will enable the United States to 
conduct its international negotiations with self-respect; who gratefully cher¬ 
ish the defenders of our country; who condemn and resent the continued 
and unjust exclusion of rapidly growing Territories which have an indisput¬ 
able title to admission into the Sisterhood of States; who are in favor of free 
schools and popular education—a free and honest ballot, and a fair count; 
the protection of every citizen of the United States in his legal rights at home 
and abroad; a foreign policy that shall extend our trade and commerce to 
every land and clime, and shall properly support the dignity of the Nation, 
and the promotion of friendly and harmonious relations and intercourse be¬ 
tween all the States, are cordially invited to unite under this call in the forma¬ 
tion of a National ticket. Each State will be entitled to four delegates-at- 
large, and for each Representative-at-large two delegates, and each Congres¬ 
sional district, each Territory, and the District of Columbia to two delegates. 
The delegates-at-large shall be chosen by popular State conventions called on 
not less than twenty days’ published notice, and not less than thirty days before 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 9 

the meeting of the National Convention. The Congressional district dele- 
gates shall be chosen in the same manner as the nomination of a member of 
Congress is made in said district. The Territorial delegates shall be chosen 
tm. j same manner as the nomination of a Delegate in Congress is made. 
I he delegates from the District of Columbia shall be chosen at a convention 
constituted of members elected in primary district assemblies held under the 
call and direction of the Republican Central Committee of said District. An 
alternate delegate for each delegate in the National Convention, to act in case 
of the absence of the delegate, shall be elected in the same manner and at 
the same time as the delegate is elected. In addition to their regular dele¬ 
gates each of the Territories of Dakota and Washington are authorized by 
vote of this committee to choose four contingent delegates, the admission of 
said contingent delegates to be determined by the action of the next Repub¬ 
lican National Convention. All notices of contests must be filed with the 
National Committee in writing, accompanied by printed statements of the 
grounds of contest, which shall be made public. Preference in the order of 
hearing and determining contests will be given by the convention in accord¬ 
ance with the dates of filing of such notices and statements with the National 
Committee. B. F. Jones, Chairman. 

Samuel Fessenden, Secretary. 

Washington, D. G, Dec. 9, 1887. 

OPENING ADDRESS OF THE CHAIRMAN OF THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 

Mr. Jones. Gentlemen of the Convention: The Republican party may 
well be congratulated, through its representatives here assembled, upon the 
auspicious prospect that lies before it. Wise and courageous action by this 
convention will surely lead to victory in the campaign upon which we are 
about to enter. There can be no doubt as to which side the great majority of 
votes will fall, if each party be tried by its record; if the general achieve¬ 
ments of the Republican party be appreciated, and the utter failure of the 
Democratic party be understood. The two parties are diametrically opposed 
to each other. One favors progression, the other retrogression. One lifts up; 
the other casts down. Thanks to Mr. Cleveland and his Southern allies, the 
Democratic party has thrown off the disguise in which it has heretofore 
fought its battles in the Northern States, and has boldly declared for British 
free trade, and against American protection. This avowal has caused much 
adulation in certain sections of this country, and in all of England, which 
has, from the beginning, been hostile to the industrial progress of the United 
States; but it has fallen heavily upon the ears of the patriotic portion of the 
Democratic party. However, we must not expect that this is the end of dis¬ 
honest pretences. Deceit, fallacies and sophistry will again be resorted to and 
practiced. Therefore we should have a platform based upon true Republican 
principles, free from equivocation or ambiguity, and should nominate candi¬ 
dates who are the embodiment of these principles. The founders of this 
Government saw that it was absolutely essential for self-preservation that the 
original thirteen States should become united for the purpose of protection 
and defence against alien acts and influences, as well as for economical and 
effective government. One of the first acts of the Federal Government was 
to provide for revenue, and for the protection of the industrial interests of 
the country. All our early Presidents from Washington to Jackson, inclusive, 
advocated a tariff for revenue and for protection. All of the great and patri¬ 
otic statesmen of those days coincided in this policy. No man of note, who 
was a lover of his country, down to Jackson’s first term, entertained or ex¬ 
pressed doubts as to the constitutionality or policy of protecting the 
industries of the United States against foreign competition. Jhe 
tariff question was not considered as one embracing solely or chiefly 
the manufacturer’s interests, but one which broadly embraced the 


10 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


social condition of the laboring classes, the mutual interest of all 

home producers in the home market, and of the country’s real in¬ 

dependence. The British, who now shout free trade, protected themselves 
against all competition until they were masters of the commercial world, and 
until they realized that the United States, with its great natural advantages 
and by a moderate use of the same means, was becoming a formidable rival. 
It was only when Great Britain perceived something of the future of her 
American rival that she attempted to regain that control over this country 
by artifice which she was unable to hold or reclaim by force of arms. About 
this time certain gentlemen of the South began to realize that they had a 
peculiar institution, and to imagine that they were a peculiar people; that 
they possessed peculiar advantages over all others, and that their interests 
were not in common with those of other sections of the country. They were 
not satisfied with the Democratic notions which then prevailed, but desired an 
aristocracy, and therefore resolved themselves into cotton lords, and allied 
themselves with the English manufacturing magnates. Then they commenced 
to deny the binding force of the laws of the United States, and to nullify 
them. Fortunately, President Jackson had the honesty, the patriotism, and 
the courage to put down the nullifiers, and to vindicate the laws. These con¬ 
spirators were able and determined men. They were foiled in their attempts 
to defy the laws and to destroy the Government, but were none the less 
resolved to become independent of the laws of the country, or to dominate 
them and control the nation. How far they succeeded the history of the 
administrations of Van Buren, Polk, Pierce and Buchanan testifies. By inter¬ 
esting the contiguous States in furnishing the supply of cheap labor for the 
raising of cotton, labor so inexpensive in their judgment as to defy all com¬ 
petition, and by enlisting the merchant princes of the seaboard cities, they 
formed an oligarchy, which not only ruled the Democratic party, but practi¬ 
cally controlled the government until the evil consequences brought forth the 
following wail of anguish from poor Mr. Buchanan, who seemed to be ignor¬ 
ant of the causes that produced the condition complained of. He said, “Panic 
and distress of a fearful character prevail throughout the land. Our laboring 
population are without employment, and consequently deprived of the means 
of earning their bread. Indeed, all hope seems to have deserted the minds 
of men.” Even this is but a faint picture of the actual condition brought 
upon the country by the fallacious doctrines and the vicious government of 
the Democratic party, which culminated in that most rhomentous war of 
modern times. The Republican party vanquished the Democratic party; 
passed the homestead law, destroyed slavery, elevated the “mud sillsrestored 
credit, redeemed the country, and started it anew on the lines contemplated 
by the fathers. To-day we occupy a much higher plane than any other people 
on the face of the globe. The Republican party believes that it is not neces¬ 
sary or right that we should be reduced to a common level with other nations; 
but that we should have the full benefit of all our natural advantages and the full 
enjoyment of our glorious heritage. The logical consequences of the theories 
of the Democratic party would have left this country with but a fringe of 
population on the water ways. Many of the leading Bourbon Democrats of 
to-day look upon the magnificent developments and the grand improvements of 
the nation, which are simply labor, genius, and management crystallized, as 
a rank, unnatural and unwholesome growth, and believe that we ought to go 
back to the days of ignorance, sloth and small things as quickly as possible. 
Through the criminal folly of certain professed Republicans, and by fraud 
and duplicity on the part of the Democratic party, our honored and gallant 
standard bearers in 1884 were defeated. Fortunately for the country, we still 
have the benefit of the wise laws passed by the Republican party, and still 
have a majority in the Senate of the United States, which majority has pre¬ 
vented unwise legislation. We are again confronted with this same Demo- 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


11 


cratic party, the mother of all the evils from which this country has suffered, 
asking for the power to control and direct its future course, and we find that 
the same element which first led it astray by its malign influence, and dom¬ 
inated it down to the grievous days of the Rebellion, is again in full control 
of its affairs. If a majority of the American voters favor the giving away 
of the home market, incomparably the best in the world, and the forcing of 
our people, now the most prosperous and happy on the face of the earth, 
into competition with and down to a level with the cheapest, poorest, and 
most miserable of our foreign rivals, the Democratic reactionary doctrines 
will prevail. If not, the Republican party will resume its authority, and suc¬ 
cessfully lead this great country, with its beneficent institutions, toward that 
sublime goal which all patriots believe to be its heaven-ordained destiny. I 
have no doubt of the result. [Applause.] 

At the request of the Republican National Committee I propose to you, 
as temporary chairman of this convention, the Hon. John M. Thurston of 
Nebraska. 


TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. 

Mr. Thurston stepped forward and took the gavel. 

Mr. Thomas A. Osborn of Kansas. Do I understand the Temporary 
Chairman has been elected? 

Sergeant-at-Arms Fitz-Simons. The Temporary Chairman is Mr. John 
M. Thurston. 

Mr. Osborn. In behalf of the Kansas delegation, I desire to say that they 
decline to be responsible for the action in any manner of the National Com¬ 
mittee in this matter. They regard it as a very great mistake. And they 
desire me to state that they wish to record the vote of their State—that they 
wish the roll to be,called, and if the roll is called they will vote for the Hon. 
William Warner of Missouri. 


ADDRESS OF THE TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN. 

Mr. Thurston then spoke as follows: 

Gentlemen of the Convention: I am deeply sensible of the distinguished 
honor conferred upon me as the presiding officer of your temporary organ¬ 
ization. I am also mindful of the grave responsibilities of the position, and 
if they are successfully met it will be due to the continuance of your generous 
favor and the bestowal of your loyal assistance. I have no words in which 
to fittingly express my heartfelt appreciation of your confidence. I thank 
you, gentlemen, not for myself alone, but on behalf of that great and 
growing West, which never disappoints the expectations of the Republican 
party. I come from a State whose broad domain has been largely appropriated 
by the surviving veterans of the Army of the Republic under the beneficent 
provisions of the homestead and pre-emption laws enacted by a Republican 
Congress, and, true to the heroic recollections of the past, the homesteaders 
of the West still march on under the banner of Republicanism. In victory 
and defeat, in sunshine and in storm, in prosperity and adversity, this mighty 
West retains the courage of its convictions and holds that devotion to a just 
cause though it brings defeat, is better than victory achieved at the expense 
of broken vows and political dishonor. We are met in National Convention 
for deliberation and conference. The Republican party of the United States 
relies upon the wisdom of its assembled delegates for such action as will 
insure success If we are prepared to honestly and fairly meet the supreme 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


12 . 

issues of the hour with a clear, fearless, and ringing declaration of our prin¬ 
ciples, and to nominate a ticket that will commend .itself to the loyalty and 
intelligence of the country, we can grandly win. We enter upon the proceed¬ 
ings of this convention prepared to submit individual judgment to the wisdom 
of the majority, and to lay down personal preferences on the altar of party 
success. When our candidates are nominated we will all join, heart and soul, 
in the grand chorus of rejoicing; and the rainbow of our harmony will give 
certain promise of a victorious morning in November. When the Demo¬ 
cratic party, at the close of the last Presidential election, robbed us of a 
victory honestly and fairly won, we patiently waited for the certain coming 
of the justice of the years. We hoped and believed that 1888 would right the 
great political wrong of 1884. Right it, not only for the Republican party, 
but for the grand and glorious candidates whose names were the inspiration 
of that wonderful campaign. The wisdom of an all-wise Providence has 
otherwise decreed. One of them—that citizen soldier, that warrior states¬ 
man, the Black Eagle of Illinois, has been summoned by the Silent Messenger 
to report to his old commander beyond the river—But John A. Logan—dead 
in the body—lives in the illuminated pages of his country’s most splendid 
history—lives in the grateful love of a free people, whose union he so gal¬ 
lantly fought to preserve—lives in the blessings of a downtrodden race, whose 
freedom he so manfully struggled to achieve—lives in the future song and 
story of a hero-worshiping world; and along the highway of the nation’s 
glory, side by side with old John Brown, Abraham Lincoln and Ulysses S. 
Grant, his soul goes marching on. The other—that gallant leader, that 
chevalier of American politics, the glory of Republicanism and the nightmare 
of Democracy, our Henry of Navarre—is seeking in foreign travel needed 
relaxation and rest from the cares and responsibilities of long public life and 
service. With the infinite magnanimity of his incomparable greatness he has 
denied us the privilege of supporting him in this convention. Holding above 
all other things party harmony and success; he has stepped from the certain 
ladder of his laudable ambition that some other man may climb to power. 
As his true friends we must not, dare not, commit the political crime of dis¬ 
obedience to his expressed will. We cannot place him at the head of the 
ticket, but we can make him commander-in-chief of the forces in the field, 
where he will be invincible. And though James G. Blaine may not be our 
President, yet he remains our uncrowned king, wielding the baton of acknowl¬ 
edged leadership, supreme in the allegiance of his devoted followers, honored 
and respected by all honest and loyal men—that greatest living American, and 
the worthy object of our undying love. But the Republican party is not left 
without great men to place upon its ticket. We have that honest, able and 
experienced financier, statesman and Senator from Ohio, and his no less dis¬ 
tinguished colleague from Iowa. Indiana, Michigan and Wisconsin present 
to use the names of distinguished soldiers, while New York, New Jersey, 
Kansas, Connecticut and other States have favorite and worthy sons. From 
this splendid galaxy of political stars we cannot choose amiss. The Repub¬ 
lican party points with pride to the mighty achievements of its past, and 
offers as an earnest of its future faithfulness an unbroken record of great 
deeds done for freedom, union, and National prosperity. It is pre-eminently 
the party of protection. It was born of the irresistible desire to protect the 
slave from the lash of the master, and to save our civilization from the blight¬ 
ing curse of its crime against humanity. It performed its sacred mission of 
protecting the Republic from secession and disunion; and, in the later time, 
it succeeded in protecting both the credit and currency of the Nation from 
repudiation and inflation. Its platform epitomized, stands for the protection 
of popular government upon the American continent; stands for the protec¬ 
tion of all governmental and international rights from restriction or inva¬ 
sion ; stands for the protection of the life, liberty, and property of the individual; 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


13 


stands for the protection of every privilege and immunity of American citi¬ 
zenship ; stands for the protection of the ballot box from the crimes of intim¬ 
idation, robbery and substitution; stands for the protection of American 
commerce, American manufacture and American agriculture from disastrous 
foreign competition; stands for the protection of home invention, home skill 
and home labor from the free trade heresies which would degrade and pau¬ 
perize them all; stands for the protection of the people from all unlawful 
combination and unjust exaction of aggregated capital and corporate power; 
stands also for the protection of both capital and corporation from confisca¬ 
tion and mob violence; and above all, stands for the protection of the sanctity 
and happiness of the American home. It welcomes to our shores the down¬ 
trodden and oppressed of every land, but it demands that the inestimable 
blessing of American citizenship, purchased with the priceless blood of heroes 
and martyrs, shall be conferred only upon those who are in full sympathy 
and accord with the fundamental principles of our Government, and who 
will loyally support the sacred provisions of the Constitution of the United 
States. And it holds that Congress has the power to protect our civilization 
and morality from the leprosy of Asiatic paganism, contamination and degra¬ 
dation. It maintains that the benefits of free government should be extended 
to all true lovers of liberty, but it insists that the law of the land shall be 
a shield only to those who obey it, and that for the Anarchist, the Commun¬ 
ist, and the criminal American, justice has nothing to offer but its sword. The 
reconstructed Democracy has now been in power nearly four years. Its 
administration has been most satisfactory to those who hold office under it. 
Its loyalty has been so pronounced as to receive the approval of every enemy 
of the Government. The courage of its foreign policy has amused the great 
Powers and pleased every coward. Its civil service has been so thoroughly 
reformed as to delight Mr. Higgins. Its justice to the disabled soldiers has 
won golden opinions from those who gave them their wounds. Its financial 
management has been safe because of its inability to destroy the resulting 
prosperity of Republican legislation. And its unparalleled straddle of the 
tariff question has been a source of wonderment to “gods and men.” It is 
strong in the imbecility of “inocuous desuetude,” and deserves to live as a 
reminiscence of promises forgotten, and pledges unfulfilled. There are those 
in the land who say that the mission of the Republican party is at an end— 
that the Emancipation Proclamation, Appomattox, and the constitutional 
amendments are at once the monuments of its glory and the gravestones of its 
demise. But the work of the Republican party will never be done until every 
American citizen enters into his unquestioned inheritance of liberty, equal 
rights and justice; until representation in Congress is based upon votes freely 
cast, and fairly counted; until adequate provision has been made for the help¬ 
lessness and old age of our surviving veterans and the widows and orphans 
of their dead comrades; until those policies of government which insure 
National and individual prosperity are firmly established, and until patriotism 
and loyalty are the only qualifications, except fitness, for official position in 
the service of the Republic. There are those who insist that the Republican 
party keeps alive the old sectional feeling, and refuses to let “the dead past 
bury its dead.” The Republican party longs and prays for the speedy coming 
of the millennium of its hope, when Mason and Dixon’s line in spirit as in 
fact, is obliterated forever, when fraternal ties and common interests unite 
us all, when the whole people are found rejoicing together that the inherited 
institution of human slavery was destroyed by the justice of God; glad to¬ 
gether that the holy bonds of union could not be severed; hopeful together 
for a magnificent National destiny; loyal together to a common country and 
its unconquered flag. But when that glad time comes, black and white must 
. march side by side in the broad sunshine of safety and lie down to peaceful 
slumber in the untroubled shadows of protected homes. The Republican 


14 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


party turns to the new South with wide-open arms. It offers loyal assistance 
in the development of its agriculture, the opening of its mines and the up¬ 
building of its manufactories. It proposes to break down the barrier of 
unpleasant memories with the hope of a new prosperity. The distinctive issue 
of the present campaign is that of the tariff. To the support of a protective 
tariff there will rise up an overwhelming army of intelligent, thoughtful and 
practical men; and the East and West, the North and South, will join hands 
together in one final effort to forever exterminate in this Republic the per¬ 
nicious doctrine of free trade. As we gather here we remember that other 
grand convention held in this city in i860. We remember how it was given 
wisdom and courage to select that great man of the people—that Moses who 
led us through the parted waters of the sea, past the wilderness of battle, 
over the Jordan of safety into the Promised Land. In 1884 we were driven 
back into the wilderness again. God give us the wisdom to find another 
Moses who can limit our wanderings to four years instead of forty. The 
mighty past is with us here to-day. It fills us with that same spirit of free¬ 
dom, patriotism and devotion which breathed into the common dust of ordi¬ 
nary humanity the sublime inspiration of heroic deeds. Let us read its les¬ 
sons rightly, and hold its precepts dear. When Robert Bruce, King of Scot¬ 
land, lay upon his dying bed he requested that his heart should be taken 
from his inanimate body and borne by knightly hands to the Saviour’s sep¬ 
ulchre. After his death, James, Earl of Douglas, undertook the sacred mis¬ 
sion, and, with the heart encased in a golden casket, set out upon his pilgrim¬ 
age to the Holy Land. On the way thither himself and comrades were set 
upon by a great host of Moorish warriors. Though they fought with all the 
valor of mortal men, they were borne backward by sheer force of numbers, 
and their overthrow seemed certain, when Douglas, drawing from his bosom 
the priceless casket, cast it far out into the midst of the oncoming host, and 
cried out: “Lead on, heart of Bruce, we follow thee.” And the knights of 
Scotland, never defeated while following a Bruce, pressed forward, and won 
the day. Let this convention choose a Douglas for our Bruce. He will take 
the soul of our great martyr into the golden casket of his love, and with it 
lead us on to certain and splendid victory. [Applause.] 

Gentlemen of the Convention: The National Committee has requested 
the announcement of the further officers for your temporary organization. 
The names will be ^ead. 


OTHER TEMPORARY OFFICERS. 

Mr. Henry Ballard of Michigan, read the list, which was as follows: 
Temporary Secretaries. —Charles W. Clisbee, Michigan; Michael Griffin, 
Wisconsin; Wm. Rule, Tennessee. 

Temporary Assistant Secretaries.— Thomas J. Brogan, Tennessee; Tams 
Bixby, Minnesota; Henry M. Cooper, Arkansas; William Nelson, New Jersey; 
A. W. Monroe, Maryland; J. E. Wiley, Texas; John L. Minor, Louisiana; 
C. M. Shinn, West Virginia. 

Temporary Reading Clerks. —Henry Ballard, Vermont; Carson Lake, New 
York; David Lanning, Ohio; Janies H. Stone, Michigan; George M. Brinker- 
hoff, Illinois. 

Official Stenographer.— Gustavus P. English, Chicago. 

Sergeant-at-Arms. —Gen. Charles Fitz-Simons, Chicago. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


15 


PRESENTATION OF A GAVEL. 

Mr. R. G. Horr of Michigan. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Michigan, 
Mr. Horr. 

Mr. Horr. Gentlemen of the Convention: I am requested by the dele¬ 
gation from my State to present to the Temporary Chairman of this conven¬ 
tion for his use a gavel made from the wood of the oak under which the 
Republican party was organized on the 6 th day of July, 1854 , in the village 
or city of Jackson, in the State of Michigan. This gavel has upon it copper, 
wool, iron, salt and wood—the five industries that the party now in power 
would ruin and abolish from the face of this country. We thought it was 
meet that this convention should commence early to pound the daylights out 
of that party, consequently we beg the permission of the convention to pre¬ 
sent this for the use of our Temporary Chairman. [Applause.] 

The Chairman. The Chairman will say that, in returning the thanks of 
the convention, he accepts the gavel, and proceeds to pound the life out of the 
Democratic party with it. [Laughter.] 

THE TEMPORARY ORGANIZATION. 

Mr. Logan H. Roots of Arkansas. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Arkansas. 

Mr. Roots. I move that this convention do now elect as the officers of its 
temporary organization the various persons respectively recommended for 
those positions by the National Committee. 

The Chairman. The Chair understands, the Chairman of the National 
Committee having recognized no objection on the floor of the convention, that 
the temporary organization has been accepted by the convention. 

Mr. Osborn of Kansas. Mr. Chairman: I cannot consent, and the Kan¬ 
sas delegation cannot consent, that that declaration should pass without an 
objection. The Kansas delegation would desire to be recorded as voting for 
some other person, and had the roll been called its vote would have been cast 
for the Hon. William Warner of Missouri. 

Mr. Roots. I supposed, in making the motion, that the President of the 
convention had been fully recognized. It was only the other officers of the 
convention to whom my motion was intended to refer. I now, however, with 
the consent of my second, withdraw that motion, considering the other offi¬ 
cers recognized as the officers of the convention. 

THE DAKOTA DELEGATION. 

Mr. G. C. Moody of Dakota. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The Chair recognizes Judge Moody of Dakota. 

Mr. Moody. I rise, sir, for the purpose of making a motion that will 
change somewhat the record already made by this convention, or by the officers 
of it. I see that upon the record is borne the name of Dakota with two votes 
allowed, which she had a generation ago,, nearly. Now, I move, sir, that 
Dakota be allowed to cast in this convention ten votes instead of two, and I 


16 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


desire very briefly to state what we regard as the prominent facts which should 
govern this convention upon this proposition. In the first place, it is in 
accordance with the population of the Territory at the present time. Sec¬ 
ondly, it is in accordance with the time-honored usage of the Republican 
Convention wherever it has assembled, and when the question has been pre¬ 
sented. In 1856, when the great Pathfinder and leader who honors us now 
with his presence was nominated as the leader of the party, the Territory of 
Kansas was given nine votes in that convention. In i860, when Abraham 
Lincoln was nominated in this city, Kansas and Nebraska were each given 
six votes in that convention. In 1868, at the convention that assembled in 
this city, when that great man, great general, and great statesman was first 
nominated, Colorado was allowed at that time six votes in that convention. 
It was repeated again in 1876. Thus the precedents are all one way, when¬ 
ever the question has been presented. The Republican party has always dealt 
liberally with the Territories. The Democratic party has never dealt, either 
with liberality, or with decent justice, except when those Territories had been 
corrupted by the institution that was their support. Now, Mr. Chairman, 
we ask this because the.State of Dakota has been formed and has knocked 
at the door of the Union, and the Republican party has done all in its power 
to constitute her a State in the Union. The Democratic party has opposed 
her, has fought her at every step, has driven her back every time she has 
taken an advance. We ask that the action of the Democratic party in thus 
excluding that Territory, and refusing to recognize others, shall be rebuked, 
not only by the declaration of this great body, but also by its action in per¬ 
mitting us, as the precedents have gone, to cast the vote which of right we 
would be entitled to had justice ruled. 


ADOPTION OF RULES. 

Mr. H. H. Bingham of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Bingham. I move you, sir, in order that we may proceed to busi¬ 
ness, that the rules of the last National Republican Convention be adopted 
until this organization is perfected. 

The Chairman. If the gentleman will wait one moment the Chair will 
put his motion. I am directed by the National Committee to announce that it 
has recommended that the Dakota delegation be allowed ten votes during the 
preliminary organization of this convention; and that Washington Territory 
by the grace of the Democratic party be given six. The Chair hears a mo¬ 
tion on the left. Do I hear a second to the motion of the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania ? 

A Delegate. Mr. Chairman: I second the motion. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention: It is moved and seconded 
that the rules of the last Republican National Convention be adopted for our 
use until further action by the convention. Are you ready for the question? 
[Cries of “Question.”] So many as favor the motion say aye. Contrary, no. 
The ayes have it, and it is so ordered. 

SYMPATHY FOR GEN. SHERIDAN. 

Mr. James R. Hallowell of Kansas. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from Kansas. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 17 

Mr. Hallowell. I desire to offer a resolution of sympathy with Gen. 
Sheridan in his affliction. 

The Chairman. The resolution offered by the gentleman from Kansas 
will be read for the information of the convention. 

Mr. Hallowell. I desire to move its adoption, when read, by a standing 
vote of this convention. 

The Chairman. The Chair would request that gentlemen, upon being 
recognized by the Chair, announce their names. It saves some confusion, and 
it is impossible at the distance to recognize all the gentlemen in the conven¬ 
tion. 

Reading Clerk Stone read the resolution as follows: 

Resolved, That the delegates to the Republican National Convention, rep¬ 
resenting the surviving comrades of the distinguished soldier and General of 
the army, Philip H. Sheridan, and representing also the living principles for 
which he so gallantly fought and triumphed during the great era of the war, 
send him their sincere congratulations on the prospect of his recovery, and 
hope that his life may be preserved for many years. 

The Chairman. All those favoring the adoption of the resolution will 
rise to their feet. 

All the delegates arose. 

The Chairman. It is unanimously adopted. 


TICKETS FOR VETERANS. 


Mr. John W. Lewis of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Kentucky. 

Mr. Lewis. Mr. Chairman: At the request of a number of old Union 
soldiers and veterans I desire to offer for the consideration of the convention 
a petition handed in by them asking that this convention assign at least a cer¬ 
tain number of seats for the use of these old defenders of the government and 
the Union. 

The Chairman. The Clerk will read the petition. 

Reading Clerk Ballard read as follows: 


To the Officers and Members of the Republican National Conven¬ 
tion — Gentlemen: The undersigned committee, appointed by their comrades, 
would respectfully represent that a large number of ex-Union soldiers are 
present in the city, but very few of whom have been able to procure tickets 
of admission to the Convention. They feel the same keen interest in the 
welfare of their country as they did in other days, when they proved the loy¬ 
alty of their action. On behalf of these battle-scarred veterans we ask, as a 
favor at your hands, that 200 tickets of admission be granted to the Grand 
Army of the Republic for their use, to be distributed among the representa¬ 
tives of that organization by their committee, appointed for that purpose. 


E. Farley, 

H. Espey, 

H. H. Rood, 

H. H. Hyde, 

J. A. Watrous, 
P. C. Wickham, 


Gen. E. H. Hobson, 
M. Minton, 

Ozro Richardson, 

L. E. Pond, 

S. C. Wheeler. 


18 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The Chairman. Under the rules— 

Mr. D. B. Henderson of Iowa. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Iowa. 

Mr. Henderson. I would offer an amendment to the motion, adding the 
words “equally among the States and Territories.” 

Mr. Lewis of Kentucky. The amendment proposed by the gentleman is 
accepted. 

The Chairman. The Chair will say that, under the rules which we have 
adopted, this petition will go to the Committee on Resolutions without debate, 
unless it is desired to suspend the rules. 

Mr. Henderson. I move that the rules be suspended, and that the peti¬ 
tion of these old veterans be granted now. 

Mr. W. N. Taft of South Carolina. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentleman from South Carolina. 

Mr. Taft. It seems to me that, in view of the position taken by the Dem¬ 
ocratic party of this country, in view of the many pension bills that have been 
vetoed for the poor soldiers who marched into the South during the war, a 
Republican convention, representing the great people of this country—it 
seems to me that all the soldiers centered here, should immediately vote to 
suspend the rules, and admit these men to this convention. I was a soldier, 
and I know that every soldier in this country is loyal to-day to its flag. The 
country has but one issue, one grand issue, and that is the tariff; but there is 
another issue that will stare you in the face, and that is to take care of the 
widows and orphans and of the soldiers who lost their limbs in the service of 
their country. The Democratic party is upon record as against the soldier. It 
was against the soldier in 1861. It was against the soldier in 1865, and it is 
against the soldier to-day. When I look upon Grant, Sherman and Sheridan, 
and all those men who led us forward to victory, I think that the debt of the 
Republican party of this country is not so small that it can be paid by simply 
seating a few veterans in this convention. I see it is in the air all around me, 
and if I had my way, I would not only pay the debt, but allow them here. The 
convention at St. Louis, the Democratic Convention, seated 250, and let us be 
at least as generous as the Democratic party—the opponent and the enemy of 
the soldiers. I therefore move that the rules be suspended in order to adopt 
the resolution. 

Several Delegates. I second the motion. 

Mr. Benjamin Butterworth of Ohio. I only want to suggest the pro¬ 
priety of the reference of this resolution to the National Committee with direc¬ 
tions that they distribute the tickets in furtherance or in accordance with the 
resolution, and ask unanimous consent that that order be made. 

A Delegate. I second that. 

Mr. Horr of Michigan. Mr. Chairman — 

Mr. Henderson of Iowa. I suggest to the gentleman from Ohio that the 
amendment offered by me be considered as part of the resolution. 

Mr. Butterworth. It was accepted. 

Mr. Henderson. It was accepted by the mover? Let that be understood. 

The Chairman. After asking that the unanimous consent of the conven¬ 
tion be given to the reference of the resolution, together with the amendment 
thereto, to the National Committee, with the request that its prayer be grant¬ 
ed, hearing no objection, the Chair understands that unanimous consent is giv¬ 
en, and the resolution with its amendment is so referred. 


19 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 

APPOINTMENT OF COMMITTEES. 

Mr. George R. Davis of Illinois. Mr. Chairman— 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Illinois. 

Mr. Davis. I move the adoption of the following resolution: 

The Chairman. The Clerk will read. 

Reading Clerk Lanning read as follows: 

Resolved, That the roll of States and Territories be called, and the 
Chairman of each delegation announce the names of the persons selected to 
serve on the committees as follows: Permanent Organization, Rules, Order 
of Business, Credentials, and Resolutions. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen, is there any objection? 

No objection was made. 

The Chairman. The Chair would suggest to the gentleman from Illinois 
[Mr. Davis] that, under the rules, there is but one committee on Rules and 
Order 1 of Business. 

Mr. Davis. Modify the resolution please. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen, if there is no objection, and as this is fol¬ 
lowing the precedent of former conventions, the resolution will be considered 
as adopted as modified. The Secretary will call the roll, and each State as 
called will announce from the floor the name of the member of each one of 
these committees. The Clerk will call the roll. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. Alabama. 

Mr. Willard Warner of Alabama. We ask that Alabama be passed 
temporarily. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. Arkansas. 

Mr. Powell Clayton of Arkansas. What committees are required? 

The Chairman. The Committee on Permanent Organization. 

Mr. Fessenden of Connecticut. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Connecticut. 

Mr. Fessenden. Mr. Chairman. In order to save time and a great deal 
of very unnecessary confusion, I move you, sir, that each Chairman of the 
respective State delegations send a list forward to the Chair containing the 
names of those gentlemen. [Cries of “Question.”] 

The Chairman. Gentlemen, it is moved that the call of the roll be dis¬ 
pensed with, and that each State send up in writing the names of the members 
selected on the several committees. Are you ready for the question? [Cries 
of “Question, question.”] 

The question was put. 

The Chairman. The ayes have it, and it is so ordered. 

GEN. JOHN C. FREMONT INTRODUCED. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention: The Chair wishes to 
make an announcement. There is present in this room, as the guest of the 
Nebraska delegation, that eminent citizen, the first nominee of the Republican 
party for the office of President, and the Chair presents to you the request of 
that delegation that its Chairman be given an opportunity to present Gen. 


20 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Fremont to the convention. Is there any objection? [Cries of “No!” “No!”] 
If not, the Chairman of the delegation from Nebraska will come forward to 
the platform, and perform that pleasant duty. 

Mr. Charles Green, Chairman of the Nebraska delegation, came to the 
platform. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention, Chairman Green of the 
Nebraska delegation. 

Mr. Green. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: More 
than thirty years ago the pioneers of Republicanism, assembled in Philadel¬ 
phia, declared their political creed, and named their Presidential candidate. 
Thus freedom and Fremont became the first battle cry in that tremendous 
struggle in which the powers of darkness were marshaled against the hosts 
of light for the mastery of this Republic, Out of the chaos and conflict of 
that supreme controversy a new civilization has arisen from the ashes of the 
past, filling all the land with light and hope. Thousands, yea hundreds of 
thousands of those who mustered at the first roll call sleep in unremembered 
graves. In war and in peace, wherever duty called them, they bore the ban¬ 
ner of the free, and asked no other meed of praise except an emancipated 
land. There were leaders, too, great men, gifted to be so, who from the hum¬ 
ble walks of life by great and glorious deeds achieved immortal fame. The 
martyred Lincoln, from the righteousness of whose life we coin our highest 
aspirations; Grant, whose name is the most illustrious ever borne by living 
man; Logan, glorious in war, magnificent in peace, all sons of Illinois, are 
passed away. There were a few—a heroic few—. [Cries of “Fremont.”]. 
There were a few—a heroic few—who already known ere the doctrines of 
1856 had been proclaimed—John Brown, whose death against Virginia's leaden 
sky fixed our star of hope and promise. [Cries of “Fremont.”] John C. Fre¬ 
mont ; he has been steadfast in the faith, and I present him to you now, gentle¬ 
men of the convention. 

When Gen. Fremont appeared, he was warmly greeted. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention: I introduce to you the 
old hero, patriot and statesman, Gen. John C. Fremont. 

ADDRESS OF GEN. FREMONT. 

Gen. Fremont spoke as follows: 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: I am unwilling to de¬ 
lay the business of the convention, and therefore I will occupy only a very few 
minutes of its time; but if I failed to respond to this splendid greeting I 
should feel that I carry an insensible clod, and not a warm, sympathetic heart, 
in my breast. I am sensibly grateful for your welcome. I am happy and 
proud to receive here in this great National assembly the welcome given by 
my friends and companions of many years, by my party friends, and by the 
men and the sons of the men with whom I had the conspicuous honor to be 
associated in our first opening campaign in 1856. It rejoices me now to see the 
party moving firmly forward on its natural ground of advanced opinion and 
action. I am glad to see it looking upon American interests and American in¬ 
dustries from an American standpoint. [Applause.] The policy of the party 
has been a continuous one. Four years ago I was among the men who made 
the canvass of Michigan with Mr. Blaine. The same policy upon which the 
party stands to-day was then urged upon the warm-hearted and patriotic peo¬ 
ple of that State by him. If we had been successful in that election we should 
have had a distinctly American administration. I trust that this policy, erected 
as it is to the immediate interests of the people in their daily affairs, will soon 
bring the party to charge itself with the solution of the questions of labor, 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1883. 21 

which are now chief in importance to-day. [Applause.] Success now will 
pave easily the way to important measures, and to a continuance of power. 
Phis present election will carry to the successful party the political power of 
the great Territories which are now awaiting admission. It is not too much to 
say that the conditions of the country justify the belief that the result of the 
election will be favorable, conclusively, to the Republican party. [Applause.] 
Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the convention, I am glad to receive to-day 
the evidence of your regard. I am happy to know that it has resisted the tests 
of time and that it has come down to me with all its old-time cordiality. 

THE VETERANS AGAIN. 

Mr. Butterworth of Ohio. Mr. Chairman >— 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Ohio, Mr. Butterworth. 

Mr. Butterworth. I desire to call the attention of the Chair to the man¬ 
ner of the reference of the resolution. The resolution adopted a few minutes 
ago was not referred as amended—was not the resolution as amended. The 
amendment presented by my friend from Iowa [Mr. Henderson] was accepted 
by the mover, and hence became a part of the resolution. The Chair will ob¬ 
serve that in its reference he used the language, “The resolution with the 
amendment, will be referred.” 

The Chairman. The Chair so announced at the time. 

Mr. Butterworth. That the amendment is a part of the resolution. 

A Delegate. That is all right. 

Mr. Henderson of Iowa. That was the understanding of the mover as 
well as of the second—that the amendment was allowed. 

ADDRESS BY FREDERICK DOUGLASS. 

There were calls for Mr. Douglass, and Mr. Frederick Douglass came to 
the platform, and was greeted with applause. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention: I have the honor to 
present to you a man who needs no introduction—our old friend, Fred Doug¬ 
lass. 

Mr. Douglass addressed the Convention thus: 

Mr. Chairman: I had the misfortune last night to speak to a vast audi¬ 
ence in the Armory, a little below here or above here, and broke my voice so 
that I feel wholly unable to address you, any more than to express my thanks 
to you for the cordial welcome, the earnest call you have given me to this 
platform. I have only one word to say, and it is this: That I hope this con¬ 
vention will make such a record in its proceedings as to put it entirely out of 
the power of the leaders of the Democratic party and the leaders of the mug¬ 
wump party [Laughter] to say that they see no difference between the Repub¬ 
lican party in respect to the class I represent and the Democratic party. I have 
great respect for a certain quality that I have seen distinguished in the Demo¬ 
cratic party. It is the fidelity to its friends [Laughter] its faithfulness to those 
whom it has acknowledged as its masters for the last forty years. [Laughter 
and applause.] They were faithful—I mean the Democrats were faithful—to 
the slave-holding class during the existence of slavery. They were faithful 
before the war. They were faithful during the war. They gave them all the 
encouragement they possibly could without drawing their own necks into the 
halter. [Laughter and applause.] They were faithful during the period of 


22 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


reconstruction; they have been faithful ever since. They are faithful to-day 
to the Solid South. I believe that the Republican party will prove itself equally 
faithful to its friends, and those friends during the war were men with black 
faces. They were legs to your maimed; they were eyes to your blind; they 
were shelter to your shelterless sons when they escaped from the lines of the 
rebels; they are faithful to-day; and when this great Republic was at its ex- 
tremest need; when its fate seemed to tremble in the balance and the crowned 
heads and the enemies of Republican institutions were saying in Europe: 
‘‘Aha, aha! This great Republican bubble is about to burst;” when your 
armies were melting away before the fire and pestilence of rebellion, you called 
upon your friends, your black friends; when your Star Spangled Banner, now 
glorious, was trailing in the dust, heavy with patriotic blood, you called upon 
the negro, Abraham Lincoln called upon the negro [Applause] to reach out 
his iron arm and clutch with his steeled fingers your faltering banner; and 
they came—they came 200,000 strong. [Cheers.] Let us remember these black 
men in the platform that you are about to promulgate, and let us remember 
these black men now stripped of' their constitutional right to vote [Cheers] 
for the grand standard-bearer whom you will present to the country. Leave 
these men no longer to wade to the ballot box through blood but extend over 
them the arm of this Republic, and make their pathway to the ballot box as 
straight and as smooth and as safe as any other citizen’s. [Cheers.] Be not 
deterred from duty by the cry of “bloody shirt.” Let that shirt wave so long as 
blood shall be found upon it. [Cheers.] A government that can give liberty 
in its constitution ought to have power to protect liberty in its administration. 
[Applause.] I will not take up your time. I have got my thought before 
you. I speak in behalf of the millions who are disfranchised to-day. I thank 
you.- [Applause.] 

There were cries for “Ingersoll” and others. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention, Please come to order. 

Temporary Secretary Clisbee. I desire to announce to the convention 
that all the States and Territories have reported under the resolution that was 
adopted a few minutes ago except Florida, Arizona, and the District of Col¬ 
umbia. If those three delegations will report to the Secretary the business of 
the convention can be expedited. 

There were calls for Mr. Ingersoll and Mr. Bradley. 

The Chairman. What is the pleasure of the convention? 

There were calls for Gov. Foraker. 

Mr. J. B. Foraker of Ohio. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Ohio. 

Mr. Foraker. Mr. Chairman: Many of the delegates about us here 
have made a request that the organization as returned to the Chair, be an¬ 
nounced, in order that all the States may know whether they have been cor¬ 
rectly reported and received. 

The Chairman. The Chair is only waiting for the completion of the 
returns. [After a pause.] Gentlemen of the Convention, your Secretary 
will now read the list of the members of committees as forwarded by the 
several delegations. This reading is for verification and correction if nec¬ 
essary. The Secretary will now read. 

Reading Clerk Stone read the Committee on Permanent Organization 
as reported. When Virginia was reached, he said: “Two are reported by 
contesting delegations.” 


23 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 

The Chairman. I he Chair will submit the Virginia question after all 
the committees have been read, so that you can act on them all at once. Vir¬ 
ginia will be passed. 

At the conclusion of the reading: 

Mr. Jacob H. Gallinger of New Hampshire. I would like to have the 
name of the member from New Hampshire read again. I think there is a 
mistake. 

Reading Clerk Stone. W. H. Gilman. 

Mr. Gallinger. It should be Edward H. Gilman. 

Mr. A. E. Willson of Kentucky. The member of the Committee on 
Permanent Organization is the Hon. John Bennett. [The name reported 
w r as W. W. Jones.] We have placed W. W. Jones on another committee. 

1 he Chairman. The correction will be made. 

COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 

The following is the Committee: 

Alabama .Isaac N. Carter 

Arkansas . D. W. Ellison 

California .John F. Ellison 

Colorado .Irving Howbert 

Connecticut .Samuel L. Warner 

Delaware .Alvin B. Conner 

Florida .Samuel Petty 

Georgia .John Heard 

Illinois .Wm. L. Distin 

Indiana .W. L. Dunlap 

Iowa .F. M. Drake 

Kansas .J. C. Strang 

Kentucky .John Bennett 

Louisiana .C. B. Darrall 

Maine .George A. Wilson 

Maryland .R. J. W. Garey 

Massachusetts .Wm. A. Gile 

Michigan .John K. Boies 

Minnesota .G. G. Hartley 

Mississippi.Wesley Crayton 

Missouri .W. A. Jacobs 

Nebraska .George W. Heist 

Nevada .M. D. Foley 

New Hampshire.Edward H. Gilman 

Reading Clerk Stone read the Committee on Credentials as reported. 
When Massachusetts was reached, the Clerk read Jesse S. Gore. 

Mr. George F. Hoar of Massachusettes. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Massachusetts. 

Mr. Hoar. The name of the member of the committee from Massachu¬ 
setts is Jesse M. Gove. 

The Chairman. The correction will be made. 

After the completion of the reading: 

Mr. Edward G. Bradford of Delaware. Mr. Chairman: Will the Secre¬ 
tary give the name from Delaware? 


New Jersey .J. Hart Brewer 

New York .George B. Sloan 

North Carolina.John H. Williamson 

Ohio .Charles Foster 

Oregon .F. P. Mays 

Pennsylvania .Wm. R. Leeds 

Rhode Island ....Richard Thornley 

South Carolina .F. A. Saxton 

Tennessee ....George W. Winstead 

Texas .H. C. Ferguson 

Vermont .C. W. Read 

Virginia .John M. Langston 

West Virginia .John Frew 

Wisconsin .A. W. Sanborn 

Arizona .L. H. Goodrich, 

Dakota .T. O. Bogart 

District of Columbia . 

Idaho .Willis Sweet 

Montana .T. C. Power 

New Mexico .Thos. B. Catron 

Utah .John J. Daly 

Washington .E. B. Hyde 

Wyoming .C. D. Clark 










































24 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Reading Clerk Stone. Henry C. McLear. 

Mr. Chauncey I. Filley. The name of the member from Missouri is 
John Albus, Jr. [The Clerk had omitted the Jr.] 

The Chairman. The correction will be made. 


COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 


The following is the Committee: 



Alabama . 


New Jersey . . 

.John Ramsey 

Arkansas . ... 

.C. M. Barnes 

New York . .. 

.John B. Weber 

California . .. 

..William H. Dimond 

North Carolina 

. .Daniel L. Russell 

Colorado . .. . 


Ohio .. 

...William H. Gibson 

Connecticut . . 

.Erastus S. Day 

Oregon . 

.J. E. Bean 

Delaware . .. . 

. .. .Henry C. McLear 

Pennsylvania . 

.H. H. Bingham 

Florida . 


Rhode Island. , 

. Benj. M. Bosworth 

Georgia . 

.S. A. Darnell 

South Carolina 

. .John M. Freeman 

Illinois . 

.C. J. Lindley 

Tennessee .... 

Samuel A. McElwee 

Indiana . 

.A. K. Sills 

Texas . 

.R. F. Campbell 

Iowa . 

.W. P. Hepburn 

Vermont . 

.H. C. Ide 

Kansas . 

.H. D. Baker 

Virginia . 


Kentucky . .. . 


West Virginia 

.John Cooper 

Louisiana . .. . 

.A. L. Leonard 

Wisconsin . ... 

.James O’Neill 

Maine . 

.Fred A. Powers 

Arizona . 

.L. H. Goodrich 

Maryland .... 

. .. . W. T. Warburton 

Dakota . 

.B. N. Sullivan 

Massachusetts 

.Jesse M. Gove 

District of Columbia . 

Michigan . ... 

.Thomas P. Dunstan 

Iidaho . 

.... George A. Black 

Minnesota . .. 

.H. J. Miller 

Montana . 

.T. C. Power 

Mississippi . . 

.J. J. Spelman 

New Mexico... 


Missouri . 


Utah . 


Nebraska .... 

.Aaron W. Wall 

Washington . .. 

.0. C. White 

Nevada . 

.W. E. Sharon 

Wyoming . 


New Hampshire ..Hiram A. Tuttle 



Reading Clerk Stone read the Committee on Resolutions as reported. 
At the conclusion of the reading: 

Mr. James D. Hardy of Alabama. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Alabama. 

Mr. Hardy. The name of the member from Alabama is Louis E. Par¬ 
sons, Jr. [The Clerk had omitted the Jr.] 

The Chairman. The correction will be made. 

Mr. Creed Haymond of California. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentleman from California. 

Mr. Haymond. There is a mistake in the name of the representative 
from California. It should be H. Z. Osborne instead of Horace M. Estee. 
[The name read by the Clerk.] 

The Chairman. The correction will be made. 

Mr. James H. Harris of North Carolina. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentleman from North Carolina. 

Mr. Harris. The name should be J. C. L. Harris instead of J. L. Harris 
[The name read by the Clerk.] 

The Chairman. The correction will be made. 








































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 25 

A Delegate from Nevada. Will the Secretary please read the name of 
the member from Nevada? 

Reading Clerk Stone. William M. Stewart. 

The Delegate. That is correct. 


COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. 


The Committee is as follows: 


Alabama .Louis E. Parsons, Jr 

Arkansas .John A. Williams 

California .H. Z. Osborne 

Colorado .W. A. Hamill 

Connecticut .,. N. D. Sperry 

Delaware .Charles H. Trant 

Florida .E. R. Gunby 

Georgia .C. W. Arnold 

Illinois .C. B. Farwell 

Indiana .E. W. Halford 

Iowa .G. D. Perkins 

Kansas .Albert Griffin 

Kentucky .Logan McKee 

Louisiana .H. C. Warmoth 

Maine .C. H. Prescott 

Maryland .B. H. Miller 

Massachusetts ..Alanson W. Beard 

Michigan .George Spaulding 

Minnesota .C. G. Edwards 

Mississippi .John R. Lynch 

Missouri .William Warner 

Nebraska .Patrick Egan 

Nevada .William M. Stewart 


Naw HampshireAlfred T. Batchelder 


New Jersey .John W. Griggs 

New York .Frank Hiscock 

North Carolina . .James C. L. Harris 

Ohio .William McKinley, Jr. 

Oregon .Rufus Mallory 

Pennsylvania .H. W. Oliver 

Rhode Island .Albert L. Sayles 

South Carolina ..George E. Herriott 

Tennessee .L. C. Houk 

Texas .R. B. Rentfro 

Vermont .Frank Plumley 

Virginia .S. Brown Allen 

West Virginia.Thomas B. Swan 

Wisconsin .W. E. Carter 

Arizona .L. F. Eggers 

Dakota .H. C. Hansbrough 

District of Columbia . 

Idaho ..."Willis Sweet 

Montana .George O. Eaton 

New Mexico ....Thomas B. Catron 

Utah .C. S. Variar. 

Washington Ter...W. J. Thompson 
Wyoming .F. E. Warren 


Reading Clerk Stone read the Committee on Rides as reported. 

During the reading: 

Mr. Clayton of Arkansas. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Arkansas. 

Mr. Clayton. I want to correct the name from Arkansas. It is C. N. 
Rix. [The Clerk had read C. M. Rix.] 

The Chairman. Make the correction. 

Mr. James Jackson of Alabama. The name for Alabama should be B. 
M. Long. [The Clerk had read B. F. Long.] 

The Chairman. The correction from Alabama is made. 

Mr. Henry R. Wolcott of Colorado made a correction which was not 


heard. 

The Chairman. The chair asks the gentleman from Colorado to repeat 
his correction. 

Mr. Wolcott. The name is James M. Henderson. [The Clerk had read 
John M. Henderson.] 

No name had been received from Louisiana when that State was called. 
The Chairman. Will the Chairman of the Louisiana delegation please 









































26 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

announce the name of the member of the Committee on Rules and Order of 
Business? 

Mr. William Pitt Kellogg of Louisiana. I will send up the name. 

No name had been received from Oregon when that State was called. 

The Chairman. Will the gentleman from Oregon please give us the 
name of the member of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business for 
Oregon ? 

There was no response. 

Mr. Butterworth of Ohio. Mr. Chairman. Some of our delegates say 
that the name of the committeeman from Ohio was not correctly read. It 
should be H. C. Carper. [The Clerk had read H. M. Carper.] 

The Chairman. The correction will be made. 

At the conclusion of the reading: 

Mr. Charles S. Varian of Utah. The name of the member for Utah is 
John J. Daly. 

Mr. Filley of Missouri. The member of that committee from Missouri 
is Frederick King. [The Clerk had read D. P. Dyer.] 

The Chairman. Are there any other corrections to be made? 

No one responded. 

Mr. George R. Davis of Illinois. I send the following resolution to the 
desk, and move its adoption. 

The Chairman. The resolution offered by the gentleman from Illinois 
will be read after we finish this matter of the list. It will be the first order of 
business. Any other corrections to this list can be made to the Secretary. 


THE COMMITTEE ON RULES AND ORDER OF BUSINESS. 


The committee is as follows: 


Alabama.Benjamin M. Long 

Arkansas.C. N. Rix 

California.E. D. Robbins 

Colorado.James M. Henderson 

Connecticut.A. T. Roraback 

Delaware.C. H. Maull 

Florida.George S. Wells 

Georgia.Jackson McHenry 

Illinois.B. F. Marsh 

Indiana.W. H. Kniseley 

Iowa .John N. Irwin 

Kansas.James R. Hallowell 

Kentucky.W. W. Jones 

Louisiana.Napoleon Lastrapes 

Maine.Joseph H. Manley 

Maryland. Adrian Posey 

Massachusetts.C. J. Noyes 

Michigan.A. B. Watson 

Minnesota.G. B. Edgerton 

Mississippi.G. F. Bowles 

Missouri .Frederick King 

Nebraska.C. O. Bates 

Nevada. Evan Williams 


New Hampshire.Charles H. Greenleaf 


New Jersey.J. H. Gaskell 

New York.J. W. Husted 

North Carolina.C. M. Bernard 

Ohio .H. M. Carper 

Oregon. . 

Pennsylvania.Thomas M. Bayne 

Rhode Island. . .George T. Cranston 

South Carolina.T. J. Tuomey 

Tennessee.'.John E. McCauI 

Texas.J. W. Hearne 

Vermont.B. J. Derby 

Virginia.A. W. Harris 

West Virginia.A. B. White 

Wisconsin.A. J. Turner 

Arizona.L. F. Eggers 

Dakota.E. W. Foster 

District of Columbia. 

Idaho.George A. Black 

Montana.T. C. Power 

New Mexico.J. F. Chavez 

Utah.John J. Daly 

Washington .E. Whitson 

Wyoming.C. D. Clark 













































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


27 


THE VIRGINIA'’ CONTEST. 

1 lie Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention: There now remains the 
question as to what delegates from the State of Virginia shall be permitted 
to name the members of these several committees from that State. The Chair 
will say the National Committee has placed upon the roll of delegates as prima 
facie entitled to seats, the delegation-at-large headed by William Mahone. 
I here are also four district delegates from that State whose seats are uncon¬ 
tested. 1 he National Committee placed the other set of delegates-at-large 
upon the list as contestants, and they place all of the other district delegates 
upon the list, with the recommendation that neither set be allowed to vote 
until the contest is settled by the convention. Unless the convention shall 
otherwise determine, the Chair will therefore hold that for the purposes of 
participation in this temporary organization the four delegates-at-large, 
headed by William Mahone, together with the four delegates whose seats 
are uncontested, are the delegates who alone have the right to name these com¬ 
mittees and to vote. 

Mr. John S. Wise of Virginia. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Virginia, Mr. Wise. 

Mr. Wise. I am here, Mr. Chairman, claiming to be the Chairman of 
the lawful Virginia delegation. We are here permitted by this call to have 
twenty-four delegates from the State of Virginia, and of that twenty-four 
twenty are contested and four uncontested. The four uncontested delegates 
are from the First and Fourth Districts of Virginia. The contested dele¬ 
gates are the four delegates-at-large and the delegates from the Second, 
Third, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, Eighth, Ninth and Tenth Districts. By the 
decision of the National Committee, with which we make no issue, the dele- 
gates-at-large from Virginia have been held to have a prima facie title and 
placed upon the roll with the representatives from the First and Fourth 
Districts. The result is that four of the delegates on the roll have contests 
and four have not. Thus eight, but one-third of Virginia’s representation, 
now led by William Mahone, who is trifling with the rights of the Repub¬ 
licans of Virginia, is the issue here. These eight have associated themselves 
together with their comrades and placed William Mahone upon the Com¬ 
mittee on Credentials to pass upon his own case. Gentlemen, that matter 
has been going on in Virginia for some years, and the decision is always in 
favor of the plaintiff. William Mahone’s name is sent up by William Mahone 
to decide whether William Mahone is a delegate or not. And I assure you 
I know how it will be decided. I have learned in the battles of Virginia 
that a free ballot and a fair count are the dearest boon of National Repub¬ 
licanism. I have learned in the long struggles which we have waged there 
that no man ought to be permitted to be judge and suitor both. And yet 
the proposition, gravely presented to this convention by these eight men, 
four of whom are contested, and all of whom are led by him, is that in this 
contest he shall go upon this committee and have a vote upon his own rights 
and mine. Now, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Convention, I say it 
is not fair. It is not right that these eight men should go upon the Com¬ 
mittee on Credentials, upon the Committee on Rules, upon the Committee 
on Permanent Organization, and decide in behalf of Virginia what the pol¬ 
icy of this convention shall be, what the personnel of this convention shall 
be, what the rules of this convention shall be, when it may be that within 
twenty-four hours they will have their hats under their arms walking out 
of this convention as never having had a right to have a voice in its affairs. 
We sent up our rival delegation to make this issue, and on this issue we stand 
before the country. I appeal to this convention to say: Gentlemen, your 
difficulty is unfortunate. Gentlemen, we feel like you, that tears rather 


28 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


than words should express the feelings which we have about this unfortun¬ 
ate controversy; but, gentlemen, until it is settled neither of you shall be 
judge, jury, witness, and complainant, all at the same time. For my part, 
I am willing to trust to the honesty and the justice of the Republican party 
from the other forty-five States and Territories of this Union until this 
unfortunate struggle shall be decided, but I don’t want, when our case has 
been presented, to have William Mahone on the Committee on Credentials, 
to remain in when we have retired, and vote on his own case when we are 
gone, and perhaps unrepresented there; and so I appeal to the convention 
to consider this matter and appeal from the decision of the Chair which 
places Mahone on the Committee on Credentials, and rely upon the justice 
of this convention to reverse his ruling on that point. As to the other 
committees, it is a rflatter of utter indifference. 

There were calls for Mahone. 

Mr. Hoar of Massachusetts. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The convention will come to order. [To Mr. Hoar. 
Wait a moment.] The Chair desires to state that in making its decision it 
expressly reserved to this convention the right to pass upon this case for 
itself, and the Chair will entertain any motion made by any gentleman look¬ 
ing toward the solution of this question. I now recognize the gentleman 
from Massachusetts, Senator Hoar. 

Mr. Hoar. Mr. Chairman: It is evident it is the desire of this con¬ 
vention to listen to the gentleman from Virginia in a matter in which he is 
so much concerned, and I will interpose but two sentences before that desire 
can be fulfilled. They are these: First, it is absolutely necessary, in the 
nature of the case, that the National Committee should make up a roll 
prima facie —must deal with the organization of the convention. Otherwise 
we should be proceeding without chart or compass. Next, Gen. Mahone 
and his colleagues, by the universal parliamentary law, the universal law of 
all justice, cannot be permitted to vote in their' own case. This has been 
expressly held in previous National conventions. The committee on Cre¬ 
dentials will doubtless give the fullest hearing to the honorable contestant 
from Virginia who has just addressed us, and those who are with him. I 
suppose the Republicans of this country feel a peculiar honor for a man who, 
bearing the honorable name of Henry A. Wise, has brought over the author¬ 
ity of that great name to the principles of freedom and Republicanism. They 
also have a profound respect for the gallant General who first broke the 
force of the Solid South, and has given seven Republican Representatives 
to the National Congress. Between these two men who so unhappily differ, 
this convention hereafter, and the committee which is now put forth, will 
make, doubtless, an impartial and just decision. But I appeal to my hon¬ 
orable friend, Mr. Wise, not to interpose at this moment a discussion of a 
matter which cannot have the slightest practical importance, because, as I 
have said, no man in this convention, either on a committee or on the floor, 
will ever be permitted to vote in his own case. 

Mr. William Mahone of Virginia. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The Chair recognizes Gen. Mahone from Virginia. 

Mr. Mahone. Mr. Chairman and Fellow Republicans: I confess to 
you that it is with no ordinary embarrassment, with no ordinary regret, that 
the representatives of the great Republican party of this Nation should be 
troubled to consider questions of dissension with respect to the party in 
Virginia, but I want to say something to you in response to what has been 
said to prejudice, if that be possible, my attitude before this honorable con¬ 
vention, and those for whom I speak, the regular organization of the Repub- 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 


29 


lican party of Virginia—a party that has multiplied its active political force 
since I had the honor to enter it, from 80,000 to 144,000; I say that I rep¬ 
resent—and I say it in no spirit of egotism—not only the regular organiza¬ 
tion of that State, but I represent 90 per cent, and more of the Republican 
masses of that Commonwealth. We are met here by gentlemen who have 
done little to promote that development in Virginia, who have done most to 
hold back the wheels of progress, and neither content, and rarely putting 
their shoulders to the wheel, they come here with contests, and when I give 
this convention one illustration it will satisfy them, I doubt not, of the utter 
insufficiency of their pretensions which are made before this convention. I 
say, as before your Committee on Credentials, as before this convention, we 
shall be prepared to demonstrate not only that the delegates with whom I 
am associated represent the party of that State at large, but that they were 
sent here by over 600 delegates out of 700—a convention called according 
to our party law, requiring the Republican voters to assemble at their 
respective precincts on the same day and at the same hour to appoint their 
delegates to city and county conventions, and by them their delegates to 
the State convention. I say that a convention thus constituted and com¬ 
posed of nearly 700 delegates, sends you four delegates-at-large, of whom 
I have the honor to be one; and who, I ask you, I submit to this conven¬ 
tion, are the contestants against these four delegates-at-large? They come 
from a bolting convention. They come from 81 members of that State 
convention that chose to secede and form an organization of their own; 
and here you have four delegates pretending to contest the seats of the four 
delegates with whom I am associated, and who come here by the votes of 
600 of the 700 delegates that assembled in our State convention. Such are 
the people who come here to contest our right in this convention. And, 
fellow Republicans, when you go down to look at these district delegates— 
when I tell you that from the great white district of Virginia, giving you a 
Republican member of Congress by 4,000 majority—when I tell you thac all 
the delegates elected by that great district in our State—great in its resources, 
great in its Republicanism—when I tell you that three persons, just three 
persons, called a convention in that district—just three, two of them dele¬ 
gates and one an alternate, constituted the convention, Mr. Lincoln being 
called to the chair, Mr. Blackenbecker made secretary, and Mr. Pendleton 
taking the floor— 

Mr. Wise. And Mahone taking the result. 

Mr. Mahone. On motion of Mr. Blackenbecker, seconded by Mr. Lin¬ 
coln, Mr. Pendleton was unanimously elected to this convention as a dele¬ 
gate. But, gentlemen. I do not intend to detain you with these details. I 
give you that as an illustration of these contestants, and what they repre¬ 
sent. Why, you have two other delegates here from another Republican dis¬ 
trict who did net even pretend to hold a convention. They have certified, 
by some manner of means, themselves as delegates here. And this, in the 
face of a regularly constituted convention, fully attended and unanimously 
acting. Now then, as to my position in respect of this Committee on Cre¬ 
dentials. As I have been advised by a member of the National Committee 
it had agreed to place upon the rolls the two delegates from the First Dis¬ 
trict, and the two from the Fourth whose seats are not contested. Thank 
God’ we have no bolters and no kickers in those districts, no mugwumps, 
no Republicans who would prefer to see the Democrats succeed rather than 
Mahone in Virginia. Now then, here were four delegates admitted to this 
roll, and the four delegates with whom I am one associated were admitted 
to the roll, and, as I am advised, the National Committee passed a resolu¬ 
tion that these delegates should exercise the power and privilege on this floor 
of naming the committeemen upon the committees you are about to consti- 


30 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


tute. So being advised, and my people asking me to serve upon this Com¬ 
mittee on Credentials, they might have suggested that of course, even with 
such a contest as four delegates coming here from a bolting convention of 
eighty-one out of 700—that even there, and so situated, no man who knows 
me would suspect that I would vote in my own case. But I submit it does 
not render me ineligible to sit upon the cases of those district delegates. I 
am in that result not involved. 

Mr. Wise. You are in my district, for I charge you with the frauds by 
which I was cheated out of my seat. 

Mr. Mahone. Your charge is false. 

Mr. Wise. Again I charge it. 

Mr. Mahone. It is as false as you are foul. 

Mr. Wise. I will put the stamp where it belongs at the proper time. 
[Confusion.] 

Mr. Mahone. Well, gentlemen— 

Mr. George Spaulding of Michigan. Mr. Chairman: I rise— 

Mr. Wise. I hope the Chair will give me a moment to reply. I shall not 
detain you. 

Mr. Spaulding. I rise to a question of order. 

The Chairman. The gentleman will state his question of order. 

Mr. Spaulding. Mr. Chairman: I believe that the decision of the Chair 
was correct in this matter, from which there has been no appeal by a regu¬ 
larly constituted delegate. 

Mr. Wise. I beg your pardon. I— 

Mr. Spaulding. By a regularly constituted and admitted delegate to this 
convention. And I think that this is not germane to the question at all, 
and the whole matter ought to be left with the Committee on Credentials, 
as it was left and was stated succinctly by Senator Hoar of Massachusetts. 

The Chairman. The Chair will state that there is no motion before the 
house. This discussion has been permitted by general consent. 

Mr. Wise. Mr. Chairman— 

The Chairman. If any delegate makes an objection, the Chair will rule 
that this discussion is out of order. 

Mr. Butterworth of Ohio. Mr. Chairman — 

Mr. Wise. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Ohio, Mr. Butterworth. 

Mr. Wise. One moment. Will you permit— 

Mr. Butterworth. Yes, in a moment. Mr. Chairman, I understand 
that the point of controversy between the two gentlemen is as to the right of 
William Mahone to sit as judge in his own case. As that is impossible here 
there ought to be no controversy between them. Under every rule of parlia¬ 
mentary law he will be excluded from the committee while his matter is 
under consideration. That being so, I do not know what question can arise 
between the two honorable gentlemen. And beyond that this convention 
cannot investigate and reach a wise determination until they hear from the 
Committee on Credentials. This discussion is premature, and out of place. 
The action of this committee will be reviewed, not upon the statement of 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 31 

two gentlemen who do not present all the facts, but in the light of every 
fact presented by all those who have an interest in instructing this conven¬ 
tion in the matter. 

Mr. Wise. Mr. Chairman: One moment; just for a moment. 

Several Delegates. I object. 

The Chairman. There is objection. 

Mr. Butterworth. Just one single moment. If it be necessary for the 
convention to instruct the Committee on Credentials that those interested in 
the determination of any question shall be excluded from the room during 
their deliberations upon the question, I would make such a motion, but I 
hesitate to insult the intelligence of any committee of this convention. 

Mr. Wise. Mr. Chairman: One moment: I won’t detain you. 

Mr. Butterworth. Before issue is joined here, let us not try the case. 
This is a Republican convention proceeding with orderly deliberation, and 
precedents are abundant. There is no precedent for this proceeding if we 
are to reach a just conclusion. 

Mr. Wise. Mr. Chairman: 

Mr. Butterworth. I therefore suggest to my honorable friend, there 
being no motion pending, that this whole matter go where it properly belongs 
under the force of the operation of the rule, and upon the coming in of 
report we will deliberate and decide justly between the claims coming up 
from various parties from old Virginia. 

Mr. Wise. Mr. Chairman: Let me withdraw—let me say— 

The Chairman. The Chair has already decided that, objections being 
made, the discussion on the Virginia contest is out of order at the present 
time. 

Mr. H. Steenerson of Minnesota. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Minnesota. 

Mr. Steenerson. I desire to so amend the rule under which these com¬ 
mittees are appointed as to make each committee consist of one member from 
each State whose delegations are not contested. That will exclude these gen¬ 
tlemen from passing upon their own case, and it will not depend upon their 
own sense of courtesy. 

The Chairman. Does the Chair hear a second to the motion? 

Several Delegates. I second it. 

Mr. George S. Wellington of Maryland. I move to amend that motion. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Maryland. 

Mr. Wellington. I move you, sir, that all the committees appointed 
from the various States be recognized except the one from Virginia, and that 
upon the Committee on Credentials neither of the contesting delegations be 
recognized as entitled to pass upon their case. We wish to relieve Gen. 
Mahone from sitting upon his own case, even if he does not vote upon it. 

Mr. Steenerson. I think, Mr. Chairman, that my motion covers every¬ 
thing that is embraced in the amendment, and a little more. 

Mr. Wellington. It covers too much. 

Mr. Steenerson. No, it does not. 


32 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The Chairman. Does the gentleman from Minnesota accept the amend¬ 
ment offered by the gentleman from Maryland? 

Mr. Steenerson. I do not. I insist upon the original motion. 

The Chairman. It has been moved and seconded that the rules be 
amended in such a manner that no member shall be appointed upon any of 
the standing committees from a State whose delegation is contested. The 
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Wellington), moves to amend the original 
motion to the effect that from the State of Virginia there shall be permitted 
no member upon the Committee on Credentials. The Chair will first put the 
amendment. 

Mr. Roots of Arkansas. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Arkansas. 

Mr. Roots. I arise for the purpose of inquiry. I think before we vote 
upon the motion of the gentleman [Mr. Steenerson]—the original motion— 
we ought to know about how many States have contests. We might find 
ourselves reducing that committee below what we would be willing to have it. 

Mr. Hoar of Massachusetts. I desire to call the attention of this con¬ 
vention to the infinite mischief which will result now and hereafter from the 
adoption of this motion. It will enable, in any future National Convention, 
any man who chooses to get up a contest to disfranchise the entire State of 
New York or the State of Massachusetts. Mr. Chairman, we can trust the 
justice, the sense of dignity, and the sense of honor and intelligence of the 
Committee on Credentials which we have just appointed. We can trust 
beyond that the final justice of an intelligence of the convention itself. If, 
in the proceedings of that committee, there be indelicacy as my honorable 
friend from Virginia fears shall be committed, it will prejudice more than 
anything else the cause of the person who commits it. I move you. Mr. 
President, that the resolution be laid upon the table. 

Several Delegates. I second it. 

Mr. Wise. Mr. Chairman — 

Mr. Steenerson. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention: A motion to lay upon 
the table is not debatable. 

Mr. Steenerson. I desire to ask the gentleman from—[Cries of “Ques¬ 
tion.”] 

The Chairman. The Chair cannot recognize the gentleman while this 
motion is pending. It has been moved and seconded that the original motion 
and the amendment lie upon the table. 

The motion to lay upon the table was agreed to. 

The Chairman. What is the pleasure of the Convention? 

Mr. Robert E. Frazier of Michigan. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Michigan. 

Mr. Frazier. I send up the following resolution, and move its adoption. 

Mr. Davis of Illinois. I would call attention to the resolution I sent to 
the desk. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Davis] sent up a 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


resolution which the Chair agreed to recognize ,as soon as it was through 
with this committee-work. The Secretary will therefore first read it. 

Mr. G. E. Herriott of South Carolina. I desire to make a motion in 
respect to this Virginia matter, if the Chair will listen. The motion made 
has been laid upon the table. That does not make it out of order to make 
another motion in relation to the same subject. 

Mr. Wm. Warner of Missouri. Mr. Chairman: Am I recognized? 

The Chairman. Mr. Warner of Missouri. 

Mr. Warner. I wish to make a request for my own convenience and for 
the convenience of the members of the different committees, that the an¬ 
nouncement be made by the Chair as to the place and time of meeting of the 
various committees ; and then I think, Mr. Chairman, we will be in good 
condition to adjourn the Convention for to-day, go to work and prepare for 
the business for which we have come here. 

Mr. Davis of Illinois. I would ask for the regular order, and call for 
the reading of my resolution. 

CALLING FOR CREDENTIALS. 

The Chairman. Before proceeding to comply with the request of the 
gentleman from Missouri [Mr. Warner] the Chair feels constrained to have 
the resolution offered previously by the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Davis] 
read. The Chair will then proceed with the other. 

Reading Clerk Lanning read the resolution as follows: 

Resolved, That the roll of States and Territories be called for the pre¬ 
sentation of credentials and for notice of contests, and that all such papers be 
referred without statement or debate to the Committee on Credentials. 

The Chairman. Is there a second to the resolution offered by the gen¬ 
tleman from Illinois? 

Several Delegates. I second it. 

The Chairman. You have heard the resolution read. So many as favor 
its adoption will say aye; contrary, no. The motion is lost. 

A Delegate. I appeal from the decision of the Chair. 

The Chairman. The Chair will put the motion once again, and will ask 
that the Convention vote upon it. 

A Delegate. Read the resolution. 

The Chairman. The trouble is, very few gentlemen vote on either side. 
Gentlemen of the’Convention— 

Mr. Frank Hiscock of New York. I wish the resolution might be read 
again. 

The Chairman. The Clerk will read the resolution. 

Reading Clerk Lanning read it as follows: 

Resolved, That the roll of States and Territories be called for the pre¬ 
sentation of credentials and for notice of contests, and that all such papers be 
referred without statement or debate to the Committee on Credentials. 

Mr. W. J. Sewell of New Jersey. It is entirely without precedent that 
credentials should be asked for in a National Convention. Gentlemen do not 


34 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


carry their credentials around in their pockets. It is proper, though, that the 
roll of States may be called for any contests, but not for credentials. 

Mr. Hiscock of New York. Mr. Chairman: As I understand— 

Mr. Sewell. I move to amend the resolution so that it shall read “on 
contests.” 

Mr. Davis of Illinois. Mr. Chairman — 

Mr. Hiscock. As I understand it, simply the list of States is to be called. 
The names of the delegates from the respective States are not to be called or 
read. I understand that the resolution offered by the gentleman from Illi¬ 
nois [Mr. Davis] asks nothing more than what is suggested by the gentleman 
from New Jersey [Mr. Sewell]. 

Mr. Davis. I also wish to say, Mr. Chairman, that it is entirely proper. 
It was done in the convention of 1880, and there is abundant precedent for it. 

A Delegate. J hold a resolution in my hand— 

The Chairman. Gentlemen, you have heard the resolution to the effect 
that the roll of States be called for the purpose of permitting the presenta¬ 
tion of credentials and papers in contested cases. So many as favor the res¬ 
olution will say aye; contrary, no. The ayes have it. It is so ordered. The 
Secretary will call the roll. 

Reading Clerk Brinkerhoff called the roll. 

When Massachusetts was reached: 

Mr. Hoar of Massachusetts. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Massachusetts. 

Mr. Hoar. Mr. Chairman: I ask the unanimous consent of the conven¬ 
tion that in the States and districts where there is no contest the credentials 
may be given to their member of the Committee on Credentials. 

A Delegate. I second the motion. 

The Chairman. It is suggested by the gentleman from Massachusetts 
that in those States where there is no contest— 

Mr. Hoar. States and districts— 

The Chairman. States and districts—that the credentials be presented 
to the member of the Committee on Credentials from that State. 

Mr. Hiscock of New York. As I understand it, a list of delegates has 
been made by the National Committee. Why not allow them to stand as the 
personnel of this convention, and wherever there are contesting delegations, 
that these contests and the papers involved in the contests be referred to the 
Committee on Credentials. 

The Chairman. The Chair understands that the list of delegates as pre¬ 
pared by the National Committee will be taken without further warrant, except 
where some contested credentials are presented. 

Mr. Hiscock and others. That is right. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention: I am requested to 
announce that the several committees will rtieet for organization in the rooms 
provided in this building as soon as possible after the adjournment of the 
convention. 

Mr. H. M. Duffield of Michigan. Mr. Chairman: I move that when 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 


35 


this convention adjourns it adjourn until 12 o’clock to-morrow morning. 

The Chairman. Does the chair hear a second to the motion? 

Several Delegates. I second it. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen, it is moved and seconded that when this 
convention adjourns it adjourn until 12 o’clock to-morrow. 

Mr. Foraker of Ohio. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Ohio, Gov. 
Foraker. 

Mr. Foraker. I move as an amendment to the motion that has just been 
made, that we do now adjourn until 12 o’clock to-morrow. 

The Chairman. Does the Chair hear a second? 

Mr. Duffield. I accept the amendment. 

The Chairman. The amendment is accepted. It is moved that the con¬ 
vention now adjourn until 12 o’clock to-morrow. 

The motion was agreed to, and at 3:29 p. m., the convention adjourned 
until 12 o’clock June 20, 1888. 


36 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


SECOND DAY. 

Wednesday, June 20, 1888. 

The convention reassembled at noon of this day, and at 12:28 p. jvI. the 
Chairman called the delegates to order, saying: Gentlemen of the Conven¬ 
tion-: The hour having arrived to which this convention was adjourned, the 
Rev. Stephen A. Northrup from Fort Wayne, Ind., will now invoke the 
Divine blessing upon its deliberations of the day. 

PRAYER BY THE REV. MR. NORTHRUP. 

The Rev. Mr. Northrup prayed as follows: 

Let us unite in prayer. Almighty Father, Lord of hosts, before Thy gra¬ 
cious throne we would reverently bow ourselves, recognizing Thee in all of 
the solemn and eventful affairs of life. Thou hast been our help in centuries 
past. Thou art our hope for ages to come. We thank Thee for Thy loving 
kindness and Thy tender mercies. We thank Thee for all the memories that 
cluster around this sacred and impressive hour. We thank Thee that Thou 
hast inclined our hearts toward Thee, and that we realize that without Thee 
we can do nothing. We invoke the Divine blessing to rest upon this assem¬ 
bly in all of its present responsibilities, in all of its present needs and demands. 
We thank Thee for Divine and civil protection. We thank Thee for all of 
the rich blessings that come to us to-day from a glorious past. We thank 
Thee that Thou dost lead us to depend upon Thee in every deliberation, and 
especially upon those things that pertain to our National and spiritual wel¬ 
fare. Thou hast strengthened the bars of our gates: Thou hast made peace 
within our borders; Thou hast filled our land with the finest wheat; Thou 
hast not dealt so with any other nation. We thank Thee, Father, that to-day 
we may feel in our own hearts the inspiration of this hour, and we pray 
that Thy blessing may rest upon the assembled representative hosts that are 
gathered here to-day from all parts of our broad land. Help them to realize 
the grave responsibilities resting upon them in the choice of a standard- 
bearer who shall come from the people and be of the people, one who shall 
partake of the sympathies of the masses, for Thou didst say when Thou 
wast on earth, O blessed Christ, “Come unto Me all ye that labor and are 
heavy laden, and I will give you rest.” We invoke Thy special favor to rest 
upon those who are leaders of this convention, and those who are the rep¬ 
resentatives of the people in the various States. We ask Thy blessing to 
rest upon the great party that is represented here to-day. We thank Thee 
for its glorious past and success, though indeed it has come out of tribulation 
and has washed its robes in sacrificial blood of multitudes of brave soldier 
boys. We pray Thee, Father, that Thy blessing may rest upon the soldier 
of our nation who is now languishing upon a bed of sickness. May the 
comfort of the Holy Spirit be with him, and we pray Thee, if consistent 
with Thy will, that Thou wouldst restore him to his family and to this 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 37 

Nation. We ask Thee now that Thou wouldst favor this convention, repre¬ 
sented by the people and for the people, by Thy presence, and may its delib¬ 
erations be in keeping with Thy will. We ask it in the name of the Worthy 
Christ of Calvary. Amen. 

Ihe Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention: There have been for¬ 
warded to the Chair numerous petitions and communications relating to the 
formation of a platform, all of which, with the consent of the convention, 
will be referred to the Committee on Resolutions. [After a pause.] What is 
the pleasure of the convention ? 

Mr. William A. Hamill of Colorado. As there is no work to do I 
move that the convention adiourn until 6 o’clock this evening. [Cries of 
“No,” “No.”] 

Mr. John A. Roche of Illinois. I think we should have the report of 
the Committee on Permanent Organization. 

Mr. William A. Gile of Massachusetts. I second the motion of the 
gentleman to hear from the Committee on Permanent Organization. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention: Before stating the ques¬ 
tion the Chair desires to renew the request made yesterday, that gentlemen 
upon being recognized will give the name of their State, together with their 
own name, for the benefit of the secretaries and the reporters. It has been 
moved and seconded that this convention call upon the Committee of Per¬ 
manent Organization for its report. Are you ready for the question? [Cries 
of “Question,” “Question.”] 

Mr. Jas. H. Harris of North Carolina. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. Mr. Harris of North Carolina. 

Mr. Harris. I suggest to the members of the convention that the first 
thing in order before this convention is the report from the Committee on 
Credentials. There can be no report from the Committee on Permanent 
Organization until this convention has ascertained who here are properly dele¬ 
gates. It seems to me that until the Committee on Credentials have reported, 
and we have settled the matters reported by them, the Committee on Per¬ 
manent Organization will not be entitled to report. I take it it is not the 
pleasure of this convention to deprive any delegate of a seat in this conven¬ 
tion, and the number seated will be seated by the voice of this committee 
before the permanent organization of this body, and while I would not, of 
course, institute any gag-law in this convention, I would move that the motion 
made by the gentleman [Mr. Roche] that we have the report of the Com¬ 
mittee on Permanent Organization, be laid on the table. 

Mr. Roche. The motion is withdrawn. It was simply to facilitate the 
business of the convention. There is no objection to the Committee on Cre¬ 
dentials reporting first. 

The Chairman. The Chair will state that the last two Republican con¬ 
ventions saw fit to receive and act upon the report of the Committee upon 
Permanent Organization without waiting for the report from the Committee 
on Credentials. It is, therefore, within the power of the convention to take 
whatever course upon that subject it desires. The Chair will further state 


38 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


that it is informed by the Committee upon Credentials that that committee 
will be ready to make its final report at 8 o’clock this evening, and not before. 

Mr. Henderson of Iowa. It is obvious to this convention that we are 
not prepared to go to business, and that nothing will be gained by remaining 
in session, unless gentlemen are prepared to make nominating speeches. That 
is the only thing that would seem to be in order. Now I only want to act 
in concert with all of the convention in this matter, and it seems to me 
that probably the best way is for us to adjourn, to take a recess until 8 
o’clock this evening, when we will have the report of the Committee on 
Credentials, and can organize in due form and then proceed regularly to 
the business of the convention. Therefore, for the purpose of bringing this 
question before the convention, I move that we take a recess until 8 o’clock 
this evening. [Cries of “No, no.”] 

Mr. Thomas M. Bayne of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman — 

Mr. Henderson of Iowa. I will not press this, then, if the convention is 
not in sympathy with the motion. 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Iowa [Mr. Henderson] withdraws 
his motion. 

Mr. Henderson. I do not wish to press the motion if the convention is 
not in sympathy with it. 

Mr. Bayne of Pennsylvania. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentlman from Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Henderson. I will not withdraw my motion until I hear from the 
gentleman from Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Bayne. I understand the Committee on Rules is ready to report; 
that the Committee on Credentials is not ready to report, as announced by 
the Chairman of the convention. It has heretofore been the custom to make 
a permanent organization before the Committee on Credentials shall report. 
There is no reason why we shall not now proceed to effect a permanent 
organization under the practice which has obtained in previous conventions. 
If the motion to adjourn this convention should prevail it may be protracted 
a long space of time. I think it would be wise on the part of the convention 
to proceed with the business which is now ready to be proceeded with, and 
therefore, I hope my friend from Iowa [Mr. Henderson] will withdraw his 
proposition, and that we shall proceed now with the permanent organization 
of this convention. 

Mr. Henderson. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Iowa has the floor. 

Mr. Henderson. As I stated when I submitted my views to the conven¬ 
tion, or rather my motion, I had no purpose, no disposition to antagonize the 
general sentiment of the convention; and if it is their desire to go ahead 
and effect the permanent organization I am certainly in sympathy with it, 
arid I therefore withdraw the motion. 

Mr. Bayne. Make the motion. 

The Chairman. The motion to adjourn is withdrawn. 

Mr. Henderson. I now move, Mr. Chairman, and it will voice the senti- 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


39 


ment of the convention—we want to work together harmoniously—that we 
proceed to effect the permanent organization of the convention, and that we 
have the report of the committee. 

The Chairman. It is moved and seconded that we now proceed with 
the report from the Committee on Permanent Organization. Are you ready 
for the question? [Cries of “Question,” “Question.”] 

Mr. Gile of Massachusetts. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Massachusetts. 

Mr. Gile. Mr. Chairman, I understand that it is not dnly the right, but 
that it is the duty of every convention, and of every legislative body, to first 
perfect their permanent organization before they proceed to try the title of 
the members of the convention which are contested, and I therefore hope 
that this motion will prevail, and that the convention will proceed to receive 
the report of the Committee on Permanent Organization. 

The Chairman. The Chair has already held that, in accordance with the 
precedents of former National Conventions, the motion to proceed to a per¬ 
manent organization is in order. Are yon ready for the question? 

The question was put, and the motion agreed to. 

The Chairman. Will the Chairman of the Committee on Permanent 
Organization come forward with his report? 

PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 

Mr. Charles Foster of Ohio. Mr. Chairman — 

The Chairman. The gentleman from Ohio, Mr. Foster. 

Mr. Foster, Chairman of the Committee on Permanent Organization, 
read their report, which was as follows: 

Mr. President: Your Committee on Permanent Organization make the 
following unanimous report: We recommend for Permanent President the 
Hon. Morris M. Estee, of the State of California. 


VICE-PRESIDENTS. 


Alabama. 

.P. D. Barker 

Arkansas.. 

. Ferd. Havis 

California. 


Colorado. 


Connecticut.... 

.I. L. Spencer 

Delaware. 

.J. R. Whitaker 

Florida. 

.F. M. Wicker 

Georgia. 

.W. J. White 

Illinois. 

.H. S. Clark 

Indiana. 

.W. A. Cullen 

Iowa. 

.H. H. Rood 

Kansas. 

.W. A. Johnson 

Kentucky. 

.E. A. Hobson 

Louisiana. 

.H. C. Minor 

Maine. 

.R. B. Shephard 

Maryland. 

.W. B. Brooks 


New Jersey.G. A. Halsey 

New York.Jesse Johnson 

North Carolina.J. H. Harris 

Ohio.Benjamin Butterworth 

Oregon.Z. F. Moodey 

Pennsylvania .James McManes 

Rhode Island.W. R. Walker 

South Carolina.E. H. Deas 

Tennessee.W. W. Woodruff 

Texas. Webster Flanagan 

Vermont.S. D. Hobson 

Virginia . ..— 

West Virginia.R. L. Berkshire 

Wisconsin.H. O. Fairchild 

Arizona.L. H. Goodrich 

Dakota.L. B. Richardson 































40 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Massachusetts.J. H. Gould 

Michigan.G. W. Crawford 

Minnesota.M. S. Chandler 

Mississippi.J. W. Lee 

Missouri .S. K. Crawford 

Nebraska.B. S. Baker 

Nevada.W. E. Sharon 

New Hampshire.P. C. Cheney 


District of Columbia 


Idaho.George A. Black 

Montana.T. C. Power 

New Mexico.J. F. Chavez 

Utah . J. J. Daly 

Washington.Thomas H. Minor 

Wyoming.F. E. Warren 


And we give authority to such States as have not yet named a candidate 
for Vice-President, to hereafter name such officer. 


HONORARY SECRETARIES. 


For Honorary Secretary as follows: 


Alabama.Albert Boyd 

Arkansas.J. T. Penn 

California.George E. De Golia 

Colorado. Irving Howbert 

Connecticut.Henry R. Parrott 

Delaware.Charles H. Maull 

Florida.E. R. Gunby 

Georgia.J. H. Deveaux 

Illinois.B. F. Funk 

Indiana.J. V. Hadley 

Iowa.....J. P. Earley 

Kansas.W. W. Scott 

Kentucky.Charles M. Pendleton 

Louisiana.Thos. W. Wickham 

Maine.Eben D. Haley 

Maryland.L. E. P. Dennis 

Massachusetts.George S. Merrill 

Michigan.Wm. B. McCreery 

Minnesota.Joel P. Heatwole 

Mississippi.S. P. Hurst 

Missouri .L. F. Parker 

Nebraska.E. D. Einsel 

Nevada .Evan Williams 


Mr. Horr of Michigan. 

The Chairman. 

Mr. Horr. 

It should be Col. W. B. 

N. M. Richardson had been read 
delegation. 


New Hampshire... .A. T. Batchelder 

New Jersey.Henry S. White 

New York... .Robert Ray Hamilton 
North Carolina... .George M. Bulla 

Ohio.Henry C. Hedges 

Oregon.Jonathan Bourne, Jr. 

Pennsylvania.L. C. Darte 

Rhode Island. .Edward H. Rathbun 

South Carolina....P. F. Oliver 

Tennessee.George W. Hill 

Texas.E. H. Terrell 

Vermont.B. J. Derby 

Virginia. . 

West Virginia.J. J. Peterson 

Wisconsin.G. A. Knapp 

Arizona.L. F. Eggers 

District of Columbia. . 

Dakota.J. M. Bailey, Jr. 

Idaho. Willis Sweet 

Montana.T. C. Power 

New Mexico.M. S. Otero 

Utah.John J. Dalv 

Washington.O. C. White 

Wyoming.C. D. Clark 


Mr. Chairman — 

The gentleman from Michigan, Mr. Horr. 

There is a mistake in the name of Secretary from Michigan. 

McCreery, not Mr. Richardson (the name of Mr. 

by Mr. Foster), who is Secretary of our 


Mr. Foster. I don’t know how we got it. 

Mr. Horr. You got it because he is Secretary of our delegation. 

The Chairman. The correction will be made. 

Mr. Foster. [Continuing the reading] : 

There is also authority given to the States not herein reported to report 
hereafter their names for Honorable Secretary. For all remaining places 
we recommend the retention of the temporary organization, and Mr. Frank 
Willing Leach of Pennsylvania, as additional Secretary, and Mr. Charles 
Martin of Kansas, as additional Reading Clerk. 






















































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


41 


SECRETARIES. 

Charles W. Clisbee, Michigan; Michael Griffin, Wisconsin; Wm. Rule, 
Tennessee; Frank Willing Leach, Pennsylvania. 

ASSISTANT SECRETARIES. 

1 hos. J. Brogan, Tennessee; Tams Bixby, Minnesota; Henry M. Cooper, 
Arkansas; Wm. Nelson, New Jersey; A. Warfield Monroe, Maryland; J. E. 
Wiley, Texas; John L. Minor, Louisiana; and Chas. M. Shinn, West Vir¬ 
ginia. 

READING CLERK. 

Henry Ballard, Vermont; Carson Lake, New York; David Lanning, 
Ohio; James H. Stone, Michigan; Geo. M. Brinkerhoff, Illinois; Charles 
Martin, Kansas. 

All of which is respectfully submitted. 

Charles Foster, Chairman. 

John H. Williamson, Secretary. 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention: You have heard the 
report of the Committee on Permanent Organization. What is your pleasure? 

Mr. Logan McKee of Kentucky. I move that it be adopted. 

Several Delegates. I second it. 

The Chairman. Mr. McKee of Kentucky moves that the report of the 
Committee on Permanent Organization be adopted. Are you ready for the 
question? [Cries of Question.”] 

The question was put, and the motion to adopt was agreed to. 

The Chairman. The Chair will appoint Gov. Foster of Ohio, Mr. George 
B. Sloan of New York, and Mr. M. D. Foley of Nevada, as a Committee to 
escort the Permanent Chairman to the platform. 

The three gentlemen performed this duty, and when Mr. Estee reached 
the platform: 

The Chairman. Gentlemen of the Convention: In presenting to you 
your Permanent Chairman, the Chair desires to return to you its sincere 
thanks for your great assistance in aiding it to perform the difficult duties 
of the position of Temporary Chairman. I have the honor to present to 
you as your Permanent Chairman, the Hon. Morris M. Estee of California. 

ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT. 

President Estee. Gentlemen of the Convention: I thank you in the 
name of the States and Territories of the Pacific coast, as well as from 
my own heart, for the distinguished honor that you have seen fit to confer 
upon me. I appreciate to the fullest extent the grave responsibilities de¬ 
volving upon me, and, it being a Republican convention, I shall ask in all 
things its charitable judgment and its candid and earnest support. Gentle¬ 
men of the convention, following so illustrious a gentleman as your Tem¬ 
porary Chairman. I shall not attempt to detain you by any lengthened 


42 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


speech. I only want to say to you that we live so far from the center of 
the Republic, over on the Pacific shore, that I cannot even guess who your 
nominee is going to be. Of course you all know. I say further to you, 
my friends and gentlemen of the convention, that I am not able to say 
exactly what your platform will be, but the people of the country have 
echoed its sentiments, and the rattle of the skirmish-line was heard only 
two weeks ago from Oregon, and, God willing, next November you will 
hear from Cleveland’s Appomattox all over this great Republic. My friends 
and gentlemen of the convention, again thanking you for the very high 
honor you have conferred upon me, and impressing you, I hope and pray, 
with the belief that our duties are the gravest and most solemn in character, 
and trusting from the depth of my soul that every act may be done to pro¬ 
mote the best interests of our common country, and to advance the great 
Republican party, I will call for the next order of business. [Applause.] 

PRESENTATION OF GAVEL. 

Mr. Roche of Illinois. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Illinois, Mayor Roche. 

Mr. Roche. Mr. President and Delegates to the National Republican 
Convention: As emblematic of the substantial character of the Republican 
party and its identification with the interests of both capital and labor, I am 
instructed by my fellow citizens, in their name and in their behalf, to pre¬ 
sent to this convention this gavel [Applause], made not of silver alone, butv 
of gold and silver—the bi-metallic basis of our sound National currency, 
the boon given by the Republican party to the people of this country. The 
materials, dug from the bowels of the earth, the separating and refining 
processes, and the adornment with precious stones, requiring both rude and 
skilled labor [Applause], teach the great lesson which the Republican party 
has illustrated for a generation by its legislation for free homes, free schools, 
and a free ballot [Applause], that free intelligent labor is entitled to its 
just rewards, and is the foundation, not only of all wealth, but of all indi¬ 
vidual and national prosperity. [Applause.] As gold and silver regulate 
our National finances, and maintain the wheels of industrial progress in a 
normal and healthful condition, may this emblem of authority, in the hands 
of its presiding officer, keep this convention in the line of orderly proced¬ 
ure until it reaches a successful and happy issue of its labors. [Applause.] 
Mr. Charles A. Works of Illinois. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Illinois. 

Mr. Works. Mr. President: I hold in my hand also a gavel sent to 
the Illinois delegation by Mr. E. W. Montgomery of Galena, Ill. It is a 
plain tool, and is made of neither silver nor gold, but it is connected closely 
by. association with a name', the memory of which will ever be dearer in the 
hearts of the American people than either silver or gold. It is made from 
a piece of wood from the desk in a tannery in Galena [Applause], which 
desk was left by that superbly magnificent silent soldier of America, Ulysses 
S. Grant. [Applause.] On yesterday, Mr. President, the Michigan dele¬ 
gation presented to the Temporary Chairman of this convention a gavel 
with which it was proposed to pound to death the Democracy. [Applause.] 
I, on behalf of the Illinois delegation, take great pleasure in presenting to 
you, Mr. President, this gavel, with this sentiment: That, having pounded 
to death the Democratic party, we will tan its hide. [Cheers.] 

The President. Mayor Roche and Delegate Works of the Illinois Dele¬ 
gation: On behalf of the National Republican Convention, we accept in 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


43 


their name these tokens, one of pure silver, the other a memento of that 
gallant great man who will live in the hearts of the American people so 
long as history shall be read. [Applause.] We accept these tokens from 
you as emblematic of the purity of our great party, its lofty and patriotic 
purposes, and we say to you, “With these tools as our guiding stars we are 
bound to win hereafter. [Applause.] Gentlemen, we thank you. [After 
a pause.] What is the further pleasure of the convention? The report of 
the Committee on Rules, I believe, is the next in order. 

Mr. Bayne of Pennsylvania. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Bayne of Pennsylvania has the floor. 

Mr. Bayne. Mr. President: The Committee on Rules and Order of 
Business— 

The President. Will the gentleman step forward to the platform? 

Mr. B. F. Funk of Illinois. I rise to a question of privilege, and it is 

that— 

The President. The gentleman from Illinois rises to a question of 
privilege. Please state the question. 

Mr. Funk. It is that we request that these banners [those locating the 

different delegations] be lowered so that the delegates may see. We are 

blinded here by these banners so we cannot see the speakers. 

The President. The Sergeant-at-Arms will see that this matter is cor¬ 
rected. Before the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Bayne] makes his 
report, if there be no objection by the convention, the Sergeant-at-Arms 
will remove the banners and replace them hereafter with smaller ones. The 
gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Bayne] has the floor. 


REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON RULES. 

Mr. Bayne. Mr. President: The Committee on Rules and Order of 
Business has the honor to submit the following report: 

Rule i. This convention shall consist of a number of delegates from 
each State, equal to double the number of its Senators and Representatives 
in Congress, ten delegates from Dakota Territory, six from Washington 
Territory, two from each one of the remaining Territories, and two from 
the District of Columbia. 

Rule 2. The rules of the House of Representatives shall be the rules 
of the convention so far as they are applicable and not inconsistent with the 
following rules. 

Rule 3. When the previous question shall be demanded by a majority 
of the delegates from any State, and the demand seconded by two or more 
States, and the call sustained by a majority of the convention, the question 
shall then be proceeded with and disposed of according to the rules of the 
House of Representatives in similar cases. 

Rule 4 . Upon all subjects before the convention the States shall be 
called in alphabetical order, and next the Territories and the District of 
Columbia. 

Rule 5 . The report of the Committee on Credentials shall be disposed 
of before the report of the Committee on Resolutions is acted upon, and 
the report of the Committee on Resolutions shall be disposed of before 


44 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

the convention proceeds to the nomination of candidates for President and 
Vice-President. 

Rule 6. When a majority of the delegates of any two States shall demand 
that a vote be recorded the same shall be taken by States, Territories and 
the District of Columbia, the Secretary calling the roll of the States and 
Territories and the District of Columbia in the order hereinbefore stated. 

Rule 7. In making the nominations for President and Vice-President, 
in no case shall the calling of the roll be dispensed with. When it appears 
at the close of any roll call that any candidate has received a majority of 
all the votes to which the convention is entitled, the President of the con¬ 
vention shall announce the question to be: Shall the nomination of the 
candidate be made unanimous? But if no candidate shall have received 
such majority, the Chair shall direct the vote to be taken again, which shall 
be repeated until some candidate shall have received a majority of the 
votes; and when any State has announced its vote it shall so stand, unless 
in case of numerical error. 

Rule 8. In the record of the vote by States, the vote of each State, 
Territory and District of Columbia, shall be announced by the Chairman, 
and in case the vote of any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia 
shall be divided, the Chairman shall announce the number of votes cast for 
any candidate, or for or against any proposition; but if exception is taken 
by any delegate to the correctness of such an announcement by the Chair¬ 
man of his delegation, the President of the convention shall direct the roll 
of members of such delegation to be called, and the result shall be recorded 
in accordance with the votes individually given. 

Rule 9. No member shall speak more than once upon the same ques¬ 
tion, nor longer than five minutes, unless by leave of the convention, except 
in the presentation of names of candidates. 

Rule 10. A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to con¬ 
sist of one member from each State, Territory, and the District of Columbia. 
The roll shall be called, and the delegation from each State, Territory, and 
the District of Columbia shall name, through its Chairman, a person who 
shall act as a member of such committee. Such committee shall issue the 
call for the meeting of the National Convention six months, at least, before 
the time fixed for said meeting; and /each Congressional District in the 
United States shall elect its delegates to the National Convention in the 
same way as the nomination for a Member of Congress is made in said 
district; and in Territories the delegates to the convention shall be elected 
in the same way as a nomination of a delegate to Congress is made; and 
said National Committee shall prescribe the mode for selecting the delegates 
for the District of Columbia. An alternate delegate for each delegate to the 
National Convention, to act in case of the absence of the delegate, shall be 
elected in the same manner and at the same time as the delegate is elected. 
Delegates at large for each State, and their alternates, shall be elected by State 
Conventions in their respective States. 

Rule ii. The Republican National Committee is authorized and em¬ 
powered to select an Executive Committee, to consist of nine members who 
may or may not be members of the National Committee. 

Rule 12. All resolutions relating to the platform shall be referred to 
the Committee on Resolutions without debate. 

Rule 13. No persons, except members of the several delegations and 
officers of the convention, shall be admitted to that section of the hall 
apportioned to delegates. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 45 

Rule 14. The convention shall proceed in the following order of busi¬ 
ness : 

1. Report of the Committee on Credentials. 

2. Report of the Committee on Resolutions. 

3. Naming of Members of National Committee. 

4. Presentation of candidates for President. 

5. Balloting. 

6. Presentation of candidates for Vice-President. 

7. Balloting. 

All of which is respectfully submitted. 

John E. McCall, Thos. M. Bayne, 

Secretary. Chairman. 

Mr. Bayne. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Bayne. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: The rules 
reported are substantially those adopted by the last National Convention. 
The only essential changes are two. One is, instead of adopting Cushing’s 
Manual as the guide for our parliamentary proceedings, we adopt what has 
been done by previous National Conventions, the Rules of the House of 
Representatives so far as those rules are applicable. The most essential 
change in the rules suggested by your committee is this: That an Execu¬ 
tive Committee consisting of nine members may be chosen or elected by the 
National Committee to conduct the affairs of the party. There is another 
change also, not a material one, however, as to excluding from the 'section 
of the hall set apart for delegates to the convention everybody excepting 
the delegates themselves, and officers of the convention. That is the system 
of rules unanimously reported by the Committee on Rules. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: You have heard the 
report of your Committee on Rules and Order of Business. What is your 
pleasure? 

Mr. Gile of Massachusetts. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Gile of Massachusetts. 

Mr. Gile. I move that the report of the committee be accepted, and the 
rules as recommended, be adopted by this convention. 

The President. Does that motion receive a second? 

Mr. James W. Husted of New York. I second the motion. 

The President. Mr. Husted of New York, seconds the motion. It has 
been moved and seconded that the report of the Committee on Rules and 
Order of Business be adopted. 

Mr. Hoar of Massachusetts. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Massachusetts. 

Mr. Hoar. I respectfully ask to have read once more the clause in the 
rules which provides for the election of alternates. 

The President. The gentleman from Pennsylvania will read for the 
instruction of the convention that part of the report relating to alternates. 

The report had been handed in, and sent to the printer. 

The President. [After a pause.] The report has already been sent out 
to be printed, but it will be back in one moment. 


46 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Hoar. Mr. President — 

The President. The intention of the committee was, I suppose, to have 
it printed early so that it could be in use this evening. The Senator from 
Massachusetts has the floor. 

Mr. Hoar. Mr. President: If the convention will pardon me, as I heard 
the rule read it provides for the election of a single alternate for each dele¬ 
gate-at-large, and a single alternate for each district delegate. Now that will 
prove to be a great inconvenience, because very often the delegate-at-large 
and the alternate especially elected for him will both be absent, and it has been 
the universal custom where either of the four delegates-at-large is absent, to 
permit the alternates in their order, going through the list of those alternates, 
to take his place, and so, where one district delegate is absent, if his alternate 
be also absent, the second alternate chosen by the same constituency is permit¬ 
ted to act. Now, if I heard this rule rightly read, it appears to me that it 
will be convenient to so change its language as to provide that alternates may 
be elected for each delegation at large, to consist of course of the same num¬ 
ber of alternates, and alternates may be elected for each district delegation— 
to consist of course, of the same number. I will not detain the convention 
now, as the rules have gone out, by making the motion. But I respectfully 
ask unanimous consent that if it shall appear that the rules as now reported 
are liable to that objection hereafter, it may be in order to bring the matter 
to the attention of the convention in spite of the adoption of the rules at this 
time. 

The President. The Chair will state to the gentleman from Massachu¬ 
setts that the rule has been returned, and it will now be read for the informa¬ 
tion of the convention. The Secretary will read the rule. 

Secretary Clisbee read the rule as follows: 

A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of one 
member from each State, Territory, and the District of Columbia. The roll 
shall be called, and the delegation from each State, Territory, and the Dis¬ 
trict of Columbia shall name— 

Mr. Hoar. What I desire, Mr. Secretary, is the reading of the rule in 
reference to the choice of alternates. 

Mr. Bayne of Pennsylvania. That is right. It is the concluding section. 
You will find it all right. 

Secretary Clisbee, continuing the reading: 

through its Chairman a person who shall act as a member of such com¬ 
mittee. Such committee shall issue and call for the .meeting of the National 
Convention six months at least before the time fixed for said meeting; and each 
Congressional district in the United States shall elect its delegates to the 
National Convention in the same way as the nomination for a Member of 
Congress is made in said district. And in the Territories the delegates to 
the convention shall be elected in the same way as the nomination of a dele¬ 
gate to Congress is made; and said National Committee shall prescribe the 
mode for electing the delegates for the District of Columbia. An alternate 
delegate for each delegate to the National Convention, to act in case of the ab¬ 
sence of the delegate, shall be elected in the same manner, and at the same 
time, as the delegate is elected. Delegates-at-large for each State and their 
alternates shall be elected by State conventions in their respective States. 

The President. Is the convention ready for the question? 

Mr. Hoar of Massachusetts. Mr. President — 

Mr. Butterworth of Ohio. Mr. President — 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


47 


The President. The gentleman from Ohio. 

Mr. Butteryvorth. I was only going to ask if that was satisfactory. 

Mr. Hoar. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Massachusetts has the floor. 

Mr. Hoar. Mr. President: I move that all of the report of the Com¬ 
mittee on Rules and Order of Business be adopted except so much as applies 
to the election of alternates, and that that be recommitted to the committee. 

Mr. Butterworth. One moment. 

The President. Does that motion receive a second? 

Mr. Butterworth. I second the motion with this modification— 

The President. The gentleman will have to second it without any mod¬ 
ification. 

Mr. Butterworth. Then, Mr. President, I will second it and hold the 
floor to amend it. 

The President. The gentleman from Ohio has seconded the motion 
made by the gentleman from Massachusetts, Senator Hoar. Is the conven¬ 
tion ready for the question? 

Mr. Butterworth. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Ohio has the floor. 

Mr. Butterworth. I only wish to call the attention of the convention to 
the fact that the time which may be occupied in presenting the names of can¬ 
didates for nomination for President and Vice-President, has not been limited. 
While I do not want to check the flow of eloquence, I deem it quite proper 
that that should be done; it has always been done before. I therefore move 
to further amend by inserting fifteen minutes for the presentation of names, 
and ten minutes for seconding the nomination. 

The President. Does that motion to amend receive a second? 

A Delegate. I second it. 

Mr. Roots of Arkansas. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Arkansas. 

Mr. Roots. Mr. President: We desire to hear the motion as made by 
Senator Hoar announced, so that it may be heard by the convention, and the 
amendment also. 

The President. Gentlemen, the question was upon the adoption of the 
report of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business. On that motion 
Senator Hoar of Massachusetts moved that the whole of the report, except 
only that portion relating to the election of alternates, be adopted. To that 
motion an amendment was proposed by the gentleman from Ohio, Mr. But¬ 
terworth, to the effect that the time for presentation speeches be limited to fir- 
teen minutes, and seconding the presentation of candidates to ten minutes. 
Is that right? 

Mr. Butterworth. Yes, Mr. President, that is right. 

The President. The question now is upon the adoption of the amend¬ 
ment. Are you ready for the question? 

Mr. Bayne of Pennsylvania. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Pennsylvania. 


48 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Bayne. I hope my friend from Ohio will withdraw his amendment. 
I feel as if he could sympathize with me and I could sympathize with him, 
in the limitation put upon time by the rules of the House of Representatives, 
where one has got to say a great deal in a very short time. 

Mr. Butterworth. I sympathize with the audience. [Laughter.] 

Mr. Bayne. And I feel as if no constraint should be put upon any gen¬ 
tleman whose duty it is to nominate candidates for the Presidency. It is 
probable my friend from Ohio may himself exercise the pleasant duty of 
making a speech in behalf of some one of the candidates. But I think that 
if gentlemen desire to speak for a longer time than fifteen minutes they should 
be at liberty to do so, and it would be rather an unpleasant thing to restrain 
a speaker when he had spoken fifteen minutes, or sixteen or seventeen, and 
for the Chairman of this convention to rise with one of those beautiful gav¬ 
els which have been presented to him to stop the speaker, when he was 
perhaps striking his peroration and going to produce the greatest effect of 
his presentation speech. I do not think that proposition ought to be adopted, 
and I do not think anybody in this convention, saving, perhaps, my friend 
from Ohio [Mr. Butterworth], will transcend a reasonable limit in making a 
nomination. [Laughter.] Now, Mr. President— [Cries of “Time.”] I 
want to say one word— 

The President. The Chairman of the Committee on Rules and Order 
of Business [Mr. Bayne] has the floor. 

Mr. Bayne. I want to say one word with reference to the motion of the 
gentleman from Massachusetts, Senator Hoar. This was the same rule 
adopted in the last convention. The alternates are chosen in the same way 
that the delegates are chosen—precisely the same way. The alternates to 
the district delegates are voted for at the same time the delegates are voted 
for, chosen precisely the same way. The alternates in the State conven¬ 
tions are chosen in the same way as the delegates-at-large. What objection 
can there be to that? I do not understand it. 

Mr. Hoar of Massachusetts. The point is— 

The President. Does the gentleman Trom Pennsylvania give way? 
way? 

Mr. Hoar. The gentleman will yield to me, I think. 

Mr. Bayne. I do. 

Mr. Hoar. The point is that the rule provides but one alternate for one 
delegate. If that alternate is not here, the seat is vacant. Now, I want to 
have the rule provide that each of the four alternates-at-large is able to re¬ 
spond, some one of them—the proper one, in his oflder—and act for any ab¬ 
sent delegate, and so in the case of each district delegate. 

Mr. Bayne. I would just suggest that, although the language of the rule 
may be susceptible of that construction, the practice has not been that. 

Mr. Hoar. That is just it. 

Mr. Bayne. The practice has uniformly been that an alternate can vote 
in the convention, although he may not be the special alternate of the delegate 
to whom he is attached. 

Mr. Hoar. Mr. President — 

The President. Does the gentleman yield the floor to Senator Hoar? 

Mr. Bayne. I do. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


49 


Mr. Hoar. I merely wish to say that if the rest of these rules are adopted 
and this part is recommitted the Chairman of the Committee in two minutes 
can draw a phrase which will put this important question beyond a doubt. 

The President. The question is upon the amendment proposed by the 
gentleman from Ohio, Mr. Butterworth—namely: To limit the speeches to 
fifteen minutes. Are you ready for the question? [Cries of “Question.”] 

The motion to amend was not agreed to. 

The President. The question now is upon the motion made by the gentle¬ 
man from Massachusetts, Mr. Hoar. 

Mr. Charles A. Boutelle of Maine. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Maine. 

Mr. Boutelle. Before that motion is put, Mr. President, I would like to 
ascertain from the distinguished Senator from Massachusetts whether it is his 
purpose or design to obtain a rule whereby, in the absence of a delegate from 
a district any alternate from any district could vote in the place of that dele¬ 
gate. 

Mr. Hoar. No, no, not at all. 

Mr. Boutelle. Well, Mr. President, that has been the understanding of a 
great many gentlemen in my vicinity, and I desire to have this distinctly un¬ 
derstood before the vote is taken, because it seemed obvious to me that the 
adoption of that kind of a modification would be an absolute abandonment of 
the great principle of district representation for which we have fought, and 
for which we have won a victory in two of the great National Conventions of 
the Republican party. 

Mr. Hoar of Massachusetts. Mjr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Massachusetts. 

Mr. Hoar. Mr. President: I had something to do with that contest, and 
with that victory. 

Mr. Boutelle. Most honorably. 

Mr. Hoar. And I entirely sympathize with my honorable friend. What I 
want is exactly this: That when there are four delegates-at-large and four 
alternates elected by the same constituency, and one delegate-at-large is ab¬ 
sent, each of those four alternates in his order may be entitled to take the 
place of the one that is absent, and there stop. When there are two delegates 
chosen from a district and one of them is absent I want his alternate to rep¬ 
resent him, or, if he is absent, the other alternate chosen by the same con¬ 
stituency, and there stop. Now, the language of this rule, although the prac¬ 
tice has been otherwise, is expressly opposed to that proposition. 

Mr. Bayne. Will the gentleman from Massachusetts yield the floor? 

Mr. Hoar. Certainly; I yield.. 

Mr. Bayne. That is the practice now. The practice is to call the alter¬ 
nates in succession, and any alternate may represent any delegate. 

Mr. Hoar. That is true, but the rule which you reported is expressly oth¬ 
erwise, and I want two or three words put into it so that when the question 
arises it may be settled by the rule. 

Mr. Bayne. We have practiced under that same rule. 


50 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Roots of Arkansas. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Arkansas. 

Mr. Roots. I move sir, that the rule as reported be so amended that the 
convention electing alternates shall have the authority to state in what order 
they shall fulfill the position of delegates in the absence of delegates. I think 
it is the convention which elects the alternates that should express in what or¬ 
der they desire them to assume the position. 

Mr. Boutelle of Maine. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Maine. 

Mr. Boutelle. There is another little misunderstanding in regard to this 
matter, and we desire to vote intelligently. I would say that I now under¬ 
stand the motion and purpose of the distinguished gentleman from Massa¬ 
chusetts to be to adopt the entire report save this clause, and to have that 
recommitted in order that the phraseology may be carefully and deliberately 
prepared, to be subsequently submitted to the convention. 

The President. Does the gentleman make the motion to recommit? 

Mr. Filley of Missouri. I understand the gentleman [Mr. Hoar] to state 
to the convention that the only intention he has is to have the alternates 
called in order, no matter how they are elected, in the National Convention; 
that where there are four delegates and one is absent, the alternates may be 
called in order, and the principal shall not be deprived of the right to vote, 
either of the four alternates voting for the State; and it would be well, Mr. 
President, if the convention would also direct the committee, that, in the ab¬ 
sence of an alternate for a district delegate, the other one from the same dis¬ 
trict may vote. Now, that is the proposition plain and simple in the district 
also, as well as at large. 

Mr. Taft of South Carolina. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from South Carolina. 

Mr. Taft. It seems to me, Mr. President, that the trouble is upon the 
construction of the rule, and not with the rule as applied to this convention 
and the practice in previous conventions. The trouble seems to be with the 
gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Hoar] that the rule may be construed 
differently in future from what it has been construed in previous conventions. 
I therefore move as an amendment to the amendment that all relating to 
alternates be stricken from the rule as reported, and that the four alternates- 
at-large and two from each district be elected at the same time as delegates 
from the State at large, and the delegates from the Congressional districts, 
who shall be entitled to vote in the absence of delegates from the State at 
large, or from the districts, as the case may be. It seems to me that that will 
cover it. 

The President. Will the gentleman from South Carolina reduce his 
proposed amendment to writing? It is certainly too long for us to under¬ 
stand. Please send it up to the desk. 

Mr. Taft. We have an official stenographer, and he can write it. 

Mr. Jesse Johnson of New York. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Johnson of New York. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


51 


Mr. Johnson. Mr. President: I move to amend the rule before the con¬ 
vention by providing that the clause relating to alternates be referred back 
to the committee with instructions to make further report at the next meeting. 

The President. If the proposed amendment of the gentleman from South 
Carolina was seconded, that motion is out of order. 

Mr. Taft. I accept the amendment, thinking it would be better to go to 
the committee, now that we understand the wishes of the convention. 

The President. The question is to refer the report of the Committee on 
Rules and Order of Business. Are you ready for the question 

Mr. Bayne. I wish— 

The President. The gentleman from Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Johnson. Mr. President: I still have the floor. I make this mo¬ 
tion— 

The President. The gentleman from Pennsylvania is Chairman of the 
Committee, and he was recognized by the Chair. 

Mr. Johnson. I had the floor. 

The President. The Chair understood the gentleman had taken his seat. 

Mr. Johnson. I had not. 

Mr. Bayne. Mr. President: I yielded the floor to the gentleman from 
Massachusetts who proposed an amendment which makes clear this proposi¬ 
tion, and although I can only speak for myself as a member of the Committee 
on Rules I have no doubt it will prove acceptable because among the mem¬ 
bers of the committee it was understood to be exactly what he wants it to be 
now. 

Mr. Hoar of Massachusetts. Mr. President: 

The President. The gentleman from Massachusetts, Senator Hoar. 

Mr. Hoar. I have prepared a form of amendment which is satisfactory to 
the Chairman of the Committee. If it be satisfactory to the convention I will 
withdraw my motion to recommit, and move this amendment instead. Let me 
read it. The present rule as reported is: 

An alternate delegate for each delegate to the National Convention, to act 
in case of the absence of the delegate, shall be elected, etc. 

Now I propose this substitute: 

Alternate delegates for each delegation-at-large, and alternate delegates for 
each district delegation, to consist of the same number as their principals, to 
act in case of the absence of the delegates, shall be elected, etc. 

Mr. Bayne. I hope the convention will accept that. 

Mr. Hoar. I move that amendment. 

The President. The gentleman from Massachusetts, Senator Hoar, with¬ 
draws his motion to recommit and moves the adoption of the amendment he 
has read—moves the adoption of the report with the amendment. Is the con¬ 
vention ready for the question? [Cries of “Question.”] 

Mr. Warner of Alabama. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Alabama, Mr. Warner. 

Mr. Warner. We don’t hear well here, and we want to vote intelligently, 
and I simply ask for information. As I understand the amendment as read 


52 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


by Mr. Hoar it is that the alternates may vote in the order in which they are 
chosen, for their principals. Now, I want to make this suggestion to the 
Senator from Massachusetts. 

Mr. Taft. I rise to a point of order. 

The President. Does the gentleman from South Carolina rise to a point 
of order? 

Mr. Taft. Yes, sir. 

The President. State your point of order. 

Mr. Taft. My point of order is that it is impossible for us to know what 
is under debate, because this part of the convention has not been able to hear 
the amendment, and I rise for the purpose of asking that it be read again. 

The President. Will the gentleman from Massachusetts, Senator Hoar, 
please send up the amendment, and the Secretary will read it for the informa¬ 
tion of the convention. 

Mr. Warner of Alabama. I ask to make the suggestion to the Senator 
from Massachusetts that if he will accept the suggestion or amendment of 
Mr. Roots of Arkansas, it will be in the power of the convention to choose 
the alternates, and to decide how they shall act. 

Mr. Hoar. I have no objection, but let that be done afterward. Let my 
amendment be read. 

The President. The Secretary will read the proposed amendment. 

Reading Clerk Stone. The amendment is to strike out the words: 

“An alternate delegate for each delegate to the National Convention,” and 
insert in lieu thereof the following: 

Alternate delegates for each delegation at large, and alternate delegates for 
each district delegation, to consist of the same number as their principals. 

The President. You have heard read the proposed amendment. 

Mr. Haymond of California. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from California, Mr. Haymond. 

Mr. Haymond. It is too serious a matter to attempt to amend a rule of 
this importance in this body. The question hereafter will not be what Senator 
Hoar understood, or what the gentleman from Arkansas understood, but what 
construction do these words interjected into this rule bear, when read in 
connection with the whole rule adopted. Now, I move to recommit that rule 
to the Chairman of the Committee on Rules, with instructions to incorporate 
in proper language the idea of the gentleman from Massachusetts. 

The President. The Chair will make a statement. 

Mr. Johnson of New York. Mr. President — 

The President. In one moment. The Chair will state that the motion of 
the gentleman from California is out of order. The rule cannot be referred 
to the Chairman of the Committee. It will have to go to the committee if it 
is referred at all. 

Mr. Johnson. I will make a motion that the rule as to alternates be re¬ 
ferred back to the committee, and I make the motion, sir, for this reason— 

The President. Does that motion receive a second? 

Mr. Louis R. Walters of Pennsylvania. I second it. 


53 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1883 . 

The President. The question is upon re-referring the report of the Com¬ 
mittee on Rules and Order of Business to that committee. Are you ready for 
the question? [Cries of “Question.”] 

Mr. Johnson. I make the motion for this reason. Interpreting rules that 
we have not read, revising rules that we only hear imperfectly, construing 
words of that kind, for its future effect, I believe, will not be well, or accu¬ 
rately, or expeditiously performed by a convention of 800 members. I believe 
it is committee work, and those that are interested in that can appear before 
the committee and relieve this convention from the mere business of constru¬ 
ing words that have been read from the desk, and only imperfectly heard. 

The President. The Chair did not understand the gentleman from New 
York. Did the gentleman from New York move to refer back to the com¬ 
mittee only that part of the report relating to the election of alternates? 

Mr. Johnson. That was all, sir. That was the motion. 

1 he President. Rule 10 is the only part of the report that is to be re¬ 
ferred, if the convention so desire, to the committee. 

Mr. Bayne. Now Mr. President—[Cries of “Question.”] 

The President. The gentleman from Pennsylvania, the Chairman of the 
Committee. 

Mr. Bayne. Gentlemen: I ask you to hear me for a moment now. This 
is much ado and much talk about nothing. This rule was in force in 1880 as 
it is written now. There is a construction put upon the rule by the President 
of the convention meaning exactly what the gentleman from Massachusetts 
wants. It never was questioned before that that is the meaning of the rule, 
but we are willing to accept his amendment now. We cannot get the Com¬ 
mittee on Rules together so easily as some people imagine; that is a hard 
thing to do. Taking it with the amendment of the gentleman from Massa¬ 
chusetts, or taking it without the amendment, the rule means the same thing. 
That is all there is to it—all there is to this fuss and feathers. I personally 
have no objection to accepting the amendments of the gentleman from Massa¬ 
chusetts, and my friend on the right from California, and my friend on the 
left from New York. 

Mr. Johnson. I withdraw the motion to refer. 

Mr. Husted of New York. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from New York, Mr. Husted, has the 
floor. 

Mr. Husted. Mr. President: The Chairman of the Committee has taken 
my words out of my mouth. I had intended to say precisely what Col. Bayne 
has already said : The Committee on Rules met and considered this specific 
rule and by a unanimous vote adopted it. They knew, for many of us had 
been members of conventions before—we all knew precisely what the decision 
of previous National Conventions had been in regard to this very matter. All 
the amendments that have been offered, and all the propositions that have 
been submitted come right back to our report. I trust all amendments will 
be voted down and the proposition to recommit be defeated. [Cries of 
“Question.”] 


54 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The President. Gentlemen: The question is upon the adoption of the 
proposed amendment offered by the gentleman from Massachusetts, Mr. Hoar. 
Are you ready for the question? [Cries of “Question.”] All those in favor 
of the motion will say “Aye.” 

Mr. Boutelle of Maine. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Maine. 

Mr. Boutelle. I rise to a question of order. 

The President. The gentleman from Maine will state his question of 
order. 

Mr. Boutelle. Mr. President: I desire to inquire whether it is not in 
order at this stage to move as a substitute for the pending amendment the 
original motion of the Senator from Massachusetts that all of these rules— 

The President. It is not in order. The Chair will state to the gentle¬ 
man from Maine that the motion is not in order during the division of the 
question. 

Mr. Boutelle. I understand, if the President will indulge me—[Cries of 
“Question.”] I understand— 

The President. O, we are trying to get it right. Let us have a little 
liberty about it. 

Mr. Boutelle. I desire to arrive at a conclusion I think in harmony with 
the views of the convention. This is a very important matter, gentlemen. 
It is one that should be debated for hours, and it is just as well to do it right 
as to do it wrong. The only question among this body of delegates here to¬ 
day is as to the method by which we can arrive at what we all desire to ac¬ 
complish. There is a misunderstanding as to the effect of the language of 
this amendment. The amendment has been hastily drawn on one piece of 
paper, to be tacked on to another piece of paper, and certain words on the 
other paper eliminated, and then put together, and no man knows exactly 
what the grammatical or political effect will be when it is reported back to 
us; and I submit, it is a great deal more desirable that we should adopt this 
entire report with the exception of that portion which we want to alter, and 
recommit that to the committee to be carefully put into such language as will 
reflect the views of this convention. And, Mr. President, as a question of 
order has arisen here, I ask of this convention unanimous consent to put the 
motion in that form. [Cries of “No,” “No.”] 

The President. What is it? 

Mr. Boutelle. That the whole of these rules concerning which there is 
no dispute be adopted; all but Rule io, and that that shall be recommitted to 
the committee with instructions to report back a rule in harmony with the 
views of the convention. [Cries of “No,” “No,” “No.”] 

The President. It does not receive the unanimous consent of the con¬ 
vention, and therefore that motion is not in order. The question is, gentlemen 
of the convention— 

Mr. Sewell of New Jersey. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Sewell of New Jersey. 

Mr. Sewell. I move as a substitute for all these motions the adoptiorwof 
the original report of the committee. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


55 


A Score of Delegates. I second it. 

1 he President. 1 he question, the Chair will state to the convention, is 
upon the adoption of the proposed amendment offered by the gentleman from 
Massachusetts, Senator Hoar. Are you ready, gentlemen, for that question? 
[Cries of “Question.”] 

The amendment of Mr. Hoar was not agreed to. 

The President. The question is upon the adoption of the report. 

Mi. Sewell. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Sewell. 

Mr. Sewell. I now move you, Mr. President, the adoption of the original 
report. 

The President. The Chair will state that that is the question before the 
convention. Those in favor of the adoption of the original report as made by 
your Committee on Rules and Order of Business, will say aye. Those op¬ 
posed, no. The ayes have it, and it is so ordered. 

The President. The next business in order is the report of the Committee 
on Credentials. Is the committee ready to report? 

Mr. Warner of Alabama. I rise to a question of privilege. 

The President. The gentleman rises to a question of privilege. The 
gentleman from Alabama has the floor. 

Mr. Warner. On this side of the house we cannot hear anything that is 
said on the other side. There are gentlemen over there for whom we have 
the highest respect, and we want to hear what they say. Now my suggestion 
is this: That it will help us a good deal if every man addressing the Chair 
and the convention will get on top of his chair so we can hear and see him. 

The President. The convention has heard the suggestion of the gentle¬ 
man from Alabama. What is the further pleasure of the convention? 

A Delegate. I move we adjourn. 

Mr. Horr of Michigan. I move you, sir, that we now take a recess until 
8 o’clock this evening. 

A Delegate. I second the motion. 

The President. It has been moved and seconded that the convention now 
take a recess until 8 o’clock this evening. Before that motion is put the Sec¬ 
retary will read the address on some letters and telegrams that he has in 
his hands, that the delegates may receive them. 

THE VETERANS AGAIN. 

Mr. Husted of New York. Mr. President: I desire to make a privileged 
motion. 

The President. There is a motion to adjourn before the house. [Cries of 
“Question.”] 

Mr. Husted. I ask that that may be deferred, or would ask the gentle¬ 
man to withdraw it. 

The President. If there is no objection the motion to adjourn will be 
withdrawn for the purpose of allowing the gentleman from New York to 
make a privileged motion. 


56 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


There was no objection. 

The President. The gentleman from New York, Mr. Husted, has the 
floor. 

Mr. Husted. Yesterday a resolution was presented, which was referred 
to the National Committee, having reference to the distribution of 200 tickets 
to the soldiers of the war. I understand, and am officially informed by the 
member of the National Committee from New York State, that the sub-com¬ 
mittee of the National Committee have decided that they hav.e no authority 
to issue such tickets unless they are instructed to do so by the convention, 
and I move you sir, now, that the convention authorize and direct the sub¬ 
committee to distribute the 200 tickets to the veterans in accordance witl| the 
resolution now under consideration. 

A Score of Delegates. I second it. 

The President. It has been moved and seconded that the sub-committee 
authorized by the resolution passed yesterday to receive and distribute 200 
tickets to veterans of the war be instructed to issue those tickets in accord¬ 
ance with the provisions of the resolution. Are you ready for the question? 
[Cries of “Question.”] 

Mr. Horr of Michigan. There will be difficulty unless it is understood 
there are now no seats. 

The President. It is not in order. Does the committee wish to be heard 
upon it? 

Mr. Horr. I want the motion passed, but I want it understood that the 
committee have no power to issue tickets fixing seats, because there are no 
seats. I desire that the tickets should be issued admitting them into this hall, 
and then that the people see they are taken care of. 

The President. Debate is out of order. The question is upon the adop¬ 
tion of the motion made by the gentleman from New York [Mr. Husted]. 

The motion was agreed to. 

The President. Now, the question is— 

Mr. Wm. M. Stewart of Nevada. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Nevada, Senator Stewart. 

Mr. Stewart. I move that we take a recess until 10 o’clock to-morrow 
morning. I think we will get along faster by doing that, as the committees 
will then have finished their work. 

Many of the delegates arose, and there was confusion in consequence. 

The President. The delegates will be seated. 

Mr. Horr. My motion is now renewed. 

The President. The delegates will be seated. The convention is not yet 
adjourned. Now, the Chair is prepared to hear a motion for adjournment. 

Mr. Horr. My motion was withdrawn for the purpose of permitting that. 
It is to take a recess until 8 o’clock. I now renew it. 

Several Delegates. I second it. 

The President. It has been moved and seconded that we now take a re¬ 
cess until 8 o’clock this evening. Are you ready for the question? [Cries of 
“Question.”] 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 


57 


The motion was agreed to, and at 2:09 p. m., the convention took a recess 
until 8 o’clock this evening. 


EVENING SESSION. 

The convention met pursuant to adjournment, and at 8:22 p. m. 

The President said: The convention will come to order. Gentlemen, 
be seated. 

Secretary Clisbee. I have received the following telegram, and deem it 
my duty to lay it before the convention. 

A Delegate from Kansas. Mr. President: We can’t hear anything. The 
gentlemen before us are in the way. 

The President. Will the gentlemen standing in the aisle be seated? 

Secretary Clisbee read the following telegram: 

San Francisco, Cal., June 20, 1888. 

To the Secretary of the National Republican Convention Assembled in Chi¬ 
cago : 

The Republican State Central Committee of California sends greeting to 
the National Republican Convention, and returns its grateful thanks for the 
honor bestowed upon the Pacific Coast by the selection of a California dele¬ 
gate in the person of the Hon. M. M. Estee as President of the convention. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: The Chair desires to 
make an announcement. You have adopted rules for your government. One 
of these rules limits the time of speaking to five minutes. The Chair will be 
compelled hereafter, except on occasions of presenting candidates for Presi¬ 
dent and Vice-President, to enforce the rules. 

A Delegate. Correct. 

The President. The Chair takes the liberty to call the convention’s atten¬ 
tion to the fact that hereafter this convention will be called to order on time. 

Several Delegates. Good, good. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: The regular order of 
business is the report of the Committee on Credentials. Is the Chairman of 
that Committee present? 

There was no response. 

Mr. Wellington of Maryland. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Maryland. 

' SYMPATHY FOR GERMANY. 

Mr. Wellington. I desire, Mr. President, to offer a resolution, and wi” 
send it to the desk to be read, asking permission to move its adoption after it 
has been read. 

The President. If there is no objection the gentleman from Maryland 
will have leave to offer the resolution. [There was no objection.] There be¬ 
ing none, the Secretary will read the resolution for information. 

Reading Clerk Brinkerhoff read the resolution as follows: 



58 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Resolved, By the Republican party of the United States of America, as¬ 
sembled in National Convention, that we tender to the German Nation our 
sympathy in this hour of their great bereavement and deep sorrow caused 
by the death of their ruler, the Emperor, King Frederick of Germany. 

Mr. Wellington. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Maryland. 

Mr. Wellington. In moving the adoption of this resolution I do not in¬ 
tend to make an address to this convention, because I know that they are not 
in the spirit to listen to one, more especially by myself; but I wish to say 
one word, and it is this: The German Nation is a great Nation. In the 
time when Rome stretched forth its arm in conquest and all the world seemed 
to bow to its yoke the Germans in the forests of Allemania vanquished the 
legions of Valens and annihilated them. Since then they have advanced to 
the very topmost round upon the ladder of civilization, wealth and culture, 
and in the late war, when America stood in need of friends, when England 
wais furnishing pirate vessels to our enemies, the German Nation stood the 
steadfast, true and staunch friend of the United States, and has furnished 
by emigration and by descent to this country hundreds of thousands of its 
best citizens. Therefore I deem it but proper that this great Republican Con¬ 
vention, when twice within the present year the fatal shaft of the silent angel 
has struck down a German Emperor, should announce in convention its sym¬ 
pathy wdth that great Nation. I have done. [Applause.] 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: The question is upon the 
adoption of the resolution. 

Mr. James H. Harris of North Carolina. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from North Carolina. 

Mr. Harris. I would ask the gentleman from Maryland to accept this 
resolution as a substitute for his, it having been agreed upon by the Com¬ 
mittee on Resolutions to be introduced here to-morrow, not as a part of the 
platform but as an expression from that committee, and I think my friend 
from Maryland will have no hesitation in accepting it and adopting it as his 
proposition. 

Mr. Wellington. Let it be read. 

The President. The gentleman will please send up the resolution that it 
may be read for information. 

Reading Clerk Brinkerhoff read as follows: 

We tender to the German people— [Cries of “Louder.’’] 

The President. The audience will not interrupt the proceedings of the 
convention by calling “Louder,” or any other word. 

Reading Clerk Brinkerhoff, resuming: 

We tender to the German people our heartfelt sympathy in the double loss 
they have recently sustained in the decease of the great man under whose 
reign Germany has become a united Nation and that other great man, his 
liberal-minded peace-loving and noble son. 

The President. Does the gentleman^from Maryland accept the resolu¬ 
tion ? 


59 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 

Mr. Wellington. I accept it. 

1 he President. Gentlemen of the Convention.' Those in favor of the 
adoption of the resolution just read, will rise to their feet. 

All the delegates arose. 

The President. It is unanimously carried. 

RESOLUTIONS OF REGRET. 

Mr. David D. Dixon of Maryland. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Maryland. 

Mr. Dixon. I ask the unanimous consent of the convention to have 
adopted here a resolution which I will send to the Clerk’s desk to be read. 

The President. The gentleman from Maryland asks unanimous consent 
to submit for the consideration of the convention a resolution which will be 
read for information. Is there any objection? [None was heard.] There 
being none, the Secretary will read. 

Reading Clerk Brinkerhoff read as follows: 

Whereas, It has pleased an All-wise Providence since the last National 
Republican Convention to remove from the scenes of earth four of America’s 
most distinguished sons, whose names have been associated with her history 
during more than a quarter of a century, and whose distinguished military 
services, talents, private virtues and purity of character have shed glory upon 
her name; and 

Whereas, It is becoming and proper that this Nation, whilst humbly bow¬ 
ing to the dispensations of infinite wisdom, should in such cases testify its 
sense of worth and exalted character of the illustrious dead by tributes of 
respect to their memories, and cherishing the recollections of their virtues; 
therefore be it 

Resolved, By the National Republican Convention in meeting assembled, 
that it deplores the loss of Gens. U. S. Grant. John A. Logan and Chester A. 
Arthur, who so often led our armies to victory, and of the Hon. Roscoe Conk- 
ling, the peerless statesman and citizen of New York, as a calamity both to 
the cause of Republican principles and the interest of the Nation. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: You have heard the res¬ 
olution read. What is your pleasure ? Those in favor of the adoption of the 
resolution will rise to their feet. 

All the delegates arose. 

The President. The resolution has been adopted unanimously. [After a 
pause.] The next order of business, gentlemen of the convention, is the re¬ 
port of the Committee on Credentials. Is the Chairman of that Committee 
present? 

Mr. Henderson of Iowa. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Iowa. 

Mr. Henderson. I see that he is not present with his delegation, and I 
think is not yet in the convention. 

The President. What is the pleasure of the convention? 

A Delegate. Music by the band. 

The Secretary announced a number of letters and telegrams for delegates 
and others. 


60 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The President. Has the Chairman of the Committee on Credentials ar¬ 
rived? [After a pause, there being no response.] What is the pleasure of 
the convention? Shall the convention pass to the next order of business? 

Several Delegates. Yes. 

The President. If there is no objection the Chair will call upon the 
Committee on Resolutions. Is that committee ready to report? 

Mr. J. H. Harris of North Carolina. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Harris of South Carolina. 

Mr. Harris. No, of North Carolina. 

The President. Well, it is one of them, any way. [Laughter.] 

Mr. Harris. The Committee on Resolutions are not ready to report, and 
will not be ready until to-morrow’s session. 

Mr. Hallowell of Kansas. I move that we now adjourn until 12 o’clock 
to-morrow. [Cries of “No, no.”] 

The President. It has been moved that this convention adjourn until 12 
o’clock to-morrow. 

Mr. R. F. Campbell of Texas. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Texas. 

Mr. Campbell. As a member of the committee, having just come from 
there, I think they will be here in thirty minutes to report the credentials. 

The President. The question is upon adjourning. Those in favor of ad¬ 
journing— 

Mr. Hallowell. I withdraw my motion to adjourn. 

There were calls for Mr. Bradley, Col. Grant and Mr. Ingersoll. 

Mr. President. Gentlemen of the Convention: What is the wish of the 
convention ? 

Mr. Samuel A. Risley of Missouri. I move that Mr. Bradley of Ken¬ 
tucky address the convention. 

Several Delegates. I second it. 

Mr. Bayne of Pennsylvania. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Bayne, the gentleman from Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Bayne. Inasmuch as the Committee on Credentials, and the Com¬ 
mittee on Resolutions are not ready to report, I move that we proceed with 
the next order of business and call the roll of States for reporting the mem¬ 
bers of the National Committee so far as they have been chosen. [Cries of 
“No.”] 

The President. The convention will have an. opportunity to vote upon it. 
Those in favor of passing the order of business and calling the roll of States 
for the purpose of selecting members of the National Committee, will say aye. 
Those opposed, no. The Noes have it. 

ADDRESS BY WILLIAM 0 . BRADLEY. 

The calls for Mr. Bradley were renewed, and he came to the platform. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: The Chair has the pleas¬ 
ure of presenting to the convention the Hon. Wm. O. Bradley of Kentucky. 

Mr. Bradley. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I thank 


61 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 

you sincerely for the great honor that you have done me in asking me to ad¬ 
dress you, and I shall not abuse your patience by detaining you any length of 
time. You are here defiantly to accept the challenge from St. Louis. You are 
not here to make any cowardly sacrifice of your principles, but you are here, 
as the Republican party has always been, for the purpose of accepting every 
responsibility and of proving yourselves equal to every emergency in your 
country’s history. Upon the action of this convention depends to some ex¬ 
tent whether or not all that has been won in council halls and on the red 
fields of glory shall be lost, and the Democratic party win by the ballot that which 
they failed to win, thank God, by the sword. You are here to-day to say that 
you remember the faithful vigils of the Union soldiers, their wounds, their 
charges, and their countless graves, and that their memory is dear to you; 
and that so long as there is a dollar in the Nation’s Treasury no Union sol¬ 
dier shall live in a pauper house in America. We are not here to lift the veil 
that obscures the sorrows and conceals the woes of our common country. 
We would have forgiveness for all, but while we are ready to forgive we de¬ 
sire to teach the rising generation that it was the damnable heresies of the 
Democratic party which led to all this great desolation in our country. The 
memory of those men whose graves extend from Appomattox to the sea shall 
be held up as a priceless heritage by coming generations. And in this mag¬ 
nificent presence here to-night, in this wonderful city of splendid lake and 
sky, with their patriot presence bending above us, I do declare that the cause 
for which they fought was just and noble, and that this Nation can never 
be secure until that truth is written in letters of living light on the heart of 
every man in this broad Republic of ours. You are here to-day to give re¬ 
newed emphasis to that great and grand proposition which lies at the foot of 
all our organism, that truth which was carved by the sword of an uncon¬ 
querable soldiery and written by the pen of an illustrious statesmanship—that 
this is a Nation, grand and powerful, and not the subject of the petty States 
it has produced with its own bounty. Another fact, and with us in the South 
it is a potent one. You are here I trust, for the purpose of saying that this 
Attila-like curse of ignorance shall be swept from America. You are here for 
the purpose of saying to every poor, toiling father and mother that this Re¬ 
public through the Republican party will give to their children the advant¬ 
ages of an education, and enable them, when their fathers and mothers are 
bended low with age, to crown their withered temples with a wreath of flow¬ 
ers culled from the fields of learning and the towering heights of fame. You 
are here for the purpose of rebuking that fraud and murder, and cowardice 
in the South which tramples upon the voters of the cotton States. We can 
never say that America is free until every man, whether he inhabit a palace 
or a hovel, whether he be white or black, shall have the free and untrammeled 
right of suffrage. The cotton States of the South look to the Republican 
party, and to that alone for aid. We can look nowhere else, and we trust 
that the nominee of this convention—we not only trust it but we know it, and 
it matters not who he is—the Republican party is greater than any man that 
belongs to it—will lead us to victory, and we expect the shackles to be 
stricken from the arms of the people in the South, the shackles of political 
slavery, which are almost as severe as those of African slavery itself. Now 
I will detain you but a moment longer. We want to put this Democratic 
party out of power. It is a fraud and a sham, it is a delusion and a snare. 
It never performed a single promise that it made, and the only history it has 
is obstinate resistance to the grand measures accomplished by the Republi¬ 
cans. They told us that they would give us an economical government, but 
they have increased expenses. They told us that they would relieve the 
Treasury of its surplus, but the surplus has increased. The Democratic 
party had not the statesmen to originate a system to collect revenue, nor has 
it now the statesmen to originate one to curtail it. They profess civil ser- 


62 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


vice reform, and yet the battle-scarred veterans of this Republic, standing 
with uplifted hands, bearing upon their bosoms the scars of an armed rebel¬ 
lion, appeal to them in vain, while to-day the soldiers of the Confederate army 
represent the people of this Nation throughout the civilized world. Now, 
then, what are we going to do? We are here for victory, and victory is in 
the air. The clans are gathering from mountain and from hillside. They are 
already going down to the plain, and it is for you to select the grand leader to 
place at their head, who shall sweep us on to victory. It matters not whether 
it be the Plumed Knight from Maine or one of these other distinguished gen¬ 
tlemen. The Republican party will win this fight. Democracy is now em¬ 
barked on its perilous voyage. The old rotten craft is top-heavy with State 
sovereignty and Grover Cleveland. Its planks of civil service reform and 
tariff are as rotten as the old ship itself. It has no pilot that has the ability 
to carry it over the waters. We hear the roar of the cataract now, and in 
November it shall take its final plunge over the Niagara of public opinion, 
and go into the vortex below forever. Hailing from that State which holds 
within her bosom the ashes of Henry Clay, and pointing with pride to the 
exalted station of her noblest, her martyred son, Abraham Lincoln, it gives 
me pleasure to say to you that she has not forgotten their teachings. Ken¬ 
tucky is now reaching across the beautiful river, and in November, amidst 
the plaudits of victory, she shall clasp hands with Indiana, Ohio and Illinois. 
Thanking you for your attention, and not desiring to abuse your patience, 
I will add nothing to what I have already said. [Applause.] 

There were calls for “McKinley,” “Ingersoll,” “Foraker” and others. 

The President. Will the audience keep quiet so that we can do some busi¬ 
ness now? After awhile your favorite may be privileged to speak to you. Is 
the Chairman of the Committee on Credentials prepared to report? 

Mr. Henderson of Iowa. I presume I should say for the information of 
the convention that a message has just reached us from Col. Hepburn, who is 
the Chairman of the Committee, that they will be ready to report in about 
twenty minutes. 

Mr. Hallowell of Kansas. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Kansas. 

ADDRESS OF JOSEPH B. FORAKER. 

Mr. Hallowell. I move that Gov. Foraker of Ohio be requested to ad¬ 
dress the convention. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: It has been moved that 
Gov. Foraker of Ohio be invited to address the convention. 

The motion was agreed to. 

The President. The ayes have it, and the distinguished gentleman will 
please step forward to the platform. 

Mr. Foraker did so. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: Gov. Foraker needs no 
introduction. 

Mr. Foraker. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I could 
not be insensible to the compliment you have paid me if I would, and I would 
not be if I could. Hence it is that I sincerely thank you and assure you of my 
appreciation of the honor which you have shown me. At the same time I trust 
you will believe me when I say I would greatly have preferred if you had not 
seen fit to confer it upon me. I know not what I can say to you at this stage 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


68 


of our proceedings that will be either of interest or profit, unless it would be 
to take up and make further answer to the question put by the distinguished 
gentleman from Kentucky just before he took his seat, and that was as to what 
we are here for. We have come to formulate an expression of Republican 
principle, and to nominate the next President of the United States. That is 
what we are here for. The first of these duties is not difficult to perform. There 
is not a member of this convention who could not easily frame an accept¬ 
able platform. There is not an intelligent schoolboy in all the land who does 
not already know what our declarations will be. Every Democrat, as well as 
every Republican, knows what the attitude of the Republican party is with 
respect to all the questions that concern the American people to-day. It ever 
was so, and so it ever will be, for the simple reason that Republicanism is sin¬ 
cerity, and sincerity never equivocates. We believe, as Mr. Bradley has per¬ 
tinently said, in a free ballot and a fair count. And we shall not hesitate to 
say so with all the emphasis that we can thunder into the declaration. We be¬ 
lieve in a protective tariff for the sake of protection. No objection to it be¬ 
cause revenue may be incidental. And we shall not hesitate to say so as to that 
either. We believe, too, as our eloquent Kentucky friend said, that the present 
Democratic Administration is but a sham and a false pretense—the result of 
fraud, and that already it has outlived its usefulness and hence we want a 
change, and we are determined to have one. We believe that the free trade 
message and tendencies of Grover Cleveland are fraught with harm to the 
highest and best interests of our country, and we shall protest against them 
accordingly. We believe in taking care of America, of American homes, 
American markets, American wages, American laborers, American interests 
of every description, from the fisheries on the Eastern coast to the Chinese 
question on the West. And we are going to say so as to all these matters in 
our platform. And when we get done with that platform we are going to do 
something else. We are going to nominate our candidate. I do not know, any 
more than the other distinguished gentleman [Mr. Bradley] did, just who he 
will be. But I can tell you some of his qualities. In the first place he will be 
a gentleman. [Great applause.] That is saying a great deal, isn’t it? I speak 
in the light of experience of course. [A voice, “He won’t go fishing on Dec¬ 
oration Day.”] He will be a man too, of good moral character, and he will 
have some social standing in the community where he lives. And, as some 
gentleman has indicated, he will be a loyal son of the Republic. I thought a 
few minutes ago, when this convention was applauding the son of our great 
heroic leader [Gen. Grant] in the War of the Rebellion, how badly I should 
feel if I belonged to a party to whom he would not be welcome as we saw him 
welcomed here. Yes, the man we nominate will be a man who will cherish 
the patriotic recollections of the past. The names of Grant and Sherman, and 
Sheridan will be dear names to him. I might go on and indicate to you many 
other qualities he will possess. I might point out to you the character of the 
man he would be in other respects, touching him as an individual, touching 
him as to his record and all those matters, but let me simply say, and with that 
quit the platform, that he will not only be a man who will cherish patriotic 
recollections, but he will have a record as a Republican that will be without 
spot or blemish. He will be a man who will take our standard in his hand and 
carry it to victory in the name of Republicanism without explanation or apol¬ 
ogy to anybody, and when he has once been elected it will be his first and high¬ 
est business to give us a Republican administration. He will not do it by any 
false pretenses, though. He will not do it by any kind of indirection, but he " 
will go straight at the mark. He will do it in the name of Republicanism, and 
because he will have the good sense to know, and the courage to proclaim and 
act upon it, that he serves his country best who best serves the Republican 
party. That is the kind of a man I came here to try to nominate. And if we 
get that kind of a man nominated we can catch up that glorious refrain that 


64 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


comes to us from Oregon and go with it, sweeping the whole country to a 
magnificent triumph that will knock Grover Cleveland and the old bandana 
into “innocuous desuetude.” [Great applause.] 

Mr. G. M. Bulla of North Carolina. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from North Carolina. 

Mr. Bulla. I move you, sir, that the convention be now addressed by the 
Hon. Robert G. Ingersoll of the District of Columbia. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: It has been moved that 
the Hon. Robert G. Ingersoll be invited to address the Convention. The 
Chair would state to the gentleman from North Carolina that the Chairman 
of the Committee on Credentials is now present, and we will proceed with the 
order of business. [After a pause.] We will proceed with the regular busi¬ 
ness until it is otherwise ordered. 

Secretary Clisbee. The Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions de¬ 
sires the members of the Committee on Resolutions to meet at the Union 
League club-house immediately after the adjournment of the convention to¬ 
night. 


report of the committee on credentials. 

Mr. W. P. Hepburn of Iowa, Chairman of the Committee on Credentials. 
Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Iowa, Mr. Hepburn, Chairman of the 
Committee on Credentials. 

Mr. Hepburn. The Committee— 

Mr. Warner of Alabama. I ask that the Chairman of the Committee on 
Credentials take the platform so that we can hear. 

The President. The gentleman is on the platform. [He was on the raised 
platform in front of the delegates.] 

Mr. Warner. Let him take a higher one. 

The President. I don’t know where he will get unless he gets on top of 
this desk. [The President’s desk.] 

Mr. Hepburn. Mr. President: The Committee on Credentials has as¬ 
sumed that the roll of membership as printed by the National Committee is 
correct, except in cases of contests. The committee has examined nineteen 
cases of contests, and has instructed me to report as follows: 

In the case of the contest from the Third Congressional District of Georgia, 
the committee recommends that the following named persons be recognized 
as delegates: D. A. Dudley and N. J. Taylor; in the Tenth District of Georgia, 
R. R. Wright, Jesse Wimberley, P. H. Craig and O. T. Gondon be each admit¬ 
ted to a seat, with the power to cast one-half of one vote. 

From the Fifth District of Louisiana, David Young and Geo. Gell. 

From the Third District of South Carolina, John R. Tolbert and F. L. 
Hicks, delegates, and L. C. Haler and Henry Kennedy, alternates. 

From the Seventh District of Tennessee, A. M. Hughes, Jr., delegate. 

From the Third District of Maryland, William F. Airey, William W. John¬ 
son, delegates; Charles F. Riehl, Isidore D. Oliver, alternates. 

From the First District of Massachusetts, Frank S. Stevens, Jonathan 
Bourne, delegates; Samuel Fessenden, John H. Abbott, alternates. 

From the District of Columbia, Andrew Gleason, Perry H. Carson, dele¬ 
gates. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


65 


The Committee begs leave to submit the following report in the contested 
cases from the State of Virginia. The committee afforded to the parties in 
interest the fullest opportunity within the limits of reasonable time to present 
their evidence, and upon the testimony adduced feels warranted to recommend 
to this convention that there be admitted as delegates-at-large the four dele¬ 
gates and alternates headed by the Hon. William Mahone, and all the district 
delegates excepting those of the Ninth Congressional District, known as the 
Virginia delegates headed by the Hon. John S. Wise. The delegates-at-large 
in favor of whom we report were chosen by a State Convention of the Repub¬ 
lican party. The contestants against whom we report were chosen, according 
to their own statement, by a minority of that convention, who retired there¬ 
from for reasons which, as the committee thinks, are not within its province 
to report upon or discuss. The contests in the district delegations in Virginia 
arise from the fact that two distinct conventions were held for all but two of 
the ten Congressional districts, in each case one being held within and one 
without the territorial limits of the respective district. The question which 
the committee was called upon to decide was which of these two conventions 
in each district was held in accordance with the call of the National Committee 
It was not denied that heretofore in Virginia it has been the invariable custom 
to hold district conventions to nominate candidates for Congress within the 
territorial limits of the district. The language of the National call is as fol¬ 
lows : “The Congressional district delegates shall be chosen in the same man¬ 
ner as the nomination of a Member of Congress is made in said district.” 
Undoubtedly unanimous acquiescence in the selection of these district delegates 
at points outside the district might cure any defect of compliance with the let¬ 
ter of the National call. But where, as in the cases from Virginia, a demand 
has been made and insisted upon by any considerable number of Republican 
voters for the right of local self-government, and conventions have been held 
within the district and delegates have been duly chosen, the committee feels 
constrained to recognize such delegates as chosen in accordance with the let¬ 
ter and spirit of the National call, and to reject the claims of the delegates 
chosen by the Republicans assembled beyond the territorial limits of the dis¬ 
trict. In our decisions in these cases we have been governed by this rule, and 
we feel that the good accomplished by the emphatic recognition of the rule 
and its enforcement is of much more importance to the Republican party than 
is the interest of any particular individual, ring or faction, and accordingly 
we make the following detailed report: That the following named persons 
are the duly elected and lawful delegates and alternate delgates from the State 
of Virginia at large: The Hon. William Mahone, S. Brown Allen, John G. 
Watts and A. W. Harris, delegates, and W. W. Evans, S. B. Downing, Henry 
Hudnall and P. C. Corrigan, alternates. From the First District O. D. Fos¬ 
ter, F. D. Lee, delegates; Josephus Trader, J. A. Barstow, alternates. From 
the Second District, Harry Libby, Patrick O’Connor, delegates; Robert Nor¬ 
ton, George L. Prior, alternates. From the Third District, John S. Wise, 
Morgan Treat, delegates; S. B. Clarkson, Gilbert Boyd, alternates. From the 
Fourth District, Charles Gee and John M. Langston, delegates: Ross Hamil¬ 
ton and W. H. Ash. alternates. From the Fifth District, Winfield Scott, J. H. 
Pedigo, delegates; W. E. Sims, C. F. Barksdale, alternates. From the Sixth 
District, D. F. Houston, George W. Jackson, delegates; J. W. Wright, J. H. 
Davis, alternates. From the Seventh District, H. H. Riddleberger, John F. 
Lewis, delegates; A. M. Lawson, J. S. Sammons, alternates. From the Eighth 
District, O. E. Hine, Y. T. Brown, delegates; W. P. Graves, M. Trimble, al¬ 
ternates. From the Tenth District, J. A. Frazier, H. W. Williams, delegates; 
J. P. Wilson, J. W. C. Bryant, alternates. Ninth District: Your committee is 
of the opinion that there was no convention regularly or lawfully called or 
held to elect delegates to the National Convention for the Ninth Congres¬ 
sional District of Virginia, and therefore recommend that this district be left 
unrepresented. All of which is respectfully submitted. 

W. P. Hepburn, Chairman. 

Benj. W. Bosworth Secretary. 


66 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Daniel L. Russell of North Carolina. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from North Carolina, Mr. Russell. 

Mr. Russell. The minority of the Committee on Credentials desire to 
submit the following report: 

The undersigned, members of the Committee on Credentials, respectfully 
report that they dissent from the majority in so far as it admits delegates from 
the Second, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, Eighth and Tenth Districts of Virginia, who 
were elected by pretended conventions which were never called by the State 
Committee, the only authority which, under the recognized and at the time 
universally accepted written law of the party, could convene a district con¬ 
vention, and fix the time and place of its meeting. And we further dissent 
from the refusal of the majority to recommend the admission of those dele¬ 
gates from the Second, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, Eighth, Ninth and Tenth Dis¬ 
tricts of Virginia who were elected by conventions which were called by the 
State Committee according to the plan of organization which was in force and 
universally recognized as the existing and only law of the party by the Re¬ 
publicans of Virginia. As to the Third District, we do not dissent from the 
conclusion that John S. Wise and his colleague should be seated, because it 
appears that their convention was called by the State Committee, and that 
the Wise delegation from the city of Richmond was regular, and that they, 
with nine other rightful delegates from other cities and counties, constituted 
the lawful convention of the Third District. The action of the majority, if 
ratified by this National Convention, destroys all party organization in Vir¬ 
ginia. and if followed to its legitimate and logical conclusion, annihilates the 
party organization throughout the country. It serves notice upon the dissat¬ 
isfied minorities of any State or district in the Union that they may disregard 
form, regularity, authority and party law in furtherance of their purpose to 
override decisions of majorities regularly and lawfully declared. The only 
excuse approaching a reason for their extraordinary conduct is sought in the 
fact that the regular district conventions called by the State Committee were 
held outside of the territorial limits of their respective districts, a conclusion 
which, if impartially applied, excludes from this convention various States 
and districts throughout the Union. Nor is it any sufficient answer to say 
that those delegates now sitting in this body holding their credentials from 
conventions called and held in precisely the same way as these delegates from 
Virginia, may rightfully hold their seats because no one appears to contest 
them. If their conventions were unlawfully called and held their title is in¬ 
herently and fundamentally defective, and they have no more right to seats 
on this floor than any other body of unauthorized strangers. In all earnest¬ 
ness we protest against this flagrant breach of form, of regularity, usage, jus¬ 
tice and party law. 

Wm. E. Sharon, Nevada. 

Aaron Wall, Nebraska. 

John M. Freeman, South Carolina. 

A. H. Leonard, Louisiana. 

B. N. Sullivan, Dakota. 

J. J. Spelman, Mississippi. 

D. L. Russell, North Carolina. 

Mr. Russell. I am instructed, Mr. President— 

The President. The gentleman from North Carolina. 

Mr. Russell— to say that the member from Dakota of the Committee on 
Credentials [Mr. B. N. Sullivan] who signs this report, does so with the mod¬ 
ification that he believes that the delegation from the district represented 
by Mr. Riddleberger, should be seated. Have I any time—any right to the 
floor ? 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


67 


The President. There is no one objecting. 

Mr. Russell. Now Mr. President, a word. This minority report, gen¬ 
tlemen of the convention, is an appeal to the judgment. 

The President. Will the gentleman from North Carolina allow the 
Chair one moment? 

Mr. Russell. Certainly. 

The President. The question is upon the adoption of the minority 
report, upon which the Chair presumes the gentleman from North Carolina 
desires to address the convention. 

Mr. Russell. The minority report is offered as a substitute for the 
majority report. 

The President. There has been no motion of that character made. 

Mr. Russell. I now make it. 

The President. It has been moved that the report made by the minority 
be substituted for that of the majority. Are you ready for the question? 
[Cries of “Question.’’] 

Mr. Hallowell of Kansas. Mr. President. 

The President. The gentleman from Kansas. 

Mr. Hallowell. I rise for the purpose of making an inquiry. I want 
to know who signs the minority report. 

The President. What is it? 

Mr. Hallowell. I desire to know who signs the minority report. 

The President. The Secretary will read the signatures to the minority 
report for information. 

Secretary Clisbee read the names as follows: 

William E. Sharon, Nevada; Aaron Wall, Nebraska— 

Mr. Hallowell. I did not hear the first name. 

Secretary Clisbee. William E. Sharon, Nevada; Aaron Wall, Nebras¬ 
ka; John M. Freeman, South Carolina; A. H. Leonard, Louisiana, and B. 
N. Sullivan, Dakota. 

Mr. James Hill of Mississippi. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Mississippi. 

Mr. Hill. Mr. J. J. Spelman wishes to have his name placed on that 
minority report as a member of the committee from our State. 

The President. The gentleman will step forward and put his name on 
the report. 

Mr. Hill. Here he is, sir. 

[Mr. Spelman came forward and signed the report.] 

Mr. James H. Harris of North Carolina. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from North Carolina. 

Mr. Harris. It seems to me that this motion to adopt the majority 
report, and the motion of Mr. Russell to substitute the minority report, are 
both out of order. It seems to me the report of the committee ought to be 
divided, and that each recommendation made by the committee should be 
considered in the order in which it is made, so that this convention may 
pass upon it in that respect. 


68 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The President. Does the gentleman make a demand for a division of 
the question? 

Mr. Harris. Yes, sir. 

The President. The Secretary will read the first part of the report. 

Mr. John B. Weber of New York. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Weber of New York. 

Mr. Weber. Mr. President: There has been no difference among the 
members of the Committee on Credentials except so far as refers to the 
contest in the State of Virginia, and I would suggest to the gentleman from 
North Carolina that the division be made so as to embrace the contests in all 
of the States except the State of Virginia. 

The President. Does the gentleman move to adopt the report except as 
to Virginia? That will settle it. 

Mr. Weber. I move it be so divided. 

The President. The question is upon the adoption of the report of 
the committee, except so far as it relates to the State of Virginia. [Cries of 
“Question.”] 

The motion was agreed to. 

THE VIRGINIA CONTEST. 

The President. Now, the question is upon the adoption of that part of 
the report relative to the delegates from the State of Virginia. Are you ready 
for the question? [Cries of “Question.”] 

Mr. Bingham of Pennsylvania. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Pennsylvania. 

. Mr. Bingham. Upon that I call for a division, for this reason: There 
is no issue or question— 

The President. The gentleman from Pennsylvania calls for a division. 
Of course the division will be allowed as proper. How does the gentleman 
desire the division made? 

Mr. Bingham. There is no issue in the committee as to the delegates 
and alternates-at-large representing the State of Virginia. 

The President. Does the gentleman make a motion to adopt that part 
of the report? 

Mr. Bingham. I do so. 

The President. It has been moved that that part of the report of the 
committee relating to the delegates-at-large and their alternates, be adopted. 
Are you ready for the question? 

Mr. H. H. Riddleberger of Virginia. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Virginia. 

Mr. Riddleberger. Gentlemen of the Convention: I will ask you to be 
as quiet as possible, for I have been struggling for days to present the truths 
of the Virginia case to the gentlemen of the committee who have brought 
in here a report in favor of seating delegates honestly and fairly, and, as I 
may say, elected under a plan of organization provided by the Republican 
party. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


69 


The President. Will the gentleman allow the Chair to suggest that the 
question before the convention relates only to that part of the report where 
there is no contest? 

Mr. Riddleberger. I beg pardon. There is a contest. 

The President. A contest as to the delegates-at-large? 

Mr. Riddleberger. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Bingham. The committee’s report is unanimous as to the delegates- 
at-large. 

Mr. Riddleberger. That I do not deny, sir. [Cries of “Question.”] 

The President. The question is upon the adoption of that part of the 
report. 

Mr. Riddleberger. It is to that that I wanted to speak to these gentle¬ 
men, and in speaking to that I thought I could use what little voice I have 
left in presenting the views that went to that committee. If there is objec¬ 
tion I do not want to intrude any remarks upon the convention, and I am 
entirely willing to go back to my seat. 

The President. The gentleman has the floor. 

Mr. Riddleberger. I never heard matters relating to the rights of a 
delegate—a man—so circumscribed as they appear to be in this convention. 
I came here without a vote cast against me by any Republican in the Sev¬ 
enth Congressional District. My seat was never contested there. No man 
served notice of contest upon me, and I am asked to sit down here quietly 
and hear a North Carolina gentleman make a minority report that I am 
not entitled to a seat on this floor. If that be so, who is? I want no 
apologetic report such as I have heard made, even by the majority of the 
committee. I came here by the representative Republican vote of a Con¬ 
gressional district composed of eleven counties, and seven of them Repub¬ 
lican ; twice have voted, and have elected a member of Congress— 

Mr. J. P. Hartman of Nebraska. Mr. President — 

Mr. Riddleberger. And twice have elected Senators by their votes, and 
no member of the Republican party in that State has ruled against it. 

Mr. Hartman. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Nebraska. 

Mr. Hartman. I rise to a point of order. 

The President. Will the gentleman from Virginia give way to the gen¬ 
tleman from Nebraska? 

Mr. Riddleberger. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Hartman. My point of order is that the question before the house 
does not concern the district from which the gentleman comes. 

The President. The point of order is well taken. The question is upon 
the adoption of that part of the report relating to the delegates-at-large, on 
which both the minority and majority of the committee agree. 

Mr. Riddleberger. Will you allow me to ask— 

The President. The gentleman from Virginia. 

Mr. Riddleberger. Whether there will be any time at which there can 
be a discussion of the fair representation from Virginia, outside of that parti- 


70 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

zanship which makes it possible to send people in here to vote for their spe¬ 
cial candidate? 

The President. There will certainly be after it is adopted. The ques¬ 
tion is on the adoption of that part of the report relating to the delegates-at- 
large from the State of Virginia. Those in favor of the adoption of that 
part of the report will say aye. Those opposed, no. The ayes seem to have 
it. The ayes have it. Now the question is upon the adoption of the rest of 
the report. What is your pleasure? 

Mr. M. B. Wood of Virginia. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Virginia. 

Mr. Wood. I want to make a very few remarks as to the Ninth Con¬ 
gressional District of Virginia. 

He was invited to the platform, and addressed the convention as follows: 

Gentlemen of the Convention: I will detain you only a moment. The 
Ninth Congressional District of Virginia is the stronghold of Republicanism 
in that State. It contains 200,000 inhabitants, nine-tenths of whom are white 
people. It sent 15,000 soldiers to the armies of the Confederacy. More 
than half of them are the staunchest Republicans in the State of Virginia. 
It is the most prosperous district to-day in Virginia, and perhaps in the 
whole South. In the last fifteen months $40,000,000 of Northern capital 
have been invested in the mines and timbers of that district alone. Various 
railways are being built into it and over it. There is a majority of 4,000 
Republicans in that district, composed of intelligent, the most intelligent, as 
highly intelligent voters as there cfre in any State. Now that district held 
a meeting in accordance with the call of the constituted authorities of the 
Republican party of the State. They are not only intelligent, but they are 
intensely loyal to the Republican party, and when called upon they elected 
seventy-four delegates that they were entitled to, to go to the City of Peters¬ 
burg, as had always been the custom in that State by both parties, and 
there they elected my colleague and myself delegates to this convention. On 
the 30th day of April, Mr. Pendleton, who is here contesting my seat, called 
a convention to meet in the town of Marion. Mr. Pendleton was simply a 
member of the Republican party, but no officer. At that convention, which 
was held two days prior to the Petersburg convention, and which was com¬ 
posed of three men—Mr. Pendleton, Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Blackenbecker— 
all from the same town and from the same county—these three persons 
resolved themselves into a convention in Mr. Pendleton’s office and elected 
themselves delegates to this convention. I appeal to this convention if 14,000 
Republican voters in the Ninth Congressional' District shall go without 
representation because, forsooth, a technicality, if there be a technicality, 
was committed by the loyal people of that district. There was no division 
in that meeting at Petersburg. They resolved to hold the convention then 
and tiiere. A large majority of the delegates to which the district was 
entitled were present, and every county in the district was represented— 
except, perhaps, one, the little county of Craig, in which there are only a 
hundred Republican voters, anyhow. Now, gentlemen, that is a plain, un¬ 
varnished statement of facts.. I appeal to this convention to allow the intel¬ 
ligent and loyal voters of that district representation in this convention. 
Republicanism is growing there, and there is the place that we 
want to make our solid gains. Tilden carried the district by 10.000 major¬ 
ity. We now have it by 4,000. The county that I am from, the second 
largest county in the district, has given a Republican majority for the last 
eight years. [Here the gavel fell.] 

The President. The gentleman’s time is up. The Chair wishes to state 


71 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 

to the gentleman from Virginia, that, according to the report of the com¬ 
mittee, both the majority and minority, this district is left unrepresented, 
and therefore in order to give it representation, or to raise the question at 
all, there would have to be a motion made relating thereto. 

Mr. Russell of North Carolina. Not at all, not at all. What district 
does the gentleman represent; the Ninth? 

Mr. Wood. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Russell. Then, according to the minority report, the gentleman is 
entitled to his seat. They were elected as fairly and squarely as any delegates 
on this floor were ever elected in the South. 

The President. The gentleman will be seated. The Chair desires to 
state that that report is made to the Chair by the Secretary. If there is 
any mistake the Secretary will read that part of the report for information. 
It is not necessary to discuss without a motion. The Secretary will read. 

Mr. W. H. Gibson of Ohio. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Ohio. 

Mr. Gibson. ’ I was on the Committee on Credentials, and I am one of 
those who believe and insist that the Ninth District shall be represented in 
this convention. It is a magnificent Republican district, led by magnificent 
Republican champions, and for the sake of peace I venture to make this mo¬ 
tion, Mr. President. That both sets of delegates be admitted, with power to 
cast one-half vote each. [Confusion.] 

The President. Will the gentlemen come to order. The Chair will 
state the question. 

A Delegate. It has not been put. 

The President. It will not be put until the convention has an oppor¬ 
tunity to discuss it. The motion is that the representation from the Ninth 
District of Virginia— 

A Delegate. Is that the District? 

The President. Be distributed between the two sets of delegates, each 
to have one-half a vote. Are you ready for the question? 

Mr. Wise of Virginia. I second the motion. 

The President. Are you ready for the question? Those in favor— 

Mr. Hepburn of Iowa. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Iowa. 

Mr. Hepburn. Mr. President: I want this convention to know what 
this motion involves ., If this is adopted, then you are saying to men that 
whenever they choose to play the miserable farce of holding a so-called 
convention, called by no one in authority, representing no one, composed of 
but three men, they can by that kind of a fraud, under the pretense of a 
compromise, steal their way into the deliberations of a Republican conven¬ 
tion. Is this convention prepared to offer that kind of a premium for this 
kind of trickery? I wish to state further with reference to the gentleman, 
Mr. Wood, and his colleague, that the committee, in refusing to give them 
seats, has acted upon the theory that under the call of the convention, and 
under the usage of that district in the selection and nomination of its can¬ 
didate for Congressman, it is not entitled to representation, because while 
the nominees for Congress are invariably chosen within the boundaries of 
the district, the convention which selected these gentlemen was at a place 


72 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


very many miles away from that district. And I wish further to state that 
these conventions are held to be invalid because they did not comply with 
the usage of the party in those districts as to the place where the convention 
has heretofore been and should be called. 

The President. The question is— 

Mr. Steenerson of Minnesota. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Minnesota. 

Mr. Steenerson. I rise to a point of order. I desire to know what has 
become of that part of the minority report which related to the Ninth Dis¬ 
trict? The Chair promised to have it read, and I desire to know what it is. 

The President. The Chair will state to the convention that the Secre¬ 
tary had no opportunity to read it, for immediately after the motion was 
made by the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Gibson] to admit both delegations, 
each to have a half-vote, the motion has been under discussion, and it is now 
pending. Are you ready for the question? 

Mr. Steenerson. I intended to move an amendment to that motion. 

The President. Does the gentleman make a motion? 

Mr. Steenerson. I move to amend. My motion was intended to be 
that the minority report, so far as relates to the Ninth District, be adopted 
as an amendment to the motion that each delegate have half a vote. 

The President. The Chair will state to the gentleman from Minnesota 
, that, since the announcement from the Chair, the Secretary has examined 
the minority report, and it dissents from the majority report, but does not 
ask that any one be seated, and that is the way the mistake arose; and hence 
it does not seem by the two reports that there is any request or any report 
in favor of any member from the Ninth District. 

Mr. Steenerson. Then I desire to move as an amendment to the motion 
of the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Gibson] that, instead of seating both dele¬ 
gations, the delegation headed by Mr. Wood be seated. 

A Delegate. I support that. Will the Chair state the question ? 

The President. It has been moved as an amendment to the motion now 
pending that the delegation headed by Mr. Wood of Virginia be seated. 
Are you ready for the question? [Cries of “Question.”] 

Mr. Weber of New York. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from New York. 

Mr. Weber. Mr. President: This convention should understand that 
if they vote in favor of that motion they must, to be consistent, vote to 
admit every delegate mentioned in that minority report. Those delegates 
were elected at the State Convention held at Petersburg, outside of the lim¬ 
its of the Congressional Districts, and the majority of the Committee on 
Credentials submitted in their report simply the principle under which the 
call was made by the National Committee. They had no desire to weary 
this convention, or to disgust those outside of this convention, with the 
details of the fight of the warring factions from Virginia. No one regrets 
more than I that the unfortunate contest in that State has deprived us of 
the first ray of light to break the Solid South. Never in all my life have I 
heard cases argued and discussed on both sides with such ability and such 
magnificent eloquence as it was my fortune to listen to last night, and the 
thought came to me, as I presume it did to all the members of that com- 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 


73 


mittee, what a grand thing it would be if the energy, the ability and elo¬ 
quence could be turned upon the common enemy. Mr. President, it occurred 
to the majority of that committee, however, that the true way of building 
up a Republican party in the South is to recognize home rule and self-gov¬ 
ernment, and that it was the intention of this convention that, when they 
came to us pleading for an honest ballot and a fair count as against the 
Democrats, they must apply that rule as against Republicans. I had no 
intention, Mr. President, of discussing it—indeed, it was my hope that we 
should have no discussion upon this subject; but I desire briefly to call 
attention to the rule adopted by the National Committee which provides that, 
in all cases, the manner of choosing these delegates shall be the same as in 
the nomination of candidates for Congress, and I think there are many here 
within the sound of my voice who remember that this question was first 
agitated in 1880; and that in 1884 the National Committee, recognizing the 
fact that it would not be possible in all instances to enforce that rule strictly, 
left it optional with the States and Congressional districts to select in the 
Congressional districts or in separate district conventions held at the State 
convention. In the convention of 1884 that optional feature was followed, 
and it has become the law that governs the selection of delegates all over 
the land; and I say, simply, Mr. President— [Here the gavel fell.] 

The President. The gentleman’s time is up. 

Mr. Russell of North Carolina. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from North Carolina. 

Mr. Russell. Let not this convention proceed to vote upon the propo¬ 
sition no\y before it until— 

The President. It would be an accommodation to the convention, and 
a great accommodation to the Chair hereafter, if the gentlemen will—it will 
not take from their time, as the Chair will not count it—take the platform, 
and then the convention can hear them. 

Mr. Russell. I do not propose that gentlemen shall vote upon the pend¬ 
ing proposition without some knowledge of the facts of the case. What is 
this proposition of the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Gibson] ? It is that both 
the contesting delegations from the Ninth District in Virginia shall be seated 
with equal power. The majority report of the Committee on Credentials 
excludes both of them. The minority report of the committee recommends 
the admission of what are known as the two Mahone delegates. Why did 
the majority exclude the anti-Mahone delegates in the Ninth District and 
admit them in every other contested district in the State of Virginia? They 
have done it. The reason they did it was because it appeared in that case 
that these contestants represented a constituency of three men—one besides 
themselves— 

Mr. Hallowell of Kansas. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Kansas. t 

Mr. Hallowell. I rise to a point of order. 

The President. State your point of order. 

Mr. Hallowell. I desire to call the Chair’s attention to Rule 9, adopted 
by this convention, which says that no member shall speak more than once 
upon the same question. 

The President. The Chair understands that the gentleman has not 
addressed the convention relative to the admission of the members from the 
Ninth District. 


74 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Hallo well. I submit— 

Mr. Russell. He only got in behind a piece of paper. 

Mr. Hallowell. That he is proceeding in the discussion from his seat. 

Mr. Russell. The Chair presides over this convention. 

The President. The gentleman will keep order. The gentleman [Mr. 
Russell] will proceed. 

Mr. Russell. Is that to be deducted out of my time? I submit not. 

The President. The gentleman has the floor. 

Mr. Russell. These delegates then were not recommended to be seated 
by the majority because they represent that constituency of three—one, I 
believe, besides themselves—who assembled, according to their own admis¬ 
sion, in some highly respectable grog-shop, or some other place in the State 
of Virginia, and elected themselves to this convention; and that after the 
regular district convention of that district had assembled, regularly called 
by and under the authority of the State Committee, as it only could be, had 
been regularly held, and a set of delegates regularly elected, representing 
all the counties, I believe, of that district to this convention. And now it 
is proposed that these three men shall be seated. One word more. Let 
it be understood by the intelligent members of this body that the question 
here, after all, is what was the regularly-organized party in Virginia? It 
may be asked, why do you advise seating Wise and his colleagues? The 
answer is that Wise’s convention was held under the call of the State Com¬ 
mittee regularly assembled. Wise did not go in as a bolter, but went in as 
a regular, and the minority admit that his convention was the regular con¬ 
vention of that district. That is not the case with any other convention of 
these bolters in the State of Virginia. The line must be drawn somewhere, 
and it is submitted that it must be drawn right there. What convention was 
regularly called? The facts show that the conventions named by the State 
Committee, called by them, were the only lawful and regular bodies. What¬ 
ever may be the result, however much we may desire to concede, and yield, 
and compromise, this question must be fairly met. Are you going to be 
governed by the party law, or are you going to allow a parcel of revolution¬ 
ists, as they politically term themselves, to run rough shod over the regular 
organization of the party in a great State? 

Mr. Filley of Missouri. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Missouri. 

Mr. Filley. Will the gentleman allow me a question? 

Mr. Russell. Certainly. 

Mr. Filley. Was there a Congressional Committee in that district? 

Mr. Russell. Under the plan of organization—under the Constitution 
and the party organization of the State, no Congressional district convention 
could be held except by order of the State Committee. That is written in 
the law, planted in the constitution of the party. 

Mr. Filley. Was that the usual proceeding throughout the State? 

Mr. Russell. The usual and universal proceeding until they bolted and 
sent these men here. 

Mr. Filley. One more question. 

The President. The gentlemen will come to order. Personal debate is 
out of order. 

Mr. Filley. I am only asking a question. It is not a personal debate. 
I am merely asking for information. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


75 


The President. Will the gentleman [Mr. Russell] submit? 

Mr. Filley. Was there any other Congressional call, or any Congres¬ 
sional district call in that State? 

Mr. Russell. In most of the districts there never was until this con¬ 
vention was assembled at Petersburg, under the regular State call. In most 
of them that was the case. In some of them there were calls not authorized 
by the State Committee, but in defiance of it, tyy unauthorized persons. 

Mr. Filley. One more question. How do you proceed in Virginia to 
call conventions for the nomination of Congressmen? 

Mr. Russell. By district conventions, assembled where they please, I 
suppose; I don’t know. 

Mr. Filley. Called by whom? 

Mr. Russell. By the State Committee. 

Mr. Filley. Always? 

Mr. Russell. Generally. 

Mr. Bingham. Mr. President— 

The President. The gentleman from Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Wood of Virginia. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Bingham arose before, and the Chair had to rap 
him down. He will give him the floor this time. 

Mr. Bingham. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: First 
as to the direct point at issue with reference to the Ninth Congressional Dis¬ 
trict of Virginia. The majority vacate that district, and declare no repre¬ 
sentation. The minority, following its consistent action, believing that by 
the call of the State Committee a convention should assemble at Petersburg 
to elect representatives to this National Convention, were consistent in up¬ 
holding the action of that State Committee. The reason why the majority 
did not follow their consistent course and admit the anti-Mahone delegates 
from the Ninth District, was because it appeared uncontradicted that but 
three men constituted that convention, and therefore, to be consistent, they 
declared the delegates vacated from that district. The organic law upon 
which the Republican party operates in the State of Virginia vests all and 
every power in the State Committee. It reads in these words r “It shall 
decide all questions at issue in any election district, and all vacancies in the 
party, as to conventions, candidates, and nominees, or otherwise, which may 
arise calculated to affect the cause and efficiency of the organization or the 
success of the party. The State Committee,” a continuing organization, 
“shall fix the time and place of all State and Congressional conventions of 
the party, and prescribe the number of delegates and alternates for each 
county and city of the State, and the mode of electing the same to such 
convention.” Under that power, under the power resting in the State Com¬ 
mittee, they convened at Petersburg a State Convention, and in the call they 
indicated that the respective districts should send their representatives in 
order that delegates to this convention might be elected; not in the State 
Convention, however, but either at the State Convention at Petersburg, 
where it was held, or any place that the delegates might see proper to assem¬ 
ble and determine. That was the issue made before your committee. The 
judgment of the majority was that the independent conventions convened 
in the many districts without regard to the call of the State Committee, 
with no authority for convening, should be admitted to this convention, and 
every delegate elected under the call of the State Committee, the only power 
to convene any convention, specially intrusted with everything that per- 


76 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


tains to Congressional conventions—that every one of those men elected 
by these district representatives in their own conventions assembled, should 
not be admitted into this convention. Now, the moment you admit and 
grant a half a vote to the-se four gentlemen, that moment the majority gives 
up the very principle they have been fighting for, for the reason that the 
majority dare not approve the fraud that three men could elect a delegate 
to this convention, and further that they would then declare that district 
vacant in order that their action might seem to appear consistent. Concede 
a half a vote and you have given up the whole principle—the very principle 
that Mr. Wise fought for in that concession is given up. The minority main¬ 
tain that the convention at Petersburg was under the organic law of the 
Republican party, which gives to the State Convention the right to deter¬ 
mine the time, place, and manner of holding conventions for the election of 
Congressmen, as well as the election of delegates to the National Convention. 
[Here the gavel fell.] 

The President. The gentleman’s time is up. 

Mr. John B. Rector of Texas. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Texas. 

Mr. Rector. Mr. President:. .It seems to me that the principle upon 
which the committee has been proceeding is the correct one. 

Mr. L. C. Houk of Tennessee. Mr. President: I desire to ask Mr. 
Bingham a question. 

The President. The gentleman desires to ask Mr. Bingham a question. 
If there is no objection that privilege will be granted. 

Mr. Hour. I desire to know of Mr. Bingham how many counties were 
represented in the Petersburg convention that elected these Mahone dele¬ 
gates. 

Mr. Bingham. I do not know the details as to the number of counties. 

Mr. Hour. I will ask some gentleman how many counties were repre¬ 
sented. 

Mr. Wood of Virginia. I will answer that. Every county in the district 
was represented except the small county of Craig, that contains only about 
ioo Republican voters. 

Mr. Hour. About how many delegates were in that convention? 

Mr. Wood. The district was entitled to seventy-four delegates. There 
were sixty-nine or seventy present. 

Mr. Hour. I do not think it right for those sixty-nine delegates to be 
overridden by three. 

Mr. Rector. It seems to me we should adopt the majority report—that 
the principle underlying that report is in consonance with the order of the 
National Convention that delegates from Congressional districts shall be 
nominated after the manner of nominating Congressmen. [Confusion.] 

Mr. Green of Nebraska. I rise to a question of privilege. It is impos¬ 
sible to hear the gentleman talk. 

Mr. Rector. The fact that there was a State Convention— 

The President. One moment. It is to be hoped that the convention 
and the audience will keep order so that the debate may be listened to with 
attention. The gentleman from Nabraska states that he cannot hear the 
speaker at his place where he is sitting. The Chair trusts the gentleman from 
Texas will try and make himself heard. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


77 


Mr. Rector. The fact that there was a State Convention where the 
Republican party had assembled for the purpose of nominating and sending 
delegates here makes, it seems to me, no difference in principle, as the rule 
prescribed by the National Committee limited the method of sending district 
delegates to the manner of nominating Congressmen; and, when a sufficient 
number of Republicans in these districts repudiated that idea, when they 
declined to accept that as the principle governing their conduct, when their 
rule was in the line of the rules prescribed by former conventions and by 
the Republican party, it was proper that the majority should recognize it as 
they did; but when you come to the Ninth District it seems to me that a 
different rule should obtain. And why? Because it seems to be agreed on 
all hands that but three men assembled there to repudiate what had been 
done by the Republicans at large outside of the district. There come up 
here many delegates who perhaps were elected at the State Convention—dis¬ 
trict delegates, I mean, who were elected at the State Convention. If nobody 
complained of that, if nobody repudiated it, they come here as a matter 
of course representing the district, because there is no dispute. The fact 
that three men met there amounts to no repudiation in the Ninth District. 
It is such a small matter it amounts to nothing, but it seems to me that the 
members from the Ninth District who met outside and were elected should 
be seated by this convention. It seems to me that the majority report should 
be adopted with that amendment. 

Mr. Spaulding of Michigan. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Michigan. 

Mr. Spaulding. Mr. President: I will detain you but one moment about 
the passage of the original resolution with that amendment. If there was a 
contest in Michigan, where the Republican party was first formed under that 
gallant old leader, Zach Chandler, they would be disfranchised. We elected 
our delegates in the same manner—many of them—at Grand Rapids, outside 
of their district territory. It was as clear as a noonday sun that these men 
met at their State Convention and there assembled in their district conven¬ 
tion, and elected Mr. Wood and his colleague to represent that district in 
this convention. That has been the rule, I believe, in Ohio, and my gal¬ 
lant General friend from Ohio [Mr. Gibson], that made the original motion, 
I am afraid, would be disfranchised if his seat were contested under the 
same rule. Now, it seems to me that the National Committee rule does not 
say they shall be elected in the territory where they are called together. As 
I understand the facts in this case, a State Convention was called at Peters¬ 
burg, and the district conventions were invited to meet there, and they met 
there and elected their delegates. Does this Republican Convention in Chi¬ 
cago, in the nineteenth century, propose to repudiate them? I think not. 
That thing has been settled time and time again—that where the conventions 
were properly called, no self-constituted convention of three men or 300 
improperly called, can unseat them. [Cries of “Question.”] 

Mr. Steenerson of Minnesota. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Minnesota. 

Mr. Steenerson. Gentlemen of the Convention: I have listened with 
some attention to the statement of this case. I moved as an amendment to 
the motion of the gentleman from Ohio—he moved that the two sets of 
delegates be admitted with on^-half vote each— that the delegation headed 
by Mr. Wood be admitted to seats— 

A Delegate. As an amendment? 

Mr. Steenerson. As an amendment to his motion. Now, then, I think 
you have gathered the same opinion from the statement that I have—to-wit: 


78 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


That there has been only one convention in that district. The delegates 
were elected by counties and assembled outside of the district; and chose 
Mr. Wood and his colleague as delegates to this convention. It is admitted 
on both sides that the convening of three men for the purpose of holding a 
Congressional Convention was a trick and a fraud. If it was, it is a nullity. 
It amounts to nothing. Now, then, it remains to be determined whether the 
simple irregularity that these delegates from the different counties in that 
district, instead of gathering in their district, proceeded to Petersburg, out'- 
side of the district, and elected two delegates to represent that district in 
this convention should disfranchise the whole district and leave them with¬ 
out a vote. I have been a member of many State Conventions and when¬ 
ever there was a county that was not represented we would invite any mem¬ 
ber from that county to a seat in the convention to represent it. It is a 
matter of right. So, the simple question before this convention is, in view 
of the fact that there has been no protest that amounts to anything, simply 
a trick, if you will not disregard it, which you have the power to do, whether 
the National Committee desires to hold strictly to that rule or not, will you 
not in all justice disregard the irregularity, which injures nobody, and seat 
these delegates? If you do not you establish a precedent that, by simply 
trick and fraud, you can disfranchise a whole Congressional district, and 
leave them with no voice in the deliberations of this convention. This is 
the question that I ask you to vote upon, and therefore I desire that this 
amendment seating Mr. Wood and his colleague should prevail. [Cries of 
“Question.”] 

Mr. Wise of Virginia. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Virginia, Mr. Wise, has the floor. 

Mr. Green of Nebraska. A question of privilege. 

The President. The gentleman from Nebraska rises to a question of 
privilege. 

Mr. Green. I should like to inquire upon what question we are talking. 
There has been a resolution— 

The President. The Chair will state the question. First, there was a 
motion to admit both delegations in the contest, giving each half a vote; 
then the gentleman from Minnesota [Mr. Steenerson] moved that the Wood 
delegation be admitted, and that is the question now before the convention. 
The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Wise] has the floor. 

Mr. Wise. One word, and I shall have finished. I want, in the first 
place, to say to the gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. Russell] that when 
he speaks of the gentleman who made this contest here as one who probably 
went to a grog-shop, he does not confine himself to the facts in the case. 
This gentleman, Mr. Pendleton, who ma,de the rival contest, is the Clerk of 
the Court of Appeals in the Western District of Virginia. He is the peer 
of the gentleman from North Carolina or any gentleman here, and his 
meeting was not held in a grogshop, but in a reputable place, where every 
convention has been held in that district for years. He comes here, it is 
true, representing a small minority of the delegates from his district, but 
he represents equally the principle that these conventions should be held 
within the territorial limits of their districts. He came here to test that 
question. He did not come here to be called a trickster who was seeking 
to steal a seat. He did not come here to be called a habitue of a grogshop, 
and it seems to me that we might well settle that question without branching 
off into these collaterals. Now, in the first place, when the distinguished 
gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Gibson] moved, not as a question of principle, 
but as a question of policy and courtesy, that we waive the question of this 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


79 


district and not let it go unrepresented, but divide its delegation sooner than 
give it the go-by, I seconded it; not for the purpose of admitting anything 
that was contended for by Judge Russell from North Carolina, but because, 
as a true Republican from Virginia, recognizing the Ninth District of that 
State as the banner district of Virginia Republicanism, loving its people 
whether they come here under the banner of Mahone or Wise, it grieved 
me to see her go unrepresented. So I say, sir, waiving all questions of prin¬ 
ciple in that particular instance, recognizing the glorious record that dis¬ 
trict has made, in the spirit of concession which must bring victory if we 
will all practice it, don't let the Ninth Congressional District of Virginia go 
unrepresented, but let her be represented here by reputable gentlemen, as 
they are, whatever faction they represent, and let her divide it where we are 
divided. 

The President. The question is on the admission of the Wood dele¬ 
gation. Are you ready for the question? [Cries of “Question.”] 

Mr. Alexander C. Moore of West Virginia. Mr. President — 

Mr. C. P. Hess of Missouri. I now move the previous question. 

The President. The gentleman from West Virginia has the floor. 

Mr. Moore. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: While I 
would be glad to pour oil upon the troubled waters in Virginia, and for the 
sake of harmony in that grand district of Republicans I would like to admit 
these delegates, yet I cannot do it without a violation of a principle. I 
believe in home rule and home government. I care nothing what the Repub¬ 
licans of Virginia may have done by the action of the State Executive 
Committee. I want a response to the call of the National Committee, 
which calls for delegates to be elected in the same manner as Congressmen 
are nominated. Tell me, if you will, are the majority of Congressmen 
throughout the limits of the United States elected at the capital of the re¬ 
spective States? Not at all. They are elected within their respective dis¬ 
tricts. Take it, for instance, in the State of Illinois. Are the delegates to 
go to Springfield because the State Committee calls them there? Not at 
all. If they respond to the call of the National Executive Committee they 
must meet within the limits of their respective districts. Your action here 
will be a precedent for the future, for you are by your action to determine 
what is a response to the call. It is a question of principle, and principle 
alone. While you might like to gratify them, it is a dangerous precedent to 
establish. It is a question of the call of the National Executive Commit¬ 
tee, and it must be met; it must be responded to. whatever may be the con¬ 
sequences, by the election of delegates in the manner the call requires. Any¬ 
thing else will be a violation of it, and I must ask that this convention shall 
not set such a dangerous precedent as will hereafter authorize any conven¬ 
tion held in the capital of a State to violate the call. 

Mr. S. Brown Allen of Virginia. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Virginia. 

Mr. Allen. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I see the 
weariness of this body under the discussion of this question, and I promise 
not to detain you two minutes. I am a delegate-at-large representing the 
State of Virginia on this floor by the grace of the report of the Committee 
on Credentials and by a vote of this convention, but my vote and my seat 
are almost valueless to me and to the Republicans of Virginia, in my judg¬ 
ment, if the report of the Committee on Credentials shall be adopted; because 
on a’technicality, to say the least of it, eight great districts in the State of 
Virginia will be deprived of representation here by their delegates, elected 
as fairly, as honestly, as truly, as overwhelmingly as I was myself. Now 
sir, we in Virgania thought, and the party organization, or the party plan 


80 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


which provided for our call, has been read in your hearing—we thought, we 
believed, that we understood the meaning of the wording of the law of the 
National Committee, which has also been read to you. It is this: “That 
district delegates shall be elected as Congressmen are nominated, or in the 
same manner that Congressmen are nominated.” The National law does 
not, never did, and in my judgment, never will undertake to name the place 
where a district convention shall be held to nominate a Congressman. It 
provides that it shall be done in the same manner—that is to say, by the dis¬ 
trict convention. Every one of these delegates having the proper credentials 
here, presenting credentials from the regular organization of the State of 
Virginia, was elected as Congressmen are nominated—by district conventions, 
the delegates to which were elected by every precinct in their district for 
that purpose; and I say, in conclusion, if you adopt this majority report, in 
my judgment, you will turn back the wheels of progress of Republicanism in 
the State of Virginia, for twenty-five years to come. 

Mr. Hess of Missouri. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Missouri, Mr. Hess. 

Mr. Hess I now move the previous question. 

The President. Does the gentleman represent the majority of his dele¬ 
gation ? 

Mr. Hess. Yes, sir. 

A Delegate. I second the motion. 

The President. The gentleman from Missouri, in the name of the major¬ 
ity of his delegation, calls for the previous question. Does that receive a 
second? 

Mr. Hoar of Massachusetts. Mr. President: I am authorized by the 
delegation from Massachusetts to second the call. 

The President. The gentleman from Massachusetts, Senator Hoar, is 
authorized by that State to second the call. Does any other State second the 
call? 

Mr. Green of Nebraska. In behalf of the Nebraska delegation, I second 
the call. 

The President. The gentleman from Nebraska is authorized by his 
State to second the call. 

Mr. Foley of Nevada. The State of Nevada also demands it. 

The President. The question is on the demand for the previous question. 

The previous question was ordered. 

The President. The question now is upon the motion made by the gen¬ 
tleman from Minnesota [Mr. Steenerson] to admit the Wood delegation from 
Virginia. 

After stating the question: 

The President. The ayes seem to have it. 

A division was called for. 

The President. Those in favor of the motion will rise and stand until 
they are counted. [After a pause.] Those opposed to the motion will rise. 
[After a pause.] The ayes have it, and the Wood delegation from the Ninth 
District will be seated. The question now is upon the adoption of the major¬ 
ity report. 

A Delegate. Mr. President — 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 81 

Ihe President. No debate is in order. The question now is upon the 
adoption of the remainder of the majority report. 

The Delegate. No, it is not. 

Mr. Frank Reeder of Pennsylvania. Mr. President: I do not rise for 
the purpose of debate, but to call for a division of the question. The decision 
in each case rests upon wholly different facts, and we ask— 

The President. The Chair, perhaps, did not state the question properly. 
Will the gentlemen come to order a moment! The question now is upon the 
adoption of the motion made by Mr. Gibson of Ohio, as amended. 

After putting the question : 

The President. The ayes have it, and the Wood delegation is admitted. 
Now the question is upon the adoption of the remainder of the majority 
report. 

Mr. Reeder. Upon that I call for a division of the question, and ask that 
we may be permitted to vote upon the districts in their numerical order. 

The President. Call for a vote by— 

Mr. James H. Harris of North Carolina. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from North Carolina. 

Mr. Harris. I desire to call the attention of the Chair to the fact that 
there was a motion to substitute the minority report for that of the majority. 
And I rise to the point of order that that is the first vote .to be taken under 
the call of the previous question. 

The President. That was as to the other questions that have been dis¬ 
posed of. 

Mr. Harris. It covers these also. 

The President. The question is upon the adoption of the report relating 
to the First District. Those in favor of the adoption of the report— 

Mr. Reeder. Which report? 

Mr. Green of Nebraska. I understand, Mr. President, that we have voted 
to adopt the amendment to the original proposition, and that now the original 
proposition as amended should be submitted to the convention. 

The President. It has been settled. The question is as to the adoption 
of the majority report, a division having been called for—what district? 

A Delegate. The First District. 

Mr. Bingham of Pennsylvania. Mr. President: There is no contest in 
the First District. 

The President. One moment, we will get it right. The question now is 
on the adoption of the report relating to the Second District of Virginia. 

Mr. Fessenden of Connecticut. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Connecticut. 

Mr. Fessenden. I move you, sir, to reconsider the vote on the Ninth 
District of Virginia. A number of the gentlemen here thought they were 
voting on the main question. [Cries of “Too late.”] I therefore move to 
reconsider that vote. 

Mr. Steenerson of Minnesota. I would ask that the Chair ascertain how 
the gentleman voted. 


82 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The President. It is a privileged question, as the rules of the House of 
Representatives have been adopted by this convention, and the gentleman is 
in order. The question is on the motion to reconsider the vote whereby the 
Wood delegation was admitted to represent the Ninth District of Virginia. 

Mr. Butterworth of Ohio. Mr. President: I move to lay that motion 
on the table. 

Mr. Spaulding of Michigan. Mr. President: I second the motion of Mr. 
Butterworth to lay it on the table. 

Mr. Butterworth of Ohio. I move to lay the motion to reconsider on 
the table. 

Mr. Spaulding of Michigan. I second the motion. 

The President. It has been moved by the gentleman from Ohio, Mr. 
Butterworth, to lay the motion to reconsider on the table. Are you ready for 
the question? [Cries of “Question.”] 

After putting the question: 

The President. The Chair is in doubt. 

Mr. Charles Schweickhardt of Missouri. I call for a division. 

Mr. Boutelle of Maine. Is not a motion to reconsider debatable? 

The President. The previous question has been called for, and hence it 
is not debatable. 

Mr. Boutelle. Do I understand that the previous question is still oper¬ 
ating? 

The President. It is. No debate can be had under the previous question. 

Mr. Boutelle. I make the point of order that the previous question is 
exhausted, and is not now operating. 

A Delegate. Oh, bosh! 

Mr. Boutelle. I make the point of order, further, that this motion to 
reconsider, under every parliamentary rule, carries the right of debate, the 
right of the person making the motion to state the reasons on which he based 
his motion. 

The President. The trouble was, and the trouble is, that we were acting 
under the previous question, and that is not debatable. No question is debat¬ 
able under the previous question. The gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. 
Fessenden] did not proceed to debate the question, or even to state his point 
of order. 

Mr. Fessenden of Connecticut. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Connecticut. 

Mr. Fessenden. I made the motion to reconsider for the reason that 
many of the gentlemen around me here did not know what the question was 
when they voted. 

Mr. Hill of Mississippi. I rise to a point of order. 

The President. The gentleman will state his point of order. 

Mr. Hill. A motion to lay on the table is not debatable. 

The President. The point of order is well taken. 

Mr. Fessenden. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Connecticut has the floor. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


83 


Mr. Fessenden. I say this, that the, question was and ought to have 
been: Shall the-main question now be put? 

Mr. Spaulding of Michigan. It was put. 

Mr. Fessenden. That was not the question put to the convention; but 
the Chair declared it carried on that motion, when it should have been on the 
simple and plain question as to whether the main question should now be put. 
And therefore, Mr. President, I move to reconsider in consequence of the 
Chair’s announcement that it had been carried when, in fact, it had not, to 
the knowledge of this entire convention. 

The President. 1 he Chair will state to the convention that the motion as 
the Chair understood it, and as the clerks at the desk understood it, and as 
they have so recorded it, was put and declared carried. 

Mr. Fessenden. Very well, then, Mr. President; I move a reconsider¬ 
ation, and ask that the Chair put the question. 

The President. That question has been put, and on the vote a division 
is called for. Those in favor of a reconsideration^— 

Mr. Hoar of Massachusetts. I rise to a question of order. 

The President. The gentleman will state his point of order. 

Mr. Hoar. My point of order is that a motion has been made to lay the 
motion to reconsider on the table, and that it is not debatable. 

The President. That is not debatable. The point of order is well taken. 

Mr. Boutelle. Mr. President: I rise to a point of order. 

The President. The gentleman from Maine, Mr. Boutelle. 

Mr. Boutelle. I beg to submit to the Chair that the motion to recon¬ 
sider has not been voted upon. The question upon laying the motion to re¬ 
consider upon the table has been put, but there has been no submission of the 
question to reconsider that vote. Now, I beg that we may have this question 
put intelligently, so that we may vote understanding^. 

The President. The gentleman is correct. There has been no vote 
upon the reconsideration, but after the motion was made by the gentleman 
from Connecticut, then a motion was made by the gentleman from Ohio, Mr. 
Butterworth, to lay that motion on the table, and on that motion a division 
is now pending. Those are the facts. 

Mr. Haymond of California. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from California. [Cries of “Question.”] 

Mr. Haymond. Will the Chair state the question so that the convention 
will understand what they are voting on? That is all that is wanted. 

The President. The question now before the convention is: Shall the 
motion to reconsider the vote whereby the Wood delegates from the Ninth 
District of Virginia were admitted, be laid upon the table. That is the mo¬ 
tion. Does the convention understand the question? Those in favor of 
adopting the motion— 

Mr. Boutelle. Will the Chair state the effect of an aye vote, and the 
effect of a no vote, and then we shall have no misunderstanding? 

The President. An aye vote means to lay upon the table the motion to 
reconsider. A no vote means that the motion to reconsider shall not go to 


84 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


the table. Does the convention understand the question? Those in favor of 
laying on the table the motion made by the gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. 
Fessenden] to reconsider the vote whereby the Wood delegates from the 
Ninth District of Virginia were admitted will say aye, those opposed will 
say no. The noes seem to have it. 

Several delegates demanded a division 

The President. A division is called for. Those in favor of the motion 
will rise and stand until they are counted. The Secretaries will make the 
count. [After a pause.] The ayes are 252, and the noes are 174, and the 
motion to lay upon the table is carried. Gentlemen of the convention, the 
next question is on the adoption of the majority report relative to the Sec¬ 
ond District of Virginia. 

Mr. Thos. N. Cooper of North Carolina. Upon that report I ask the 
convention to allow me five minutes. 

The President. There can be no debate on it. 

Mr. Cooper. I move the substitution of the minority for the majority 
report. 

Mr. J. B. Cocicrum of Indiana. On the motion just put, I move a call 
of the roll of States. 

The President. The Secretary will call the roll. 

Mr. Russell of North Carolina. I rise to a point of order. My point 
of order is that the vote has been regularly and duly and finally announced. 

A Delegate from Illinois. Mr. President — 

A Delegate from Kansas. ’ Mr. President — 

The President. One moment. The gentlemen will be seated. The Chair 
will state the question. The vote had not passed or been regularly announced. 
The vote that was passed related to the Ninth District of Virginia. The vote 
as to the Second District of Virginia has not yet been disposed of, and is 
before the convention for its consideration. 

A Delegate. What is the question? 

The President. The question is upon the adoption of the majority report 
as to the Second District of Virginia. 

Mr. Reeder of Pennsylvania. Mr. President — 

Mr. Henry T. Gage of California. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from California. 

Mr. Gage. I move we adjourn until 10 o’clock to-morrow morning. 
[Cries of “No.”] 

The President. The question is upon adjourning. 

The motion to adjourn was lost. 

Mr. Husted of New York. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from New York. 

Mr. Husted. The members of this convention, or some of them, seem 
to think that a single individual can demand a roll call. I ask that the Sec¬ 
retary read the rule. 

The President. The Chair will state that the rules have just been 
pointed, and the Secretary will now read the one called for. 


85 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 

Reading Clerk Stone read the rule as follows: 

When a majority of the delegates of any two States shall demand that a 
vote be recorded, the same shall be taken by States, Territories, and the Dis¬ 
trict of Columbia, the Secretary calling the roll of the States and Territories 
and the District of Columbia, in the order hereinbefore stated. 

The President. The point of order is well taken. 

Mr. Husted. Now, on a question of information. As I understand it,, 
the main question has been ordered. 

The President. Yes. 

Mr. Husted. And that question goes to the completion of this report. 

Ihe President. Yes. The question now is, gentlemen— 

Mr. M. S. Quay of Pennsylvania. Mr. President: I move the substi¬ 
tution of the minority report for the majority report. 

Mr. George M. Gleason of New York. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from New York. 

Mr. Gleason. I understand, before the motion to order the previous 
question was made, that a motion was made to substitute the minority for 
the majority report, and carried. I want to know if I am correct in my 
understanding? 

The President. Will the gentleman state the point again? 

Mr. Gleason. My understanding is that a motion has been made and car¬ 
ried to substitute the minority report for the majority report. 

The President. The gentleman is not correct. The question is upon 
the adoption of that part of the report relating to the Second District of 
Virginia. 

Mr. Warner Miller of New York. I rise to a question of order. 

The President. The gentleman will state his point of order. 

Mr. Miller. It seems to me that a plain statement of the present con¬ 
dition of this question will satisfy the whole convention as to how it ought 
to be put. First, the report of the majority of this committee was made. 
Then the report of the minority was submitted. And when the minority 
submitted its report, it moved the substitution of the minority report for the 
majority report. There the question rested. Then we proceeded to discuss 
it. And by some inadvertence the discussion began upon the Ninth District 
instead of upon the First or Second District. During that discussion also 
the demand was made, and it was granted by the Chair, that this question 
should be divided. That meant that the vote should be taken upon each indi¬ 
vidual contest, district' by district. It can be taken no other way. Now I 
submit that the condition of business or order is this: We are now to vote 
upon the report upon the Second District, and the motion is, which must be 
submitted by the Chair—shall the report of the minority be substituted for 
that of the majority in the case of the Second District? There is no escape 
from that. And when that has been acted upon, the same motion must be 
submitted in regard to each of the other districts in their order. 

The President. The Chair did not understand that the original motion 
to adopt the minority report reached further than that then under considera¬ 
tion. If the Chair is wrong it makes no difference. The Chair will submit 
the question upon the adoption of the minority report, if such a motion is 
made. 

Mr. Miller. That motion is pending as to the whole. 


86 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Hoar of Massachusetts. When the minority report was made the 
gentleman who made it said: “I make the motion to substitute the minority 
report.” Then after that came the special discussion about the Ninth Dis¬ 
trict. I think the gentleman from New York is clearly right. 

The President. The Chair doubtless misunderstood the motion made 
by the gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. Russell] and supposed it reached 
only the point then under discussion. The question then will be—assum¬ 
ing that the gentleman is correct, which the Chair does—as to the adoption 
of the minority report relative to the Second District of Virginia. Is the 
conventon ready for the question? [Cries of “Question.”] 

The question was put, and the motion was not agreed to. 

A Delegate. I call for a division. 

The President. A division is called for. 

As no other State demanded the call, the next case was taken up. 

The Presidenr. The next is the Third District. 

Mr. Thurston of Nebraska. On behalf of the delegation from the State 
of Nebraska I demand a roll call and a record of the vote as to the adoption 
of the minority report upon the Second District. 

The President. The question is upon a roll call as to the adoption of 
the minority report as to the Second District of Virginia, on which motion 
two States have made the call. It has been seconded by two States. 

Mr. Wm. Boldenweck of Illinois. I rise to a point of order. 

The President. Mr. Boldenweck of Illinois rises to a point of order. 

Mr. Boldenweck. I believe the President has declared the vote on this 
motion. I do not see how the roll can be called. 

The President. But that does not preclude the right of a call by two 
States. That right still exists. And two States have asked for a roll call by 
States upon the question of the adoption of the minority report as to the 
admission of the delegates from the Second District of Virginia. 

Mr. Bayne of Pennsylvania. Mr. President: I rise to make a parlia¬ 
mentary inquiry, and I hope my friend from Nebraska will consider it. By 
the declaration, of the Chair the minority report with reference to the Second 
District of Virginia was voted down. 

The President. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Bayne. The motion yet to be voted upon H with reference to the 
majority report as to the Second District of Virginia. 

The President. But we have not reached it. 

Mr. Bayne. A division was not called for. 

The President. A division was called for. 

Mr. Bayne. Then I am mistaken. 

The President. A roll call by States was called for. 

Mr. Warner of Alabama. Mr. President: This is an important question, 
and we, want to vote intelligently upon it. Now I will make a suggestion 
to the Chair, and if he will go outside of the record a little, and use a little 
plain English, we will understand the question. There are many delegates 
here who do not know what the majority report or the minority report 

t 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


87 


means. If the Chair will say that the effect of a vote for the majority report 
or the minority report, as the case may be, is to admit the Mahone dele¬ 
gates, or the Wise delegates, everybody will understand and know how to 
vote upon it. 

The President. The Chair will state to the convention that the adoption 
of the minority report admits the Mahone delegates. The adoption of the 
majority report admits the Wise delegates. Is the convention informed? 

A Delegate from Kentucky. Mr. President: I am requested by the 
Kentucky delegation to ask whether we are right in the position that a vote 
aye is a vote for the minority report? 

The President. A vote aye is for the minority report. A vote no, is 
against the adoption of the minority report. The Secretary will call the roll. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. Alabama, 20 votes. 

Mr. Husted of New York. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from New York. 

Mr. Husted. Will the Chair state the effect of the adoption of the dif¬ 
ferent reports? It is utterly impossible to tell the effect a vote will have. 

The President. The Chair has attempted to state to the convention 
twice that the adoption of the minority report will admit the Mahone dele¬ 
gates. The adoption of the majority report admits the Wise delegation. 

Mr. Foraker of Ohio. What we want to know is whether we are voting 
for the adoption of the minority report. In other words, does aye mean Ma¬ 
hone? 

The President. An aye vote means to admit the Mahone delegates. A 
no vote is against the admission of that delegation. 

Mr. Hill of Mississippi. Mr. President: I want to ask you this ques¬ 
tion. Do not the minority report and the majority report both seat Mr. 
Wise 

The President. The gentleman is in error. The adoption of the minority 
report will seat the Mahone delegates. [To the Reading Clerk.] Call the roll. 

Reading Clerk Fanning. Alabama, 20 votes. 

Mr. Jackson of Alabama. Not ready. 

When Kentucky was called: 

Mr. Willson of Kentucky. Pass Kentucky for a moment. 

When Ohio was called: 

Mr. Foraker. We are not ready yet to cast our vote. 

When Dakota was called, there was no response. 

Mr. Foraker of Ohio. Ohio is ready. 

The President. Wait a minute. 

At the conclusion of the roli call: 

Mr. Jackson of Alabama. Ten aye, eight no, two not voting. 

Mr. Willson of Kentucky. One aye, twenty-five no. 

Mr. Foraker. Only thirty-eight delegates are present. Nineteen aye, 

nineteen no. 

Mr. Moody of Dakota. Ten votes aye. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: Listen to the announce- 


88 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


ment of the vote. For the adoption of the minority report the vote stands 
249F2, and against 514. The noes have it. 


The following is the vote in detail: 


States. 

Votes. 

Ayes. 

Noes. 

States. ' 

Votes. 

Ayes. 

Noes. 

Alabama . 

. .. 20 

10 

8 

New York . 

. .. 72 

22 

50 

Arkansas . 

. . . 14 


14 

North Carolina . 

...22 

IS 

4 

California . 

. . . 16 


16 

Ohio . 

. . . 46 

19 

19 

Colorado . 

. . . 6 


6 

Oregon . 

.. . 6 

• • 

6 

Connecticut . 

. .. 12 


12 

Pennsylvania . . . 

... 60 

5H 

4 

Dplawa rp 

... 6 


6 

Rhode Island . .. 

.. . 8 


8 

Florida . 

. . . 8 

4 

4 

South Carolina . 

... 18 

is 

# • 

Georgia . 

. . . 24 

12 i / 2 

4 

Tennessee . 

...24 

6 

7 

Illinois . 

...44 

2 

42 

Texas . 

... 26 

2 

19 

Indiana . 

. . . 30 

. . 

30 

Vermont . 

. . . 8 

. . 

8 

Iowa . 

...26 

, . 

26 

Virginia . 

. . . 28 

10 

. . 

Kansas . 

. . . IS 

, . 

18 

West Virginia . . 

. . . 12 

4 

8 

Kentucky . 

...26 

1 

25 

Wisconsin . 

...22 

3 

19 

Louisiana . 

. . . 16 

9 

7 

Arizona . 

. . . 2 


2 

Maine . 

. . . 12 

. # 

12 

Dakota . 

. . . 10 

10 

• . 

Maryland . 

. . . 16 

1 

11 

District of Columbia 2 


9 

u 

Massachusetts .. 

. .. 28 

6 

19 

Idaho . 

9 


2 

M i eh i ga n . 

. . . 26 


26 

Montana. 

2 


2 

Minnesota . 

. . . 14 


14 

New Mexico .... 

2 


2 

Mississippi . 

... 18 

15 

1 

Utah . 

2 


2 

Missouri . 

...32 

4 

23 

Washington . 

. . . 6 


6 

Nebraska . 

. . . 10 

6 

4 

Wyoming . 

. . . 2 

i 

1 

Nevada . 

. . . 6 

6 

. . 





New Hampshire . 

... 8 

. . 

3 


832 

2491/2 

514 

New Jersey. 

. . IS 

4 

12 






The President. The question now is upon the adoption of the majority 
report as to the district named—the Second District of Virginia. 

Mr. Butterworth of Ohio. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Ohio. 

Mr. Butterworth Mr. President: I take it that this vote sufficiently 
indicates the judgment of the convention. These districts—the ones with 
which we have to deal now—stand substantially, as I understand it, upon 
the same footing, and I hope the motion to have a roll call will be dispensed 
with, and that the vote will be taken viva voce. 

The President. Is there any objection? Otherwise, the roll call will 
proceed to the whole question. 

Mr. Butterworth. I ask unanimous consent to have a viva voce vote. 

The President. There is no objection, and it is so ordered. The ques¬ 
tion now is upon the adoption of the majority report as to the Second District 
of Virginia. 

Mr. Butterworth. No, the whole. 

The President. That is the motion. Is there'a motion to amend? The 
question is upon the majority report as to the Second District. 

Mr. George Denny of Kentucky. I move as a substitute that we adopt 
the balance of the majority report. 

The President. We are working under the previous question. 

Mr. Husted of New York. I ask unanimous consent to do it. 

The President. There is no objection. That is the order. The ques¬ 
tion now is upon concurrence in all of the unadopted portion of the majority 
report relating to Virginia. 

The motion was agreed to. 






















































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


89 


DELEGATES AND ALTERNATES. 

The following is the list of delegates and alternates, with their postoffice 
address, which accompanied the majority report, corrected in accordance 
with the action of the convention. 


ALABAMA 


Delegates. 

AT 


Benjamin M. Long.Cordova 

Albert Boyd .Birmingham 

James D. Hardy.Calera 

John W. Jones.Hayneville 


Alternates. 

ARGE. 

Cyrus O. Godfrey.Fort Payne 

Anderson N. McEwen.... Montgomery 

William J. Stevens.Anniston 

John H. Thomasson.Birmingham 


DISTRICT. 


1— Prelate D. Barker.Mobile 

Frank H. Threet.Demhpolis 

2— Leander J. Bryan.Montgomery 

Isaac N. Carter.Monterey 

3— William Youngblood.. .Birmingham 

Alfred H. Hendricks.Opelika 

4— Elbert W. Locke.Camden 

Stephen Childs.Marion 

5— Lewis E. Parsons, Jr. .Birmingham 

Coly N. Finlay.Lafayette 

6— Daniel N. Cooper....Jasper 

William M. Rocertson. .Birmingham 

7— William Warner.Tecumseh 

George W. Parsons.Talladega 

8— James Jackson.Tuscumbia 

Henry C. Binford.Huntsville 


James T. Peterson.Mobile 

Anthony R. Davidson.Kempsville 

Anderson S. Loveless.... Montgomery 

John Blount.Montgomery 

James D. Stanley.Thompson 

Tobias Smith.Opelika 

Benjamin de Lemos.Hayneville 

Joseph Goldsby.Selma 

Payton Finley.Lafayette 

Green W. Jeter.Central Institute 

Jerome J. Hinds.Decatur 

Joseph W. White.Birmingham 

Napoleon B. Spears.Pell City 

Daniel L. Prentice.Aldrich 

Pleasant B. Barton.Tuscumbia 

Francis Davis.Huntsville 


ARKANSAS, 


AT LARGE. 

Powell Clayton.Eureka Springs O. M. Norman 


Logan H. Roots.Little Rock H. F. McDaniel 

John A. Williams. Pine Bluff J. D. Page. 

J. E. Rector.Little Rock D. Ferguson- 


... .Brinkley 
. Fayetteville 
Hot Springs 
.Marion 


DISTRICT. 


1— A. M. Neely.Forrest City 

D. W. Ellison. Helena 

2— Ferd Havis.Pine Bluff 

John M. Clayton.Pine Bluff 

3— C. E. Mitchell.Texarkana 

D. W. Chandler.Camden 

4— C. M. Barnes.Ft. Smith 

C. N. Rix.Hot Springs 

5— C. M. Greene.Fayetteville 

James T. Penn.Harrison 


Alex. Goodrich.Osceola 

H. A. Johnson.Lake Village 

S. A. • Mosely .Augusta 

S. B. P. Weaver.Brinkley 

Ira A. Church.Texarkana 

A. H. Miller.Arkadelphia 

George N. Perkins.Little Rock 

William Laporte......Little Rock 

Damon Clarke.Fayetteville 

W. W. Johnson.:.Eureka Springs 


CALIFORNIA. 


AT LARGE. 


Morris E. Estee.San Francisco 

John F. Swift.San Francisco 

Creed Haymond.San Francisco 

Henry T. Gage.Los Angeles 


J. A. Clayton.San Jose 

Nathan W. Spaulding..San Francisco 

Edwin P. Danforth.San Francisco 

Richard Gird .Chino 








































































90 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Delegates: 


California —Continued. 


DISTRICT. 


Alternates. 


1— Horace W. Byington.... Santa Rosa 

John F. Ellison.Red Bluff 

2— David E. Knight.Marysville 

A. W. Simpson.Stockton 

3— E. D. Robbins.Suison 

Eli Dennison.Oakland 

4— William H. Dimond..San Francisco 
Charles F. Crocker..San Francisco 

5— Michael H. de Young.San Francisco 

F. C. Franck.Santa Clara 

6— H. Z. Osborne.Express 

Paris Kilburn.Salinas 


Wm. H. Pratt.Eureka 

M. C. Beem.Ft. Jones 

Wm. A. Long.Plainsberg 

Wm. G. Long.Sonora 

Marco B. Ivory.Brentwood 

Wm. C. Van Fleet.Sacramento 

John T. Cutting.San Francisco 

David McClure.San Francisco 

Percy Beamish.San Francisco 

Duncan McPherson.Sentinel 

J. W. Martin.Fresno City 

F. H. Heald.Elsinore 


COLORADO. 


AT LARGE. 


William A. Hamill.Georgetown 

Henry R. Wolcott.Denver 

Irving Howbert.Colorado Springs 

C. M. Donaldson.Leadville 


Henry Kellogg.Las Animas 

George H. Graham. Denver 

J. F. Drake.Pueblo 

H. C. Olney.Gunnison 


DISTRICT. 


1—James M. Henderson.Sterling 

John W. Wingate.Silverton 


A. M. Safely.Boulder 

C. E. McConnell.Gunnison 


CONNECTICUT. 


AT LARGE. 


Samuel Fessenden.Stamford 

Samuel L. Warner.Middletown 

Erastus S. Day.Colchester 

E. Stevens Henry.Rockville 


Frederick Miles .Salisbury 

Leverett M. Hubbard.Wallingford 

John McCormick.New London 

Edward C. Frisbie.Hartford 


DISTRICT. 


1— I. Luther Spencer.Suffield 

Julius Converse.... Stafford Springs 

2— N. D. Sperry.New Haven 

Oscar Leach.Durham 

3— Thomas H. Allen.Baltic 

G. D. Bates.Putnam 

4— H. R. Parrot.Bridgeport 

A. T. Roraback.Canaan 


Thomas S. Duncan.Pequonnock 

F. H. Underwood.Tolland 

Edward T. Turner.Waterbury 

Matthewson W. Potter.... Deep River 

Horace Trumbull.Stonington 

T. E. Hopkins.Ivillingly 

F. A. Mason.Bridgeport 

William B. Rudd.North Canaan 


DELAWARE. 


AT LARGE. 


Henry C. McLear.Wilmington 

Edward G. Bradford.Wilmington 

Joseph R. Whitaker.Dover 

Charles H. Treat.Georgetown 


William B. Berry.Wilmington 

Samuel Aldrich.Glasgow 

Daniel P. Barnard.Wyoming 

William B. Records.Laurel 


DISTRICT. 

1—Alvin B. Conner.Felton John H. Hoffecker.Smyrna 

Charles H. Maull.Lewes Hiram W. McColley....Milford 

FLORIDA. 


AT LARGE. 


Wm. M. Led with.Jacksonville Isaac Stone. 

Samuel Petty.Fernandina Emanuel Fortune 

E. R. Gunby.Orlando Mark S. White... 

J. W. Mitchell.Tallahassee W. H. Bishop... 


... Glenwood 
Jacksonville 
.. .Pensacola 
.Eustis 












































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 


91 


Delegates. 


1— F. M. Wicker... 
George S. Wells 

2— J. K. Russell.... 
J. H. Shelley.... 


F lorida— C otiti nued. 

Alternates. 

DISTRICT. 


Key West R. Y. Searrett.De Funiak Springs 

.Pensacola Joseph Rains.;.Tallahassee 

...Olustee W. A. Middleton.Jacksonville 

. ..Palatka M. M. Moore.Gainesville 


GEORGIA. 


AT LARGE. 


A. E. Buck.Atlanta 

R. D. Locke.Macon 

W. A. Pledger.Athens 

W. J. White.Augusta 


Milton Allen.Macon 

George Wallace.Macon 

M, FI. Bentley.Atlanta 


DISTRICT. 


i 

1— J. H. Deveaux.Savannah 

Floyd Snelson.McIntosh 

2— D. F. Brimberry.Camilla 

C. W. Arnold.Albany 

3— D. A. Dudley.Americus 

N. J. Taylor.Smithville 

4— J. C. Beall..Hamilton 

R. F. Milner.Newman 

5— C. C. Wimbish.Atlanta 

Jackson McHenry.Atlanta 

6— W. W. Brown.Macon 

P. O. Holt.Macon 

7— Aaron Collins.Cartersville 

A. B. Fortune.Rome 

8— Madison Davis.Athens 

John Heard.Greensboro 

0—S. A. Darnell.Jasper 

H. D. Ingersoll.Dahlonega 

10—R. R. Wright. y 2 vote.... Augusta 
Jesse Wimberly, y 2 vote.Waynesboro 
P. H. Craig. y 2 vote.Augusta 

O. T. Gondon, y 2 vote... .Thompson 


L. M. Pleasant.. 

L. W. Crawford. 

A. E. Lippitt... 

O. E. Cone. 

Elbert Head. 

C. A. Coleman 

D. W. Echols.... 
Logan Heard.... 
J. W. Smith.... 
Taylor Slaughter 

B. J. Jones. 

I. W. Wood. 

S. H. Galloway.. 
John Kimball.... 

M. B. Morton... 

J. W. Jones.... 

L. B. Greer. 

Daniel Barnes... 
Noah Johnson... 
W. FI. Clark. 


ILLINOIS. 


.Savannah 

.Darien 

.Albany 

...Ft. Gaines 

.Americus 

.Ferry 

.Columbus 

. . .La Grange 

.Monroe 

. .Douglasville 
.. .Thomaston 

.Forsyth 

.. . Cartersville 

.Marietta 

.Athens 

.Madison 

.Elijay 

Lawrenceville 
. . Sandersville 
...'.. .Augusta 


AT LARGE. 


George R. Davis......Chicago 

Charles B. Farwell.Chicago 

Horace S. Clark.Mattoon 

William F. L. Hadley.... Edwardsville 


James H. Lott.. 
Henry D. Judson 
Peyton Roberts. 
Lee L. Wilcox... 


DISTRICT. 


1— William J. Campbell.Chicago 

Eugene Cary.Chicago 

2— William B. Kent.Chicago 

Henry Scherer.Chicago 

3— John A. Roche.Chicago 

Leonard Swett.Chicago 

4— William Bolden week.... Lake View 

Canute R. Matson.Chicago 

5— Isaac L. Ellwood.De Kalb 

Homer Cook.Waukegan 

6— Charles A. Works.Rockford 

William Spensley.Galena 

7— Thomas E. Milchrist.Galva 

Josiah Little.Amboy 

8— Henry Mayo.Ottawa 

I. F. Bennett.Plano 

9— James E. Morrow.Pontiac 

John H. Jones.Milford 

10—Julius S. Starr.Peoria 

Clarence E. Snively.Canton 


II. H. Kohlsaat. 

Henry V. Freeman.... 
Michael F. Barrett.... 
William L. Deming. . .. 

John M. Smith. 

Emil Wilken. 

John J. Healy. 

William H. Thompson 

Omar H. Wright. 

G. W. Eldredge. 

George S. Haskell... 

Jerome C. Neff. 

Dwight S. Spafford... 

Henry J. Swindler. 

E. B. Fletcher. 

L. C. Cooper. 

Robert D. Hester. 

Frank D. Earned.. 

Jeremiah Wallace. 

D. S. Hewitt. 


.Paxton 

.. .Rochelle 
. Monmouth 
Champaign 


.. Chicago 
. .Chicago 
. .Chicago 
. .Chicago 
. . Chicago 
. .Chicago 
.. Chicago 
.. Chicago 
. Belvidere 
Richmond 
. Rochford 
. .Rochelle 
. Morrison 
.Magnolia 
.... Morris 
.. Chicago 
. .La Rose 
.. .Bensen 
. Knoxville 
.. .Toulon 


t 









































































































92 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Illinois— Continued. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

AT LARGE. 


11— Benjamin F. Marsh.Warsaw 

John M. Turnbull.Monmouth 

12— William L. Distin.Quincy 

Richard Mills.Virginia 

13— John A. Ayers.Jacksonville 

William Brown.Island Grove 

14— James Millikin.Decatur 

B. F. Funk.Bloomington 

15— Frank K. Robeson.Campaign 

Charles P. Hitch.Paris 

16— Thomas W. Scott.Fairfield 

D. B. Green.Toledo 

17— R. T. Higgins.Vandalia 

Benson Wood.Effingham 

18— William A. Haskell.Alton 

Cicero J. Lindley.Greenville 

19— Jasper Partridge.Carmi 

George C. Ross.Benton 

20— William R. Brown.Metropolis 

Ed. E. Mitchell.Marion 


Warren O. Blaisdell.Macomb 

William D. Craig.Aledo 

William Watson.Barry 

Francis E. Marriom.Hardin 

W. H. Weaver.Petersburg 

R. C. Coyner.Pana 

R. Marquis.*.Lincoln 

G. M. Abbott.Chicago 

Patrick M. Richards.Urbana 

Charles G. Eckhart.Tuscola 

Warren May.Sumner 

Robert S. Gordon.Mt. Carmel 

C. N. Twadell.Lake City 

Frank Millner.Litchfield 

James A. Willoughby.Belleville 

Emil Schmidt.Nashville 

Frank M. Pickett.Harrisburg 

Joseph W. Maddux.Carlyle 

William N. Butler.Cairo 

William S. Wheatley.Duquoin 


INDIANA. 


AT LARGE. 


Albert G. Porter.Indianapolis 

Richard W. Thompson.... Terre Haute 

James N. Huston.Connersville 

Clem. Studebaker.South Bend 


John P. Carr.Brookston 

M. M. Hurley.New Albany 

Harry G. Thayer.Plymouth 

Stanton J. Peele.Indianapolis 


DISTRICT. 


1— John B. Cockrum.Booneville 

Arthur P. Twineham.... Princeton 

2— S. N. Chambers.Vincennes 

Joseph Gardner.Bedford 

3— John Overmyer.North Vernon 

W. N. McDonald.Seymour 

4— M. D. Tackett.Greensburg 

W. H. Clark.Rising Sun 

5— John V. Hadley.Danville 

W. L. Dunlap.Franklin 

6— W. A. Cullen.Rushville 

John Wildman.Muncie 

7— E. W. Halford.Indianapolis 

R. A. Black.Greenfield 

8— J. D. Earle.Terre Haute 

R. H. Nixon.Newport 

9— Thomas J. Kane.Nobleville 

N. R. Throckmorton... .Lafayette 

10— E. C. Field.Crown Point 

A. K. Sills.Monticello 

11— A. C. Bearss.Peru 

Plezekiah Caldwell.Wabash 

12— James S. Drake.LaGrange 

W. H. Kniseley.Columbia City 

13— J. W. Crumpacker.La Porte 

M. W. Simons.Plymouth 


J. H. Sulzer. 

W. T. Mason. 

J. C. Billheimer.. 

M. C. Taylor. 

J. A. Kemp. 

George B. Cardwell 
W. T. Forshea.... 
Alfred Shaw. 

C. S. Hammond.... 
J. G. McPheeters., 
Charles M. Rock.. 
J. M. Townsend... 

E. B. Wingate. 

B. D. Bagby. . 

S. Daniels. 

A. S. Peacock. 

H. S. Travis. 

D. W. Paul. 

M. L. Demotto.... 

J. A. Hatch. 

L. C. Davanport... 

Leopold Levy. 

J. M. Somers. 

Hiram Iddings.... 
A. H. Henderson. 
James H. Cisney.. 


.. .Cannelton 
... .Rockport 
.Washington 
.Worthington 

.Salem 

.New Albany 

.Madison 

.Vevay 

. .Greencastle 
.Bloomington 
Knightstown 
.. .Richmond 
.. . Shelbyville 
. Indianapolis 
Terra Haute 

.Attica 

.Fowler 

... .Frankfort 
.. .Valparaiso 
... . Kentland 

.Bluff ton 

. .Huntington 
... .Waterloo 
.Kendallville 

.Knox 

.Warsaw 


IOWA. 


D. B. Henderson 
J. S. Clarkson... 
J. P. Dolliver... 
G. D. Perkins.. 


AT LARGE. 


...Dubuque E. S. Ormsby.Emmettsburg 

Des Moines J. Brigham.Cedar Rapids 

Fort Dodge S. C. McFarland.Marshalltown 

.Sioux City O. M. Ladd.Ottumwa 











































































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 


93 


Iowa— Continued. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

DISTRICT. 


1— J. F. Wilson.Fairfield 

J. N. Irwin.Keokuk 

2— J. T. Lane.*.Davenport 

M. Remley.Iowa City 

3— J. D. Newcomer.Eldora 

E. A. Dawson.Waverly 

4— T. Updegraff.McGregor 

J. D. Glas§.Mason City 

5— H. H. Rood.Mt. Vernon 

W. A. Hunter.Belle Plaine 

6— G. M. Christian.Grinnell 

J. P. Early.Albia 

7— D. A. Bigelow.Ames 

T. J. Caldwell.Adel 

8— W. P. Hepburn.. Clarinda 

F. M. Drake.Centerville 

9— S. McPherson.Red Oak 

W. J. Davis.Harlan 

10— W. L. Culbertson.Carroll 

G. W. Hanna.Luverne 

11— F. H. Helsell.Sioux Rapids 

E. C. Brown.Sheldon 


L. W. Mevers.... 

W. B. Bell. 

C. Hedges. 

C. F. Garlock 

H. S. Birdsall. 

Jed. Lake. 

L. E. Smith. 

A. K. Bailey. 

C. L. Longley. 

S. S. Farwell. 

T. C. Cunningham 
A. H. Fortune.... 

C. B. Lothrop. 

R. L. Chase. 

H. M. Towner.... 
F. R. Crocker.... 

E. W. Weeks. 

J. T. Jenkins. 

P. H. Pope. 

Mahlon Head 

H. S. Linderink... 
A. R. Molyneaux. 


.Wapello 

.. .Washington 

.Marengo 

.Muscatine 

.Clarion 

. .Independence 

.Cresco 

.Decorah 

.Tipton 

.Monticello 

.Sigourney 

.Bloomfield 

.Winterset 

...Des Moines 

.Corning 

.Chariton 

Guthrie Center 

.Brayton 

.Humboldt 

.Jefferson 

...Orange City 
.Cherokee 


KANSAS. 

AT LARGE. 


Albert Griffin.Manhattan 

Thomas A. Osborn.Topeka 

James R. Hallowell.Wichita 

J. C. Strang.Larned 


C. A. Swenson.Lindsborg 

A. A. Whitman.Pratt 

T. C. McBreen.Stockton 

J. Ware Butterfield.Marion 


DISTRICT. 


1— Cyrus Leland, Jr.Troy 

James M. Graybill... .Leavenworth 

2— Henry L. Alden.Wyandotte 

W. A. Johnson.Garrett 

3— W. M. Jenkins.Arkansas City 

J. D. Barker.Girard 

4— W. W. Scott.Emporia 

Alvah Shelden.Eldorado 

5— H. D. Baker.Salina 

B. H. McEckron.Concordia 

6— W. W. Watson.Osborne 

M. H. Johnson.Kirwin 

7— A. H. Heber.Meade Center 

G. C. Curtis.Wellington 


J. T. Brady. 

L. W. Crowl. 

William Everett.. 

H. W. Pond. 

Adrian Reynolds.. 

T. C. Jones. 

F. F. McKercher. 
J. N. McDonald... 

S. G. Stover. 

R. F. Thompson. 
L. H. Thompson 

J. L. Cook. 

E. E. Hubbell. 

Isaac A. Love- 


KENTUCKY. 


AT LARGE. 


William O. Bradley.Lancaster William L. Hurst... 

John W. Lewis.Springfield Thomas Forman- 

George M. Thomas.Vanceburg Isaac Curtis. 

George Denny.Lexington Hugh Mulholland, Jr 


DISTRICT. 


1— W. J. Deboe.Marion 

N. S. Allison.Mayfield 

2— George W. Jolly.Owensboro 

Ed. W. Glass.Hopkinsville 

3 — e. U. Fordyce.Bowling Green 

W. S. Taylor.Morgantown 

4— Andrew Thompson.Springfield 

Charles M. Pendleton-Hartford 

5— A. E. Wilson.Louisville 

W. P. Hampton.Louisville 


J. B. Tyler. 

G. W. Witty... 
T. W. Gardner.. 

A. H. Cabell_ 

E. Scott Brown. 

I. H. Gray. 

John W. Sayers 
S. A. Smith.... 
Burton Vance... 

J. J. Johnson... 


.Sabetha 

Westmoreland 

.Lawrence 

....Fort Scott 

.Sedan 

.Chanute 

.Marion 

.. .Burlingame 

.Belleville 

.. .Minneapolis 

.Norton 

.Gove 

.Scott 

.Anthony 


.Campton 

Maysville 

Louisville 

.Paducah 


.. .Princetown 

.Milburn 

.. Madisonville 
... .Henderson 
.... Scottsville 
.. .Russellville 

.Deatsville 

Elizabethtown 

.Louisville 

.Louisville 


i 












































































































94 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Kentucky— Continued. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

DISTRICT. 


6— John M. Wilson.Williamstown 

John P. Ernst.Covington 

7— William Cassius Goodloe.Lexington 

Louis Lebus.Cynthiana 

8— John Bennett.Richmond 

Logan McKee.Danville 

9— W. W. Patterson.Ashland 

W. A. Warford.Flemingsburg 

10— John W. Langley.Prestonburg 

G. L. Kirkpatrick. ...Mt. Sterling 

11— E. A. Hobson.... Greensburg 

W. W. Jones...Columbia 


Paris E. Morgan.Falmouth 

D. B. Wallace.Warsaw 

A. B. Sowards...,.Georgetown 

James Walker.Owen ton 

John T. Ballard.Shelbyville 

James M. Sebastian.Booneville 

H. C. Metcalf.Brookville 

H. H. Gambril.Louisa 

D. G. Colston.Pineville 

J. L. Bosley.Winchester 

E. W. Porch.Somerset 

W. L. Hazelip.Glasgow 


LOUISIANA. 


AT LARGE. 

William Pitt Kellogg.Washington. D. C W. B. Smith 


P. T. Herwig.New Orleans E. W. .Wall... 

P. B. S. Pinchback.New Orleans Paul Thomas.. 

James Lewis.New Orleans J. C. Baumann 


.Franklin 

.Vidalia 

New Orleans 
.Kenner City 


DISTRICT. 


1— H. C. Warmoth.Lawrence 

L. P. Smith.New Orleans 

2— Andrew Hero, Jr.New Orleans 

Thomas W. Wickham..New Orleans 

3— Henry C. Minor.Houma 

C. B. Darrall.Franklin 

4— William Harper.Shreveport 

A. H. Leonard.New Orleans 

5— David Young.New Orleans 

George Gell.New Orleans 

6— John E. Breaux.New Orleans 

Napoleon Lastrapes... .New Orleans 


John E. Staes.New Orleans 

John W. Edwards.New Orleans 

Chas. A. Bourgeois.St. Charles 

Z. B. Cohen...Central 

Mayer Cahen.Donaldsonville 

W. W. Williams.Lafayette 

D. J. Price.New Orleans 

A. J. Smith.New Orleans 

T. I. Galbreth.New Orleans 

S. W. Smith. New Orleans 

B. F. Moseley.New Orleans 

Aleck Gilbert.New Orleans 


MAINE. 


AT LARGE. 


Charles H. Prescott.Biddeford 

Samuel H. Allen.Thomaston 

Joseph H. Manley.Augusta 

Charles A. Boutelle.Bangor 


Charles J. Chapman.Portland 

George L. Beal.Norway 

I. C. Libby.Burnham 

A. B. Sumner.Lubec 


DISTRICT. 


1— Charles A. Brown.Portland 

William B. Tobie..North Berwick 

2— George A. Wilson.Paris 

John H. Kimball.Bath 

3— R. B. Shepard.Skowhegan 

Eben D. Haley.Gardner 

4— Fred A. Powers.Houlton 

B. B. Thatcher.Bangor 


Edward B. Mallett, Jr.Freeport 

Justin M. Leavitt.Bucksport 

Henry M. Richards.Harrington 

David W. Chapman.Damariscotta 

Elliott Wood.Winthrop 

C. C. Burrill.Ellsworth 

George F. Townsend.Calais 

J. B. Mayo.Foxcroft 


MARYLAND. 

AT LARGE. 


Walter B. Brooks.Baltimore 

William D. Burchinal.Chestertown 

Adam E. King.Baltimore 

David D. Dixon.Baltimore 


George R. Marshall.Stockton 

F. Albert Kurtz.Baltimore 

John P. Forrester.Centerville 

John W. Adams.Baltimore 




















































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 1888. 


95 


Maryland— Continued. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

DISTRICT. 


1— R. J. W. Garey.Denton 

L. E. P. Dennis.Crisfield 

2— William T. Warburton.Elkton 

William M. Marine.Baltimore 

3— William F. Airey.Baltimore 

W. W. Johnson.Baltimore 

4— J. Reese Pitcher.Baltimore 

Wesley M. Oler.Baltirnore 

5— James A. Gary.Baltimore 

Adrian Posey.Port Tobacco 

6— George L. Wellington. Cumberland 
Benjamin H. Miller... Sandy Spring 


Joseph Mallalieu.Millington 

William Perkins.Chestertown 

Charles W. Lee.Towson 

Isaac E. Pierson.Westminster 

Charles F. Riehl.Baltimore 

I. D. Oliver. Baltimore 

Joshua C. Simms.Baltimore 

Charles T. Smith...Baltimore 

h icholas Jacobs.Annapolis 

J. H. Garrett. Carroll 

F. T. Wheaton.Hagerstown 

F. B. Noyes.Washington, D. C 


MASSACHUSETTS. 


AT LARGE. 


George F. Hoar.Worcester 

Henry S. Hyde.West Springfield 

Frederick L. Burden.. North Attleboro 
Alanson W. Beard.Boston 


Benjamin S. Lovell.Weymouth 

Julius C. Chappelle.Boston 

Fred H. Williams.Foxborough 

Charles N. Yeamans.Westfield 


DISTRICT. 


1— Frank Stevens.Swansea 

Jonathan Bourne.... New Bedford 

2— William H. Bent.Tauton 

Eben L. Ripley.Hingham 

3— Arthur W. Tufts.Boston 

Edward P. Wilbur.'.Boston 

4— Jesse M. Gove.Boston 

Charles J. Noyes.Boston 

5— Edward D. Hayden..-.Woburn 

Elmer H. Capen.Somerville 

tl—William B. Littlefield.Lynn 

Samuel W. McCall.... Winchester 

7—William Cogswell.Salem 

William E. Blunt.Haverhill 

S—Joseph L. Sargent.Dracut 

George S. Merrill.Lawrence 

9—J. Henry Gould.Medfield 

David W. Farquhar.Newton 

10— William A. Gile.Worcester 

George L. Gibbs.Northbridge 

11— John W. Wheeler.Orange 

John G. Mackintosh.Holyoke 

12— Emerson Gaylord.Chicopee 

William M. Prince.Pittsfield 


Samuel Fessenden.Sandwdch 

John H. Abbott.Fall River 

Frank L. Pushaw.Canton 

Francis A. Hobart.Braintree 

Thomas Dana.Boston 

J. P. S. Churchill.Milton 

Harrison H. Atwood.Boston 

Joseph B. Maccabee.Boston 

William A. Tower.Lexington 

Francis L. Chapman.Cambridge 

Charles A. Campbell.Chelsea 

Horace E. Boynton.Boston 

James D. Pike.Merrimac 

C. H. Shepard.Danvers 

Byran Truell.Law'rence 

Richard F. Barrett.Concord 

M. M. Dessau.Farmingham 

George M. Towle.Brookline 

M. V. B. Jefferson.Worcester 

Henry O. Sawyer.West Boylston 

E. A. Buffington.Leominster 

Lyman D. James.Williamsburg 

William N. Flint.Monson 

Frank H. Wright.... Great Barrington 


MICHIGAN. 

AT LARGE. 


R. E. Fraser.Detroit 

J. K. Boies.Hudson 

W. Q. Atwood.Saginaw 

Thomas P. Dunstan.Hancock 


James M. Turner.Lansing 

M. S. Crosby.Grand Rapids 

W. S. Tousey.Bay City 

Wm. S. Hopkins.St. Clair 


DISTRICT. 


1— H. M. Duffield.Detroit 

John Atkinson.Detroit' 

2— George Spaulding.Monroe 

Charles T. Mitchell.Hillsdale 

3— William A. Coombs.Coldwater 

Charles E. Townsend.Jackson 

4— L. M. Ward.Benton Harbor 

Bishop E. Andrews. .Three Rivers 

5— A. B. Watson.Grand Rapids 

C. P. Brown.Spring Lake 


George H. Hopkins.Detroit 

James H. Stone.Detroit 

B. F. Graves.Adrian 

J. L. Gilbert.Chelsea 

D. Hawkins.Vermontville 

R. L. Warren.Albion 

H. D. Smith.Cassopolis 

D. K. Charles.Bangor 

John Crisp.Allegan 

James H. Kidd.Ionia 







































































































96 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Michigan— Continued. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

AT LARGE. 


6— William McPherson, Jr.Howell 

W. B. McCreery.Flint 

7— Edgar Weeks.Mt. Clemens 

Harrison Geer .Lapeer 

8— R. G. Horr.East Saginaw 

S. Perry Young.Stanton 

9— E. O. Shaw.Newaygo 

George W. Craw r ford. ... Big Rapids 

10— N. M. Richardson. Caro 

Green Pack . Oscoda 

11— Perry Hannah.Traverse City 

S. M. Stephenson.Menominee 


J. Sumner Rogers 

C. S. Brown. 

J. McGill . 

J. S. Ayres. 

Wm. Kilpatrick... 

P. C. Heald. 

T. S. Gurney. 

William Mears ... 

H. P. Merrill. 

P. E. Witherspoon 
Joseph Sellwood . 
W. H. Rood. 


Orchard Lake 

.Flint 

.Marlette 

..Port Austin 

.Owosso 

.Midland 

.Hart 

. .Boyne Falls 

.Bay City 

.Harrison 

.Bessemer 

... .Ishpeming 


MINNESOTA. 


AT LARGE. 


Frank F. Davis.Minneapolis C. E. Wright 

Joel P. Heatwole.Northfield W. A. Sperry 

C. G. Hartley.Duluth H. A. Finkle. 

C. G. Edwards.Spring Valley J. E. Brown. 


1— James O'Brien. 

George B. Edgerton 

2— M. N. Leland. 

H. J. Miller. 

3— M. S. Chandler. 

Peter Johnson .... 

4— W. J. Freaney. 

R. B. Langdon. 

5— C. B. Lewis. 

H. Steenerson. 


DISTRICT. 


. . . Caledonia 

.Kasson 

.Wells 

.Luverne 

.. Red Wing 

.Dassel 

.St. Paul 

.Minneapolis 
Fergus Falls 
.. .Crookston 


Oscar Ayres .. 

A. J. Greer. 

P. V. Collins... 

L. C. Herr 
Frank Gifford.. 
F. A. Hilscher. 

N. W. Chance. 
J. P. McCusick 

M. D. Taylor... 

O. M. Torrison. 


MISSISSIPPI. 


Monticello 
Owatonna 
. Moorhead 
. Mapleton 


.Austin 

.. Lake City 
...St. Peter 

.Slayton 

.. .Shakopee 
.... Willmar 

.Cokato 

...Pine City 
.. .St. Cloud 
Elbow Lake 


AT LARGE. 


John R. Lynch.Natchez F. P. Hill . 

James Hill .Jackson Charles Rosenbaum 

John McGill .Jackson J. J. Baker. 

T. W. Stringer.Vicksburg H. H. Harvey. 

DISTRICT. 

1— G. C. Chandler.Corinth H. C. Powers .... 

J. W. Lee .Aberdeen W. E. Parker. 

2— John S. Burton.Holly Springs N. L. Lockey. 

George M. Buchanan.. .Holly Sp’gs W. W. Ellison. 

3— Wesley Creyton .Vicksburg Gilbert Horton. 

W. H. Allen.Friar’s Point G. W. Gillian. 

4— W. D. Frazee.Okalona William Tindall ... 

E. E. Pettibone.Grenada H. H. Harrington... 

5— A. C. Edwards.Meridian J. R. Smith . 

S. P. Hurst.Lexington Perry Howard .... 

6— G. F. Bowles.Natchez Wm. Noonan . 

C. A. Simpson.Hattiesburgh C. H. Crugat . 

7— J- J- Spelman.Jackson O. L. Garrett . 

H. Kernaghan .Brandon S. S. Mathews. 


MISSOURI. 


... .Sardis 
.. .DeKalb 
Lexington 
Greenville 


.. Starkville 
.. .Aberdeen 

.Sardis 

. .Hernando 
.. Greenville 

.Lula 

. .. .Okolona 
West Point 
.. .Meridian 
.. .Ebenezer 
... .Natchez 
...Scranton 

.Canton 

.Hazelhurst 


AT LARGE. 


Chauncey I. Filley.St. Louis Joseph B. Upton. 

Wm. Warner .Kansas City E. E. Kimball ... 

D. P. Dyer.St. Louis John D. Dopf_ 

Joseph H. Pelham.Hannibal A. C. Widdicombe 


. .Bolivar 
. .Nevada 
Rockport 
Boonville 
































































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 


97 


Missouri— Continued. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

DISTRICT. 


1— C. P. Hess.Macon 

D. W. Pollock.St. John 

2— A. W. Mullins.Linneus 

W. A. Jacobs.Chillicothe 

3— Wm. T. Sullivan.Gallatin 

Eugene S. Low.Maysville 

4— John Albus, Jr.St. Joseph 

Julius A. Sanders.Savannah 

5— John A. Duncan.Kansas City 

S. G. Kelly.Knob Noster 

6— S. K. Crawford.Warsaw 

Orville Vaughan.Slater 

7— John R. Martin.Washington 

W. L. Morsey.Warrington 

8— John H. Pohlman.St. Louis 

H. M. Pollard.St. Louis 

9— Charles E. Pearce.St. Louis 

J. Gilbert Chapman.St. Louis 

10— Henry Ziegenhein.St. Louis 

Robert C. Allen.Clayton 

11— L. F. Parker.Rolla 

T. B. Robinson.Tuscumbia 

12— Joseph C. Stewart.Webb City 

George A. Neal.Osceola 

13— Frederick King.Marshfield 

Horace R. Williams.Purdy 

14— Byrd Duncan.Popular Bluff 

Samuel A. Risley.West Plains 


Joseph Meyer.Kahoka 

James Gillespie...Memphis 

Louis Benecke.Brunswick 

P. C. Stepp.Trenton 

George W. Wilcox.Princeton 

A. H. Vandivert.Bethany 

S. McComas.Platte City 

E. A. Welty.Oregon 

L. P. Williamson.Independence 

Robert Taubman.Lexington 

A. P. Morey.Sedalia 

J. W. Moore.California 

A. F. Mispagel.St. Charles 

T. C. Wilson.Troy 

Charles F. Wennecker.St. Louis 

F. W. H. Weisehahn.St. Louis 

Charles Turner.St. Louis 

Charles Schweickardt.St. Louis 

Louis Grund.St. Louis 

G. St. Gem.St. Genevieve 

James T. Moore.Lebanon 

Giles Bell.Fulton 

James Masters.Stockton 

Jacob Keiser.Clinton 

D. S. Flowers.Pierce City 

W. S. Johnson.Springfield 

L. P. Clymer.Commerce 

Lindsay Murdock.Marble Hill 


NEBRASKA. 


John M. Thurston 

Patrick Egan. 

R. S. Norval. 

George W. Heist.. 


AT LARGE. 


.Omaha C. W. Boggs.Blair 

Lincoln H. E. Palmer.Plattsmouth 

Seward J. P. Hartman.Kearney 

.Sidney R. B. Likes.Hayes Center 


DISTRICT. 


1— Charles Green.Omaha 

C. O. Bates.Beatrice 

2— B. S. Baker.Fairbury 

E. D. Einsel.Holdredge 

3— W. M. Robertson.Madison 

Aaron W. Wall.Loup City 


C. C. Wilson.Sterling 

F. A. Scoville.Ashland 

C. S. Johnson.Nelson 

George H. Stewart.Stockville 

B. S. Lily.Broken Bow 

W. Radford.Ponca 


NEVADA. 


AT LARGE. 


William M. Stewart.Carson Andrew Maute 

John P. Jones.Gold Hill J. Meiggs. 

W. E, Sharon.Virginia City F. C. Parsons.. 

L. Hamilton.Virginia City James Haynes. 

DISTRICT. 

1—Evan Williams.Carson J. Poujade. 

M. D. Foley.Eureka G. C. Thaxter. 


NEW HAMPSHIRE. 


. .Belmont 

.Elko 

Tuscarora 
....Genoa 


Pioche 

Carson 


Person C. Cheney- 

Jacob H. Gallinger.. 

Hiram A. Tuttle- 

Alfred T. Batchelder 


AT LARGE. 


Manchester 
... .Concord 
.. .Pittsfield 
.Keene 


Arthur Taggart.. 
Dana W. King.. 
Frank W. Cobern 
Seth M. Richards 


. .Manchester 

.Nashua 

New Durham 
.Newport 


































































































98 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


New Hampshire— Continued. 
Delegates . Alternates. 

DISTRICT. 


1— ’John L. Peavey.Wolfborough 

Edward H. Gilman.Exeter 

2— Chester Pike.Cornish 


Charles H. Greenleaf-Franconia 


Samuel A. Haley.New Market 

David F. Healy.Manchester 

David W. O’Neil.Claremont 

Charles Parker.Lisbon 


NEW JERSEY. 


W. J. Sewell... 
J. Hart Brewer. 
John W. Griggs 
Geo. A. Halsey. 


AT LARGE. 


.Camden Geo. T. Cranmer.Bamegat 

.Trenton PI. C. H. Herold.Newark 

Paterson Gilbert Collins.Jersey City 

.Newark Frank F. Patterson.Camden 


DISTRICT. 


1— Isaac Moffatt.Glassborough 

Richard T. Starr.Salem 

2— Wm. H. Skirm.Trenton 

Jos. H. Gaskell.Mt. Holly 

3— Jos. H. T. Martin.Woodbridge 

Henry S. White.Red Bank 

4— H. B. Herr... .White House Station 

John I. Blair.Blairstown 

5— H. O. Marsh.Morristown 

Wm. M. Johnson.Hackensack 

6— Henry M. Doremus.Newark 

Henry A. Potter.East Orange 

7— James V. Vredenburgh. .Jersey City 

John Ramsey.Jersey City 


Malachi D. Cornish.Camden 

John T. Bottomley.Camden 

Abram Lower.Point Pleasant 

Shepard S. Hudson... .May’s Landing 

John Ulrich.Plainfield 

Hugh W. Adams.Elizabeth 

S. Snowden Cook.Somerville 

William M. Smith.Newton 

Edward D. Halsey.Morristown 

N. Murray Butler.Paterson 

Thomas B. Peabody.Newark 

Ambrose M. Matthews.Orange Valley 

Richard Williams.Jersey City 

John D. Carscallen.Jersey City 


NEW YORK. 


Frank Hiscock. 

Chauncey M. Depew 

Warner Miller. 

Thomas C. Platt.... 


AT LARGE. 


..Syracuse 
New York 
.Herkimer 
.Tioga 


James Arkell. 

John Raines. 

Davis A. Baldwin.. 
Daniel H. McMillan 


DISTRICT. 


1— James H. Platt.Queens 

William S. Coggswell.Jamacia 

2— T. L. Woodruff.Brooklyn 

Granville W. Harman... .Brooklyn 

3— Jesse Johnson.Brooklyn 

W. J. Taylor.Brooklyn 

4— M. J. Dady.Brooklyn 

Theo. B. Willis.Brooklyn 

5— Charles Engert.Brooklyn 

Louis E. Nicot.Brooklyn 

6— Stephen B. French.New York 

George B. Deane.New York 

7— John D. Lawson.New York 

Charles N. Taintor.New York 

8— John J. O’Brien.New York 

Arthur E. Bateman.New York 

9— John R. Nugent.New York 

George Hilliard.New York 

10— Alfred R. Whitney.New Y^ork 

Robert R. Hamilton-New York 

11— Sheridan Shook.New York 

Fred S. Gibbs.New York 

12— Solon B. Smith.New York 

John F. Plummer.New York 

13— John McClave.New York 

Donald McClave.New York 

14— William H. Robertson.Katonah 

James W. Husted... .White Plains 


David J. Tyson 


R. W. Fielding. 

J. Lott Nostrand..., 
Howard M. Smith. 
Charles Naeher.... 
Henry E. Townsend 

H. H. Beadle. 

George W. Farmer. 


William H. Gedney.... 

Frank J. Carroll. 

Dennis Shea. 

William M. Doyle. 

John Simpson. 

Theodore E. Brodhead 

John S. Phillips. 

Louis L. Roland. 

John C. O’Conner, Jr. 

Henry Kroff. 

Robert A. Greacen.... 
Stephen N. Simonson.. 

John H. Gunner. 

Alfred G. Nason. 

John Reisenweber. 

Morris Friedsam. 

William B. Davidson.. 
J. Thomas Stearns.... 


.Canajoharie 
Canandaigua 
... .Brooklyn 
.Buffalo 


New Dorp 


,... .Brooklyn 
New Utrecht 
,... .Brooklyn 
,... .Brooklyn 
,... .Brooklyn 
,... .Brooklyn 
.Brooklyn 


. .New York 
. .New York 
.. .New York 
. .New York 
..New York 
. .New York 
..New York 
.. New York 
..New York 
..New York 
. .New York 
.. .New York 
..New York 
..New York 
..New York 
. .New York 
Dobbs Ferry 
... .Tremont 






































































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


99 


New York — Continued. 

Delegates. Alternates. 

DISTRICT. 


15—Charles St. John, Jr...Port Jervis 


H. J. Sarles.Liberty 

16— Louis F. Payne.Chatham 

Obed Wheeler.Wing’s Station 

17— Jacob Lefever.Rondout 

Marvin D. Wheeler.Hancock 

18— James S. Smart.Cambridge 

John A. Quackenbush.Troy 

19— John M. Bailey.Albany 

John A. Sleicher.Albany 

20— James P. Angersinger. .Johnstown 

David A. Wells.Gloversville 

21— Robert W. Thompson.Malone 

L. W. Emerson.Warrensburg 

22— 'George M. Gleason... .Gouverneur 

Joseph Mullin.Watertown 

23— Samuel R. Campbell. 

.New York Mills 

Henry A. Phillips.Lowville 

24— David Wilbur.Oneonta 

Hobart Krum.Schoharie 

25— Francis Hendricks.Syracuse 

Edward Keator.Cortland 

26— Stephen C. Millard-Binghamton 

Cyrus B. Martin.Norwich 

27— George B. Sloan.Oswego 

John H. Camp.Lyons 

28— J. S. Fassett.Elmira 

John W. Dwight.Dryden 

29— Stephen T. Hoyt.Corning 

J. Foster Parkhurst.Bath 

30— John B. Hamilton.West Rush 

H. H. Warner.Rochester 

31— L. N. Humphrey.Warsaw 

H. F. Tarbox.Batavia 

32— O. G. Warren.Buffalo 

John Laughlin.Buffalo 

33— Harvey F. Gaskill. .Niagara Falls 

John B. Weber.Buffalo 

34— Frank W. Higgins.Olean 

Jerome B. Fisher.Jamestown 


W. D. Dickey.Newburgh 

W. W. Snow.Hillburn 

Edward S. Atwater.Poughkeepsie 

George McCabe.Cold Spring 

Robert Loughran.Kingston 

Oliver Bourke.Catskill 

Richard A. Derrick.7. .Troy 

George Clements.Dresden 


Thomas J. Cowell.Albany 

John Kellogg.Amsterdam 


John Houghtran.Ellenburgh 

John S. Roberts.Elizabethtown 

Carlton E. Sanford.Pottsdam 

Byron B. Taggart.Watertown 

W. H. Bright.Utica 

John D. Jones.Turin 

John B. Hooker.Fly Creek 

James H. Crandell.Cobleskill 

George Baxter.Liverpool 

Robert Bushby.Cortland 

Samuel R. Mott.Canastota 

George C. Bayless.Binghamton 

Charles Tollner.Pulaski 

Cyrenus Wheeler, Jr.Auburn 

J. B. H. Mongin.Waterloo 

E. E. Robinson.Ithaca 


Volney P. Brown.Scottsville 

Henry Hebing.Rochester 

Isaac Hampton.Dansville 

Isaac S. Signor.Albion 

S. G. Dorr.Buffalo 

James Carmichael.Buffalo 

Henry Lapp.Clarence 

George E. Smith.Middleport 

A. W. Smith.Cuba 

L. Mclnstry.Fredonia 


NORTH CAROLINA. 


AT LARGE. 


Thomas N. Cooper.Brevard G. H. Smathers- 

James H. Harris.Raleigh Ellwood Cox. 

John C. Darcey.Salisbury W. C. Smith. 

Elihu A. White.Belvidere J. T. Reynolds. 

DISTRICT. 

1— C. M. Bernard.Greenville H. O. Gussom. 

Hugh Cole.Elizabeth City W. W. Spakes. 

2 — L. C. Estes.Enfield 'J. H. Montgomery 

R. L. Parrot.Kingston J. W. Harrell. 

3— O. J. Spears.Lillington A. A. Smith. 

George T. Wassom.Goldsboro E. P. Powers. 

4— J. C. L. Harris.Raleigh H. C. Long. 

J. H. Williamson.Louishnr^-._W. S. Mitchell- 

5— J. A. Hoskins.Summerfield 

W. A. Pattillo.Oxford J. W. Powe. 

6— D L. Russell.Wilmington J. M. Smith. 

J. W. Gordon.Charlotte T. S. Lewis. 

7 — j. j. Mott.Statesville J. A. Pearson. 

G. M. Bulla.Lexington C. G. Bailey. 

$ —t. J. Dula.Wilkesboro T. M. Puett. 

D. C. Pearson.Morganton J. R. Henderson... 

9—J. W. Shook.Clyde J. A. Nichols. 

G W. Crawford.Marion O. M. Deaver. 


Waynesville 
.High Point 
.. .Charlotte 
..Enfield 


.Eden ton 

... .Simsbury 

.Weldon 

.Newbern 

Goldsborough 
. .Fayetteville 

.Haywood 

.Raleigh 


.... Yanceyville 
.. .Rockingham 
... .Lumberton 

..Catawba 

.Mocksville 

.Lenoir 

Wilkesborough 

.Marshall 

.Asheville 


























































































































100 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Delegates. 


OHIO. 

AT LARGE. 


Alternates. 


Joseph B. Foraker.Columbus 

Wm. McKinley, Jr.Canton 

Charles Foster .Fostoria 

Benj. Butterworth .Cincinnati 


Robert Harlan .Cincinnati 

C. L. Maxwell.Xenia 

L. W. Brown .Wauseon 

Frank Baird.Baird’s Furnace 


DISTRICT. 


1— T. W. Graydon.Cincinnati 

Howard Ferris.Cincinnati 

2— Frank Tucker .Cincinnati 

Armor Smith, Jr.Cincinnati 

3— J. E- Lowes.Dayton 

O. B. Brown .Dayton 

4— George P. Waldorf.Lima 

A. M. Kuhn.Wapakoneta 

5— W. H. Gibson.Tiffin 

E. J. Totten.Findlay 

6.—I. N. Alexander.Van Wert 

H. A. Hamilton.Perrysburg 

7— John Little .Xenia 

James B. Swing .Batavia 

8— John Foos .Springfield 

Festus Walters .Circleville 

9— H. M. Carper.Delaware 

R. L. Woodburn.Marysville 

10— Clarence Brown .Toledo 

J. B. Luckey .Elmore 

11— E. S. Wilson .Ironton 

S. M. Brandyberry.Gallipolis 

12— A. W. Doan .Wilmington 

Marcus Boggs .Chillicothe 

13— Jared P. Bliss .Columbus 

John W. Jones.Haydenville 

14— Henry C. Hedges.Mansfield 

S. S. Warner ....Wellington 

15— Charles L. Kurtz.Athens 

W. W. Merrick .Pomeroy 

16— M. Churchill .Zanesville 

Samuel J. Davis .Newark 

17— John A. Bingham.Cadiz 

Robert Sherrard, Jr.. .Steubenville 

18— R. N. Chamberlin. .East Palestine 

T. R. Morgan, Sr.Alliance 

19— Wm. Grinnell .Ravenna 

W. H. Johnson .East Mentor 

20— M. L. Smyser.i.Wooster 

Cornelius J. Manix.Cleveland 

21— Myron T. Merrick.Cleveland 

M. A. Hanna .Cleveland 


E. B. Warren .Cincinnati 

Samuel A. Hirst .Cincinnati 

Samuel Trost .Cincinnati 

John Strubbe .Cincinnati 

John W. Widny .Pickaway 

John Reisinger .Eaton 

L. S. Jameson.Celina 

Z. T. Dorman .Greenville 

Horace M. Deal .Bucyrus 

J. A. Maxwell .Upper Sandusky 

Walter Hilton .Defiance 

L. G. Randall .Napoleon 

Samuel H. Dustin .Loveland 

J. B. Allen .Xenia 

John M. Boyer .London 

Wm. J. Means .Urbana 

James Olds.Mt. Gilead 

J. J. Hayne .Marion 

J. C. Bonner .Toledo 

Lester Wilson .Sandusky 

T. F. McClure .Hamden Junction 

L. F. Fenton .Winchester 

J. W. Barger .Waverly 

J. M. Wilson .New Holland 

William M. Crawford .Columbus 

J. F. Harris .New Straitsville 

J. S. Stewart .Lexington 

Calvin Starbird .New London 

J. W. Doherty .Woodsfield 

D. R. Rood .Belpre 

J. L. Mcllvane.New Philadelphia 

W. T. Hull.Millersburg 

W. D. Guilbert.Caldwell 

J. M. Lewis.Barnesville 

E. C. Ross.Malvern 

Julius Whiting, Jr.Canton 

W. C. Haskell.Ashtabula 

I. N. Hathaway.Chardon 

A. M. Cole.Akron 

Robert McDowell.Medina 

David W. Jones.Cleveland 

Fred Gunsenhauser.Cleveland 


OREGON. 


J. Bourne, Jr. 
Z. F. Moody... 
Rufus Mallory 
J. W. Cusick.. 

J. E. Bean. 

F. P. Mays_ 


AT LARGE. 


...Portland Lee Laughlin.McMinnville 

The Dalles W. D. Hare.Hillsborough 

...Portland W. C. Johnson.Oregon City 

....Albany J. S. Cooper.Independence 

.Pendleton G. W. Kimball.Roseburgh 

The Dalles J. F. Baker.La Grande 


PENNSYLVANIA. 


M. S. Quay. 

D. H. Hastings.. 
Henry W. Oliver 
William R. Leeds 


AT LARGE. 


.Beaver Harry J. Shoemaker.Tullytown 

..Harrisburg John K. Ewing.Uniontown 

...Pittsburg William H. Woods.Huntingdon 

Philadelphia Walter L. Jones.Allentown 
















































































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 


101 


Pennsylvania— Continued. 

Delegates. district. Alternates. 


1—H. H. Bingham. .Washington, D. C 


Edwin S. Stuart.Philadelphia 

2— David H. Lane.Philadelphia 

Hamilton Disston.Philadelphia 

3— Henry Clay.Philadelphia 

John Hunter.Philadelphia 

4— James McManes.Philedalphia 

Charles A. Porter... .Philadelphia 

5— David Martin.Philadelphia 

Thomas W. South.Tacony 

6— Isaac Johnson.Media 

Louis R. Walters.Phoenixville 

7— B. F. Gilkeson.Bristol 

Joseph Bosler.Cheltingham 

8— Frank Reeder.Easton 

Thomas C. Walton... .Stroudsburg 

9— Franklin H. Hersh.Allentown 

Augustus M. High.Reading 

10— Francis M. Shroder.Lancaster 

S. M. Seldomridge... .Farmerville 

11— Joseph H. Scranton.Scranton 

Edward P. Kingsbury... .Scranton 

12— Edwin S. Osborne..Wash’ton. D. C. 

L. D. Darte.Wilkesbarre 

13— D. D. Phillips.Gordon 

W. J. Whitehouse.Pottsville 

14— S. J. M. McCarrell_Harrisburg 

E. M. Woomer.Lebanon 

15— Wm. N. Reynolds_Tunkhannock 

Thomas B. Boyd.Honesdale 

16— Hugh Young .Wellsboro 

William K. Jones.Condersport 

17— Ellery P. Ingham.Dushore 

D. A. Beckley.Bloomsburg 

18— J. Merrill Linn.Lewisburg 

Samuel S. Woods.Lewistown 

19— George C. Schmidt.York 

Charles H. Mullin.Mt. Holly Sp’gs 

20— William S. Hammond.Altoona 

George T. Swank.Johnstown 

21— William M. Henry.Kitanning 

C. M. Watson.Indiana 

22— C. L. Magee.Pittsburg 

Wm. Flinn .Pittsburg 

23— T. M. Bayne... .Washington, D. C 

Peter Walter, Jr.Allegheny 

24— Geo. M. Von Bonnhorst. .Pittsburg 

John P. Moore.Knoxville 

25— W. C. Thompson.Butler 

William Kile .Mercer 

26— Wm. B. Roberts.Titusville 

S. A. Davenport.Erie 

27— H. H. Cumings.Tidioute 

J. W. Cochran.Emporium 

28— J. H. Hagertv.Ridgway 

Archibald B. Kelly.Tionesta 


Philadelphia 
Philadelphia 
Philadelphia 
Philadelphia 
Philadelphia 
Philadelphia 
Philadelphia 
Philadelphia 
Philadelphia 
Philadelphia 
Pomeroy 
Chester 
Norristown 
New Hope 
Mauch Chunk 
... .Bethlehem 
... .Allentown 

..Reading 

.Durlach 

.Lancaster 

.. .Carbondale 

.Daleville 

.... Audenreid 

.Pittston 

Clay W. Evans .St. Clair 

J. B. Davis .Shenandoah 

Allen D. Hoffer.Lebanon 

Abraham Fortenbaugh .Halifax 

Rodney A. Mercer .Towanda 

Orrin A. Lines..Great Bend 

Gilbert P. Smith .Jersey Shore 

George H. Colestock.Renovo 

Bonham R. Gearhart.Danville 

Daniel T. Huckell.Forksville 

Rufus Elder .Lewiston , 

I. Z. Ober .McConnellsburg 

James V. Fenn.Mechanisburg 

R. M. Wirt.Hanover 

J. C. Barndollar .Everett 

F. J. Kooser .Somerset 

James E. Long.Brookville 

J. K. Thompson. Marion 

William McCallin. Pittsburg 

E. M. Bigelow.Pittsburg 

Arthur Kennedy .Allegheny 

James Hunter .Allegheny 

John A. Bell.Pittsburg 

D. G. Foster.Crafton 

David Tidball .New Castle 

Turner Strawbridge.New Brighton 

Arthur L. Bates.Meadville 

James W. Sproul.Union City 

C. W. Mackey.Franklin 

Rufus B. Stone .Bradford 

Wm. H. Wigton .Philipsburg 

John W. Patrick.Clarion 


William J. Pollock 

James Park. 

William B. Ahern. 
Jacob Wildemore . 
Charles Alego .... 

Martin Burk. 

Henry B. Schoch.. 

Wm. H. Smith_ 

Horatio B. Hackett. 
Thomas J. Powers.. 

David L. Smith. 

George B. Lindsay. 
J. Roberts Rambo... 
William C. Blackfan 

William Lilly . 

Bernard E. Lehman 
R. C. Ettinger 
Wm. G. Moore 
Henry S. Eberly 
Samuel M. Myers 
John H. Thomas 
Everett E. Dale 
Daniel J. Thomas 
James Mantayne 


RHODE ISLAND. 


Fred L. Marcy 
William R. Walker. 
Richard Thornley.... 
George T. Cranston 


AT LARGE. 

.Providence Isaac L. Goff. 

.Pawtucket Wheaton Cole . 

East Greenwich Dwight R. Adams... 

.Wickford Frederick T. Rogers 


South Providence 

.Pawtucket 

.Phoenix 

.Westerly 


DISTRICT. 


1— Melville Bull .Middletown 

Benjamin M. Bosworth.Warren 

2— Albert L. Sayles.Pascoag 

Henrv L. Ballou.Woonsocket 


Albert C. Landers.Newport 

Nathan N. Cole .Bristol 

Charles A. Wilson.Providence 

Edward H. Rathbun.Woonsocket 























































































































102 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Delegates. 


E. M. Brayton 
W. F. Myers.., 

W. N. Taft_ 

Robert Smalls . 


SOUTH CAROLINA. 

Alternates. 


AT LARGE. 


. .Columbia 
Waterboro 
Charleston 
. .Beaufort 


S. A. Swails... 
R. D. George... 
W. J. Whipper 
A. W. Curtis... 


. Kings tree 
Charleston 
. .Beaufort 
. .Columbia 


DISTRICT. 


—E. 

A. 

Webster.... 


J. 

H. Fordham. ... 


J. 

M. 

Freeman. 


S. 

W. McKinley.. 


!—Fred. 

Nix, Jr. 


E. 

J. Dickerson.. 


Paris 

Simpkins .. 


N. 

W. Edwards.. 


i— J. 

R. 

Tolbert. 


L. 

C. Haller. 


F. 

L. 

Hicks. 


Henry Kennedy .. 


—P. 

F. 

Oliver. 


J. 

P. Boyden. 


F. 

A. 

Saxton. 

.Laurens 

Israel Byrd . 

.Winsborough 

i—G 

C. 

Levy. 


E. 

H. Dibble. 


z. 

E. 

Walker. 


A. 

J. Andrews.... 


e. 

H. 

Deas. 

.Darlington 

J. 

H. Smith. 


T. 

J. 

Tuomey. 


J. 

W. White. 


T. 

B. 

Johnston.... 

.Mayesville 

H. 

B. Williams... 


G. 

E. 

Herriott. 


C. 

H. Sperry.. 



TENNESSEE. 


AT LARGE. 


L. C. Houk.Knoxville 

Sam. A. McElwee.Brownsville 

George Maney.Nashville 

A. A. Taylor.Johnson City 


W. S. Tipton.Cleveland 

H. A. Hasslock.Nashville 

I. B. Merriam.Chattanooga 

John T. Robinson.Huntington 


DISTRICT. 


1— R. R. Butler.Mountain City 

Newton Hacker.Jonesboro 

2— W. W. Woodruff.Knoxville 

G. W. Hill.Dandridge 

3— W. N. Hoge.Athens 

C. E. Stanley.Chattanooga 

4— Claiborne Beatty.Jamestown 

Eugene S. Priest.Watertown 

5— R. S. Montgomery.Palmetto 

J. C. Dougherty.Fayetteville 

1—J. B. Bosley.Nashville 

H. L. W. Cheatham.... Springfield 

—A. M. Hughes, Jr.Columbia 

W. H. H. Butler.Franklin 

—S. N. Williams.Huntingdon 

John E. McCall.Lexington 

*—W. J. Lyle.Union City 

G. W. Winstead.Dresden 

)—Thomas J. Brogan.Memphis 

Isham F. Norris.Memphis 


John B. Holloway. 

S. H. Gault. 

J. F. Tarwater.... 
William Allen 

Gus Cate . 

Charles De Elward. 
George McKinnis.. 

Caleb Manier . 

J. B. Guenter. 

J. W. Sparrow.... 

J. H. Keeble. 

Albert H. Gresham 

J. H. Holt. 

W. H. Collier. 

Luther James 

Albert Hurst . 

P. F. Hill. 

M. Vann . 

W. N. White. 

Moses Stricklin.... 


.Morristown 

.Rogersville 

.Rockwood 

....Jacksborough 

.Cleveland 

.Chattanooga 

.Fayette 

.Grant 

.Charity 

Murfreesborough 

.Nashville 

.Nashville 

.Elkton 


.Paris 

Jacksonton 
Union City 
.Dyersburg 
.Covington 
.. .Memphis 


TEXAS. 


j u .in B. Rector 
A. J. Rosenthal. 

N. W. Cuney... 
C. M. Furguson. 


1— M. A. Baker. 

Joshua Houston . 

2— George W. Burkitt 

Alex. Asbury . 

3— Webster Flanagan 

L. B. Fish. 


AT LARGE. 


.Austin 

La Grange 
.Galveston 
.Richmond 


J. C. Bigger. 

F. L. Cleaves. 

Burrill P. Johnson 
N. T. Mitchell_ 


DISTRICT. 


.. .Houston 
.Huntsville 
. .Palestine 
... .Calvert 
Henderson 
.Tyler 


John S. Tibbitt. 

Henry Davis. 

J. N. Gillett. 

Wm. Keesee. 

John P. Richardson 
Patrick Dennis. 


.Dallas 

.Gainesville 
Fort Worth 
.Tyler 


.Beaumont 
Hempstead 
... .Calvert 
.... Calvert 
. .Pittsburg 
.. .Marshall 









































































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 


103 


Delegates. 


Texas — Continued. 

Alternates. 


DISTRICT. 


4— Samuel J. Wright.Paris 

John S. Coffey-Sulphur Springs 

5— H. M. Spaulding.Denton 

J. W. Hearne.Sherman 

6— J. P. Alexander.Worth 

C. F. Alterman.i.Dallas 

7— R. B. Rentfro.Brownsville 

H. C. Ferguson.Richmond 

8— A. J. Johnson.Columbus 

M. M. Rogers.La Grange 

9— W. F. Crawford.Cameron 

W. H. Blunt.Brenham 

10— J. C. DeGress.Austin 

T7 \ T-T. Terrell.San Antonio 

11— R. F. Campbell.El Paso 

E. W. Morton.Millsap 


Frank Graham .. 
W. M. Johnson... 

Otis E. Bacon_ 

L. B. Moore. 

A. L. Dodson. 

J. N. McCormick. 
R. L. Andrews 
William Billings .. 
P. H. Collier. 

G. W. Sydney. 

D. L. Sublette. 

A. J. Moore. 

C. O. Harris. 

H. B. Hancock.... 
George B. Jackson 
C. W. Johnson..., 


..Paris 

.Bonham 

Wichita Falls 

.Denison 

.. .Fort Worth 

..Dallas 

.Wharton 

.Victoria 

.Belleville 

.. .Halletsville 

.Brenham 

.Waco 

.Ballinger 

.Austin 

... San Angelo 
.Graham 


VERMONT. 


Redfield Proctor 
J. G. McCullaugh 

J. J. Estey. 

Frank Plumley ... 


AT LARGE. 

....Proctor George Hammond.Middlebury 

Bennington R. C. Cristy.Johnson 

Brattleboro A. A. Davidson..._South Craftsbury 

. .Northfield G. H. Babbitt.Bellows Falls 


District. 


1— B. J. Derby.. 
C. W. Read.. 

2— S. D. Hobson 
H. C. Ide.... 


... .Burlington 
.... Vergennes 
East Brighton 
St Johnsbury 


Olin Merrill . 

N. W. Fisk. 

J. C. Stearns. 

Gilbert A. Dennis 


Enosburgh Falls 
....Isle LaMotte 

..Bradford 

.Windsor 


VIRGINIA. 


AT LARGE. 

William Mahone .Petersburg W. W. Evans.. 

John G. Watts..Tazewell C H. S. B. Downing, 

S. Brown Allen.Jennings Gap Henry Hudnall 

A. W. Harris.Petersburg P. C. Corrigan 


.Petersburg 
. .Lexington 
. .Richmond 
Portsmouth 


DISTRICT. 


1— O. D. Foster.Fredericksburg 

F. D. Lee.Gloucester C. H 

2— Harry Libby.Hampton 

Patrick O’Connor.Portsmouth 

3— John S. Wise.Richmond 

Morgan Treat.West Point 

4— Charles Gee.Disputanta 

John M. Langston.Petersburg 

5— Winfield Scott.Floyd C. H 

J. H. Pedigo.Preston 

6— D. F. Houston.Roanoke 

George W. Jackson.Brooklyn 

7— H. H. Riddleberger.Woodstock 

John F. Lewis.Lynnwood 

8— O. E. Hine. Vienna 

Y. T. Brown.Hamilton 

9— M. B. Wood.Estillville 

William A. French.Narrows 

10—J. A. Frazier.Lexington 

H. W. Williams.Staunton 


Josephus Trader 
J. A. Bristow.... 
Robert Norton .., 
George L. Pryor 
S. B. Clarkson... 

Gilbert Boyd. 

Ross Hamilton... 

W. H. Ash. 

C. F. Barksdale.. 

W. E. Sims. 

J. W. Wright...., 

J. H. Davis. 

A. M. Lawson... 
J. S. Sammons... 

W. P. Graves. 

W. H. Eggbron.. 

W. F. Slater. 

S. F. Hurt. 

James P. Wilson 
J. W. C. Bryant.. 


.Fitchetts 

.Saluda 

.Yorktown 

.Norfolk 

.Richmond 

... .Goochland C. H 

.Boydton 

.Burkville 

.Danville 

Washington, D. C. 

.Lynchburg 

.Roanoke 

.Charlottesville 

.Charlottesville 

.Alexandria 

.Eggbronsville 

.Wytheville 

.Abingdon 

..Snowden 

.Clifton Forge 


WEST VIRGINIA. 

AT LARGE. 


John Frew ..Wheeling 

R. L. Berkshire.Morgantown 

T. B. Swann.Charlestown 

C. B. Smith.Parkersburg 


L. M. Wade.Braxton C. H 

C. F. Teter.Philippi 

C. F. Elliott.Hacker’s Valley 

H. C. Flesher.Jackson C. H 


/ 









































































































104 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


West Virginia— Continued. 

Delegates. Alternates . 

DISTRICT. 


1— W. P. Hubbard.Wheeling 

Alexander C. Moore.Clarksburg 

2— John Miller .Keyser 

George W. Curtin.Grafton 

3— C. H. Payne.Coal Valley 

John Cooper .Cooper’s 

4— A. B. White.Parkersburg 

J. J. Peterson.Huntington 


John Cummins .Wheeling 

M. S. Holt.Weston 

George W. Feidt.Martinsburg 

T. F. Lanham.Newburgh 

J. S. McDonald.Charlestown 

J. P. Miller.Buckhannon 

R. J. Perkins.Huntington 

George W. Murdock... .Hartford City 


WISCONSIN. 


AT LARGE. 


John C. Spooner.Hudson O. H. Fethers. 

Henry C. Payne.Milwaukee C. K. Erwin.. 

H. O. Fairchild.Marinette J. H. McCourt 

H. C. Adams.Madison J. H. Kline.. 


.Janesville 

.Tomah 

St. Croix Falls 
.Racine 


DISTRICT. 


1— Jesse Stone.Watertown 

L. H. Parker.Beloit 

2— A. S. Ludlow.Waukesha 

G. A. Knapp.Fond du Lac 

3— W. E. Carter.Platteville 

J. G. Monahan.Darlington 

4— H. J. Baumgartner.Milwaukee 

Charles A. Chapin.Milwaukee 

5— C. A. Vroman.Green Bay 

H. G. Kress.Manitowoc 

6— A. J. Turner.Portage 

A. E. Thompson.Oshkosh 

7— L. S. Fisher.....Sparta 

D. G. James.Richmond Centre 

8— James O’Neill.Neillsville* 

J. L. Linderman.Osseo 

9— B. B. Scott.Ashland 

A. W. Sanborn.Stevens’ Point 


W. H. Hurlburt.Elkhorn 

George Yule .Kenosha 

H. K. Butterfield.Hartford 

W. A. Van Brunt.Horicon 

James Spenseley.Mineral Point 

H. C. Putnam.Darlington 

John F. Burnham.Milwaukee 

W. H. Fowler. Milwaukee 

George W. Wing.Kewaunee 

F. Boernert .Cedarburgh 

Frank W. Harrimon.Appleton 

Charles D. McConnell.Berlin 

J. J. Fruit. La Crosse 

L. W. Hoyt.Viroqua 

N. C. Foster.Menominee 

L. S. Tainter.Fairchild 

George W. Gibbs.Shawano 

E. S. Minor.Sturgeon Bay 


ARIZONA. 


L. H. Goodrich.Phoenix George Christ 

L. F. Eggers.Prescott E. Williams.. 


DAKOTA. 


G. C. Moody.Deadwood J. A. Fowler... 

T. O. Bogart.Scotland G. Gilbert .... 

J. M. Bailey, Jr.Sioux Falls Fred Schnaber 

B. N. Sullivan.Plankington J. H. Baldwin 

W. C. Plummer.Casselton T. G. Orr. 

E. W. Foster.Frankfort S. M. Laird... 

G. W. Hopp.Brookings A. Sprague _ 

N. K. Hubbard.Fargo R. M. Tuttle... 

L. B. Richardson.Grand Forks A. H. Gray.... 


H. C. Hansborough.Devil’s Lake Harvey Harris 

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 


Andrew Gleason .Washington Marcelus West 

P. H. Carson.Washington Daniel Cahill.. 


IDAHO. 


.Nogallis 

Kingman 


.Rapid City 

.Parker 

... .Yankton 

.Miller 

.Bangor 

.Pierre 

... .Grafton 
.... Mandan 
Valley City 
.. .Bismarck 


Washington 

Washington 


George A. Black 
W. B. Heyburn. 


.Hailey Willis Sweet ... 
Murray Joseph Pinkham 


. .Moscow 
Ketchum 





























































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 


105 


MONTANA. 

Delegates. Alternates. 


George O. Eaton. 


A. L. Babcock. 


T. C. Power. 


W. H. DeWitt. 



NEW MEXICO. 


Thomas B. Catron... 

.Santa Fe 

J. D. Woodyard.... 


J. Francisco Chavez.. 


Philip Nothersill . . 



UTAH. 


Charles S. Varian.... 

..Salt Lake City 

William McKay. 


John J. Daly. 


V. N. C. Silva. 



WASHINGTON. 


Thomas H. Minor.... 


S. A. Wells. 


W. J. Thompson. 


H. S. Burkett. 


O. C. White. 


A. W. Bash. 


T. H. Cavanaugh. 

.Olympia 

C. M. Holton. 


Edward Whitson . 


J. R. Hayden. 


E. B. Hyde. 


T. J. Anders. 

.Walla Walla 


WYOMING. 


Francis E. Warren.. 


P. L. Smith. 


C. D. Clark. 


B. F. Fowler. 



Mr. Hess of Missouri. Mr. President: I move that the convention ad¬ 
journ until io o’clock tomorrow morning. 

The motion was agreed to, and at 11:24 p - M - the convention adjourned 
until 10 o’clock Thursday morning, Tune 21, 1888. 


V 


I 






























106 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


THIRD DAY. 

Thursday, June 21, 1888. 

The convention met, pursuant to adjournment, and was called to order at 
10 103 a. m. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: You will please come to- 
order. [After a pause.] Gentlemen will please be seated. [After a pause.] 
You will now listen to the opening prayer by the Rev. Thomas E. Green of 
Chicago. 


PRAYER BY THE REV. THOMAS E. GREEN. 

Mr. Green offered prayer as follows: 

Let ns pray. Almighty God, Father of all men, Ruler of nations, King of 
kings, we render Thee our grateful homage and thanksgiving for all the rich 
abundance of blessings that Thou hast vouchsafed to this land in our time and 
day. We bless Thee for the past with its mighty weight of history, for the 
present with the magnificent sweep of possibility, and for the rich hope of the 
future; and we pray that our hearts may ever in humble reverence bless Thy 
name for all Thy great goodness. Have mercy, we beseech Thee, upon this 
whole land; cleanse it from sin, and exalt it in righteousness. From intem¬ 
perance and impurity, from dishonesty and corruption, from deceit and fraud, 
from intimidation and tyranny, we beseech Thee, good Lord, deliver us. May 
Thy kingdom come and Thy will be done among men, and may Thy peace, 
the peace of God, brood in blessed benediction over our land. Bestow Thy 
blessing, we beseech Thee, upon this convention assembled for the grave con¬ 
cerns of government. With Thine infinite wisdom direct its deliberations, and 
so guide it by Thy holy spirit that we, remembering whose servants we are,, 
may ever seek Thy honor and Thy glory. Bless, we beseech Thee, our rul¬ 
ers, and all who are over us in authority, and grant that he may be exalted 
to the chief ruler of this great Nation whose hands are cleanest, whose heart 
is purest, and whose strength is in the Mighty One of Israel. Direct us, we 
beseech Thee, in all our doings with Thy most gracious favor, and further 
us with Thy continual help, that in all our works begun, continued and ended 
in Thee, we may glorify Thy holy name, and finally by Thy mercy, enter into 
Thine Eternal Kingdom, through Jesus Christ our Lord, Amen. 

THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: Yesterday an order of 
business was passed, namely, calling the States and reporting the names of 
members of the National Committee. If there is no objection, that will be the 
first order of business this morning. [After a pause.] The Chair hearing no 
objection, that will be the order of business, and the Secretary will proceed 
to call the roll. The gentlemen will please be seated, and report the name 
of the committeeman from each State and Territory as the Secretary shall 
call such State or Territory. 


107 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


The roll of States and Territories was then called by Reading Clerk Bal¬ 
lard, and most of the delegations sent up the names, there being no response 
from Arkansas, Nebraska, District of Columbia, Idaho, and Wyoming. 

It was announced by the Chairman of the delegation that New York, Ten¬ 
nessee and Virginia were not ready to report. 

The President. The Secretary of the convention will now call the roll of 
such States and Territories as have not responded to the roll call, and they 
will furnish the name of the member of the National Committee from each 
of such States and Territories not hitherto given in. 

Reading Clerk Ballard called the roll again, and there was no response 
from Arkansas, Nebraska, New York, Virginia, Idaho and Utah. The Dis¬ 
trict of Columbia and Wyoming responded. Tennessee was not ready to re¬ 
port. 

The President. The Secretary of the convention will now call the roll of 
States and Territories with the names given in for correction, if any be 
needed. The Secretary will call the names of members of the National Com¬ 
mittee, and gentlemen will take notice that any correction may be made. 

The following is the National Committee, as finally made up: 


STATES AND TERRITORIES. MEMBERS. 


P. 0. ADDRESS. 


Alabama . 
Arkansas . 
California 
Colorado . 
Connecticut 
Delaware . 
Florida .,. 
Georgia . .. 
Illinois .... 
Indiana .. 

Iowa . 

Kansas .... 
Kentucky . 

Louisiana . 

Maine . 

Maryland . 

Massachusetts . 

Michigan . 

Minnesota . 

Mississippi .... 

Missouri . 

Nebraska . 

Nevada . 

New Hampshire 
New Jersey ... 
New York .... 
North Carolina 

Ohio . 

Oregon . 

Pennsylvania . . 
Rhode Island .. 
South Carolina 
Tennessee . 


r.Wm. Youngblood .Birmingham 

..Powell Clayton .<.Eureka Springs 

..M. H. DeYoung .San Francisco 

..Wm. A. Hamill -.Georgetown 

.. Samuel Fessenden .Stamford 

..Daniel J. Layton 7.Georgetown 

..J. K. Russell <..Olustee 

..F. F. Putney T. .Hardaway 

.. George R. Davis -c. Chicago 

..John C. New-T7. .Indianapolis 

..John S. Clarkson .Des Moines 

..Cyrus Leland, Jr. .Troy 

..Wm. Cassius Goodloe ..Lexington 

.P. B. S. Pinchback .New Orleans 

.J. Manchester Haynes <.Augusta 

.James A. Gary"..Baltimore 

.Henry S. Hyde -.Springfield 

.John P. Sanborn".Port Huron 

.Robert G. Evans -rr.Minneapolis 

.James Hill -cr..Jackson 

.Chauncey I. Filley .\.St. Louis 

.Wm. M. Robertson-r.Madison 

.E. Williams -..Carson City 

.Edward H. Rollins'..Dover 

.Garret A. Hobart .Patterson 

.J. Sloat Fassett'7...Elmira 

.W. P. Canady <7 .Wilmington 

.A. L. Conger -..Akron 

.Jonathan Bourne, Jr.r^.Portland 

.M. S. Quay rr.Beaver 

.Thomas W. Chase r.Providence 

.E. M. Brayton -v.Columbia 

.W. W. Murray -tt .Huntington 


































































108 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 
National Committee— Continued. 


STATES AND TERRITORIES. MEMBERS. 


P. O. ADDRESS. 


Texas . 

Vermont . 

Virginia . .. 

West Virginia . 

Wisconsin . 

Arizona . 

Dakota . 

District of Columbia 

Idaho . 

New Mexico . 

Utah . 

Washington . 

Wyoming . 


N. W. Cuney ..Galveston 

George W. Hooker ....Brattleboro 

James D. Brady -rr.Petersburg 

N. B. Scott w-..Wheeling 

Henry C. Payne vfT.Milwaukee 

George Christ -r;.Nogales 

Arthur L. Mellette T.Watertown 

Perry H. Carson.-r..Washington 

George L. Shoup...Salmon City 

Wm. L. Rynerson .Las Crusas 

R. J. McBride rr..Salt Lake City 

Thos. H. Cavanaugh -..Olympia 

J. M. Cary-r.Cheyenne 


Mr. Warner of Missouri. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Missouri. 

Mr. Warner. I am requested by the Committee on Resolutions to an¬ 
nounce to the convention that they will be ready to report in ten minutes. 

The President. The Chair will state to the convention that there are 
several States which have not yet handed in the name of their member of the 
National Committee. They can do so when they agree upon such member 
by handing the name privately to the Secretary. 

After music by the band: 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: Please come to order. 
Is the Committee on Resolutions prepared to report? 

Mr. Warner of Missouri. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Missouri. 

Mr. Warner. The committee will be ready to report inside of two or three 
minutes. The Chairman will be in directly. 

The President. [After a pause.] Is the Chairman of the Committee on 
Platform and Resolutions prepared to report? 


REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. 

Mr. William McKinley, Jr., of Ohio. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Ohio. 

Mr. McKinley. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I am 
instructed by the Committee on Resolutions to report the following declara¬ 
tion of principles: 

The Republicans of the United States assembled by their delegates in Na¬ 
tional Convention, pause on the threshold of their proceedings to honor the 
memory of their first great leader—the immortal champion of liberty and the 
rights of the people—Abraham Lincoln; and to cover also with wreaths of 
imperishable remembrance and gratitude the heroic names of our later lead¬ 
ers who have been more recently called away from our councils—Grant. Gar¬ 
field, Arthur, Logan, Conkling. May their memories be faithfully cherished! 

We also recall with Pur greetings, and with prayer for his recovery, the 
name of one of our living heroes, whose memory will be treasured in the his¬ 
tory both of Republicans and of the Republic—the name of that noble sol- 




























REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 109 

^, a ? d i“ ch i Id ° f victory ’ Phili P H - Sheridan. In the spirit of those 
filiW to alfform^ °f T* T" dev S tl0n to human liberty, and with that hos- 
n fP f des P° tlsm and oppression which is the fundamental idea 

of the Republican party, we send fraternal congratulations to our fellow 

th? aboirtLn f of U P 01 } thei r great act of emancipation, which completed 
; A,u lltl0n , f sIavery throughout the two American continents. We ear- 
^ h ° Pe , i We may soon r congratulate our fellow-citizens of Irish birth 
upol J the peaceful recovery of home rule for Ireland 

tt^^ rea i ffi i r ! n r°T Ur uns r we 1 rvi ^g devotion to the National Constitution and 
the indissoluble Union of the States; to the autonomy reserved to the States 
under the Constitution; to the personal rights and liberties of citizens in all 
the States and Territories in the Union, and especially to the supreme and 
soverdgn right of every lawful citizen, rich or poor, native or foreign born, 
white or black, to cast one free ballot in public elections, and to have that 
ballot duly counted. We hold the free and honest popular ballot and the just 
and equal representation of all the people to be the foundation of our Repub¬ 
lican government, and demand effective legislation to secure the integrity and 
purity of elections, which are the fountains of all public authority. We charge 
that the present Administration and the Democratic majority in Congress owe 
their existence to the suppression of the ballot by a criminal nullification of 
the Constitution and laws of the United States. 

We are uncompromisingly in favor of the American system of protection; 
we protest against its destruction as proposed by the President and his party. 
They serve the interests of Europe; we will support the interests of America. 
We accept the issue, and confidently appeal to the people for their judgment. 
The protective system must be maintained. Its abandonment has always been 
followed by general disaster to all interests, except those of the usurer and the 
sheriff. We denounce the Mills bill as destructive to the general business, 
the labor and the farming interests of the country, and we heartily indorse 
the consistent and patriotic action of the Republican Representatives in Con¬ 
gress in opposing its passage. 

We condemn the proposition of the Democratic party to place wool on the 
free list, and we insist that the duties thereon shall be adjusted and main¬ 
tained so as to furnish full and adequate protection to that industry through¬ 
out the United States. 

The Republican party would effect all needed reduction of the National 
revenue by repealing the taxes upon tobacco, which are an annoyance and 
burden to agriculture, and the tax upon spirits used in the arts, and for me¬ 
chanical purposes, and by such revision of the tariff laws as will tend to check 
imports of such articles as are produced by our people, the production of 
which gives employment to our labor, and releases from import duties those 
articles of foreign production (except luxuries) the like of which cannot be 
produced at home. If there shall remain a larger revenue than is requisite for 
the wants of the government we favor the entire repeal of internal revenue 
taxes rather than the surrender of any part of our protective system at the 
joint behest of the whisky trust and the agents of foreign manufacturers. 

We declare our hostility to the introduction into this country of foreign 
contract labor and of Chinest labor, alien to our civilization and constitution; 
and we demand the rigid enforcement of the existing laws against it, and 
favor such immediate legislation as will exclude such labor from our shores. 

We declare our opposition to all combinations of capital organized in trusts 
or otherwise to control arbitrarily the condition of trade among our citizens; 
and we recommend to Congress and the State Legislatures in their respective 
jurisdictions such legislation as will prevent the execution of all schemes to 
oppress the people by undue charges on their supplies, or by unjust rates for 
the transportation of their products to market. We approve the legislation by 
Congress to prevent alike unjust burdens and unfair discriminations between 
the States. 


110 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


We reaffirm the policy of appropriating the public lands of the United States 
to be homesteads for American citizens and settlers—not alien—which the 
Republican party established in 1862 against the persistent opposition of the 
Democrats in Congress, and which has brought our great Western domain 
into such magnificent development. The restoration of unearned railroad 
land grants to the public domain for the use of actual settlers, which was 
begun under the Administration of President Arthur, should be continued. 
We deny that the Democratic party has ever restored one acre to the people, 
but declare that by the joint action of Republicans and Democrats in Con¬ 
gress about 60,000,000 acres of unearned lands originally granted for the con¬ 
struction of railroads have been restored to the public domain, in pursuance 
of the conditions inserted by the Republican party in the original grants. We 
charge the Democratic Administration with failure to execute the laws se¬ 
curing to settlers the titles to their homesteads, and with using appropriations 
made for that purpose to harass innocent settlers with spies and prosecutions 
under the false pretense of exposing frauds and vindicating the law. 

The government by Congress of the Territories is based upon necessity 
only to the end that they may become States in the Union; therefore, when¬ 
ever the conditions of population, material resources, public intelligence and 
morality are such as to insure a stable local government therein, the people 
of such Territories should be permitted as a right inherent in them to form 
for themselves constitutions and State governments, and be admitted into the 
Union. Pending the preparation for Statehood all officers thereof should be 
selected from the bona fide residents and citizens of the Territory wherein 
they are to serve. South Dakota should of right be immediately admitted 
as a State in the Union under the constitution framed and adopted by her 
people, and we heartily indorse the action of the Republican Senate in twice 
passing bills for her admission. The refusal of the Democratic House of 
Representatives, for partisan purposes, to favorably consider these bills is a 
wilful violation of the sacred American principle of local self-government, 
and merits the condemnation of all just men. The pending bills in the Senate 
to enable the people of Washington, North Dakota and Montana Territories 
to form constitutions and establish State governments, should be passed with¬ 
out unnecessary delay. The Republican party pledges itself to do all in its 
power to facilitate the admission of the Territories of New Mexico, Wyoming, 
Idaho and Arizona to the enjoyment of self-government as States, such of 
them as are now qualified, as soon as possible, and the others as soon as they 
may become so. 

The political power of jthe Mormon Church in the Territories as exercised 
in the past is a menace to free institutions too dangerous to be longer suffered. 
Therefore we pledge the Republican party to appropriate legislation assert¬ 
ing the sovereignty of the Nation in all Territories where the same is ques¬ 
tioned, and in furtherance of that end to place upon the statute books legis¬ 
lation stringent enough to divorce the political from the ecclesiastical power, 
and thus stamp out the attendant wickedness of polygamy. 

The Republican party is in favor of the use of both gold and silver as 
money, and condemns the policy of the Democratic Administration in its ef¬ 
forts to demonetize silver. 

We demand the reduction of letter postage to one cent per ounce. 

In a Republic like ours, where the citizen is the sovereign, and the official 
the servant, where no power is exercised except by the will of the people, it is 
important that the sovereign—the people—should possess intelligence. The 
free school is the promoter of that intelligence which is to preserve us a free 
Nation; therefore, the State or Nation, or both combined, should support free- 
institutions of learning sufficient to afford every child growing in the land the 
opportunity of a good common school education. 

The first concern of all good government is the virtue and sobriety of the 
people, and the purity of their homes. The Republican party cordially sym- 


Ill 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 , 

pathizes with all wise and well-directed efforts for the promotion of temper¬ 
ance and morality. 

We earnestly recommend that prompt action be taken by Congress in the 
enactment of such legislation as will best secure the rehabilitation of our 
American merchant marine, and we protest against the passage by Congress of 
a free ship bill as calculated to work injustice to labor by lessening the wages 
of those engaged in preparing materials as well as those directly employed in 
our shipyards. We demand appropriations for the early rebuilding of our 
navy; for the construction of coast fortifications and modern ordnance and 
other approved modern means of defense for the protection of our defence¬ 
less harbors and cities; for the payment of just pensions to our soldiers; for 
necessary works of National importance in the improvement of harbors and 
the channels of internal, coastwise and foreign commerce; for the encourage¬ 
ment of the shipping interests of the Atlantic, Gulf, and Pacific States, as well 
as for the payment of the maturing public debt. This policy will give em¬ 
ployment to our labor, activity to our various industries, increase the security 
of our country, promote trade, open new and direct markets for our produce, 
and cheapen the cost of transportation. We affirm this to be far better for 
our country than the Democratic policy of loaning the government’s money 
without interest to “pet banks.” 

The conduct of foreign affairs by the present Administration has been dis¬ 
tinguished by its inefficiency and its cowardice. Having withdrawn from the 
Senate all pending treaties effected by Republican Administrations for the re¬ 
moval of foreign burdens and restrictions upon our commerce, and for its 
extension into better markets, it has neither effected nor proposed any others 
in their stead. Professing adherence to the Monroe doctrine it has seen with 
idle complacency the extension of foreign influence in Central America and of 
foreign trade everywhere among our neighbors. It has refused to charter, 
sanction or encourage any American organization for constructing the Nic¬ 
aragua Canal, a work of vital importance to the maintenance of the Monroe 
doctrine and of our National influence in Central and South America, and 
necessary for the development of trade with our Pacific territory, with South 
America, and with the islands and further coasts of the Pacific Ocean. 

We arraign the present Democratic Administration for its weak and un¬ 
patriotic treatment of the fisheries question, and its pusillanimous surrender 
of the essential privileges to which our fishing vessels are entitled in Canadian 
ports under the treaty of 1818, the reciprocal maritime legislation of 1830, and 
the comity of nations, and which Canadian fishing vessels receive in the ports 
o i the United States. We condemn the policy of the present Administration 
and the Democratic majority in Congress toward our fisheries as unfriendly 
and conspicuously unpatriotic, and as tending to destroy a valuable National 
industry, and an indispensable resource of defence against a foreign enemy. 
“The name American applies alike to all citizens of the Republic and imposes 
upon all alike the same obligation of obedience to the laws. At the same time 
that citizenship is and must be the panoply and safeguard of him who wears 
it, and protect him, whether high or low, rich or poor, in all his civil rights, 
it should and must afford him protection at home and follow and protect him 
abroad in whatever land he may be on a lawful errand.” 

The men who abandoned the Republican party in 1884 and continue to ad¬ 
here to the Democratic party have deserted not only the cause of honest gov¬ 
ernment, of sound finance, of freedom and purity of the ballot, but especially 
have deserted the cause of reform in the civil service. We wifi not fail to 
keep our pledges because they have broken theirs, or because their candidate 
has broken his. We therefore repeat our declaration of 1884, to-wit: “The 
reform of the civil service, auspiciously begun under the Republican Adminis¬ 
tration, should be completed by the further extension of the reform system 
already established by law, to all the grades of the service to which it is ap¬ 
plicable. The spirit and purpose of the reform should be observed in all ex- 


112 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


ecutive appointments, and all laws at variance with the object of existing re¬ 
form legislation should be repealed, to the end that the dangers to free in¬ 
stitutions which lurk in the power of official patronage may be wisely and 
effectively avoided.” 

The gratitude of the Nation to the defenders of the Union cannot be 
measured bv laws. The legislation in Congress should conform to the pledges 
made by a loyal people, and be so enlarged and extended as to provide against 
the possibility that any man who honorably wore the Federal uniform shall 
become an inmate of an almshouse, or dependent upon private charity. In 
the presence of an overflowing treasury it would be a public scandal to do less 
for those whose valorous service preserved the government. We denounce the 
hostile spirit shown by President Cleveland in his numerous vetoes of meas¬ 
ures for pension relief, and the action of the Democratic House of Repre¬ 
sentatives in refusing even a consideration of general pension legislation. 

In support of the principles herewith enunciated we invite the co-operation 
of patriotic men of all parties, and esnecially of all working men, whose 
prosperity is seriously threatened by the free trade policy of the present Ad¬ 
ministration. 

Mr. William M. Marine of Maryland. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Maryland. 

Mr. Marine. Mr. President: I desire to move the unanimous adoption 
of those resolutions, and, to more cordially express our sentiments, that we 
do so by a rising vote. But before that motion is put, I beg the indulgence of 
the gentlemen of this convention for a very few brief words. We have a right 
to-day to feel proud of our party, as we have a right to feel proud of our 
country. Thirty-two years ago the first declaration of the Republican party 
was heralded to the country on the basis of free soil, free speech and free 
press. The Republican party has kept march with the pace of the times. The 
Republican party has been the salvation of the government, and the emanci¬ 
pator of the slave. And when the interests of the government are threatened 
again by the cohorts of Democracy, and the trade and the prosperity of the 
people of our Nation are put in peril, this grand old historical party of ours, 
always equal to every emergency, no matter how great that emergency may be, 
comes forward again and plants itself upon the immutable and everlasting 
rock of truth and patriotism, and proclaims to the people of this country that 
the grand old organization that has saved them in the past will protect and 
save them in the future. Mr. President, we have been fortunate indeed in 
every platform adopted by our party since its existence. We never were more 
fortunate in any phraseology employed in a platform than we are here to¬ 
day. And I predict that the patriotic utterances that are written in the plat¬ 
form before us will thrill the country with the power of electricity from one 
end of it to the other, and that the memories of the past, sweeping like the 
winds over the prairies, the dead echoes of the past uniting themselves to the 
living thoughts of to-day, will stir in every manly, patriotic bosom those fires 
of patriotism that have made Republicanism a power in the land heretofore. 
And, uniting ourselves under the grand old banner of the Republic, which is 
the banner of the Republican party, we shall go forth to conquer, and to 
triumph. 

Mr. Horr of Michigan. Mr. President — 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: The question is upon the 
adoption of the report of the Committee on Resolutions. 

Mr. James H. Harris of North Carolina. Mr. President —[Cries of 
“Question.”] 

The President. Mr. Horr of Michigan. 

Mr. Horr. I second that motion, and call for the previous question. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 113 

The President. The State of Michigan calls for the previous question. 
Does that call receive a second? (After a pause.) It is not seconded. 

Mr. Sewell of New Jersey. The State of New Jersey seconds the call. 

Mr. Filley of Missouri. The State of Missouri seconds the call. 

The President. The State of New Jersey and the State of Missouri sec¬ 
ond the call. 

A Delegate. Pennsylvania also. 

The President. Gentle'me'n of the Convention: Shall the main question 
be now put? [Cries of “Yes, yes.”] 

The motion ordering the previous question was agreed to. 

The President. The question now is upon the adoption of the report of 
the Committee on Resolutions. Those in favor of, that motion will rise. [Af¬ 
ter a pause.] Those opposed will rise. It is unanimous. The report is 
adopted. Gentlemen of the Convention: The next order of business is the 
presentation of candidates for President of the United States- The Secretary 
will call the roll by States and Territories. The rule relating to the subject 
will be read by the Secretary, as there has been a slight change from previous 
rules. 

Reading Clerk Ballard read as follows: 

In making the nominations for President and Vice-President in no case 
shall the calling of the roll be dispensed with. When it appears at the close 
of any roll call that any candidate has received a majority of all the votes 
to which the convention is entitled, the President of the convention shall an¬ 
nounce the question to be, Shall the nomination of the candidate be made 
unanimous? But if no candidate shall have received such majority the Chair 
shall direct the vote to be taken again, which shall be repeated until some can¬ 
didate shall have received a majority of the votes; and when any State has 
announced its vote it shall so stand unless in case of numerical error. 

The President. The Secretary will call the roll of States and Territories. 
[After a pause.] Permit me to state to the convention that the name of any 
candidate may be presented by any member of the convention, though not a 
member of the delegation of the State which at that time is called. 

Mr. Samuel W. McCall of Massachusetts. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. McCall of Massachusetts. 

Mr. McCall. I would like to inquire if the rule applicable to the presenta¬ 
tion of candidates is the one which has been read? I understand that this 
refers to the question of nomination. 

The President. That is the only rule on the subject. The Secretary will 
call the roll. 

When California was called: 

Mr. Haymond of California. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from California. 

Mr. Haymond. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: The 
California delegation, whose position is well known here, asks the convention 
to pass them on the roll call of States for the present. 

The President. If there is no objection the request will be granted. [Af¬ 
ter a pause.] There being none, it is so ordered. The Clerk will proceed 
with the roll call. 


114 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


When Connecticut was called: 


NAMING OF JOSEPH R. HAWLEY. 

Mr. Samuel L. Warner of Connecticut. Mr. President: Connecticut 
presents the name of the Hon. Joseph R. Hawley of Connecticut. 

The President. Mr. Warner of Connecticut presents the name of Joseph 
R. Hawley. 

NAMING OF WALTER Q. GRESHAM. 

When Illinois was called: 

Mr. Leonard Swett of Illinois. Mr. President — 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: I have the pleasure of 
presenting Mr. Swett, of Illinois. 

Mr. Swett. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: This pres¬ 
ence recalls a scene enacted in this city twenty-eight years ago. That was 
the Second National Republican Convention, and the first nomination of 
Abraham Lincoln. At this inauguration the Republican party first assumed 
the reins of governmental control. With unimportant interruptions the Dem¬ 
ocratic party had controlled our national policy for thirty-two years. The 
country in 1861 stood upon the verge of political and financial ruin, and the 
sharpest and most deadly conflict of arms ever known succeeded. We have 
had of Republican rule since then, four years of war and twenty years of 
peace. The four years of war produced heroes, sacrifices and suffering with¬ 
out parallel, and a reunited country. The twenty years of peace increased 
the population, internal improvements, manufactories, useful inventions, 
comforts in homes and the general development of all classes, with a rapidity 
unequaled in the history of the world within the time named. In the language 
of Daniel Webster, we may say of this Republican rule, the suffering and the 
fruits of war, and the unparalleled prosperity of this peace, “The past is at 
least secure.” We have assembled again to select a President for 60,000,000 
of free people. Who most in character is the very essence of these people? 
Who, of all names suggested, will draw support most largely from all classes? 
Who can best bring together and reunite the broken fragments of our own 
party? Who by personal courage and sublime confidence in his own convic¬ 
tions, is an ideal leader of the American people? Who most strikingly stands 
for cosmopolitan American character? These are the questions of the hour 
addressed to us all. I suggest the name of Walter Q. Gresham of Indiana 
and Illinois, and invite a thoughtful consideration of some of the reasons why 
he should be nominated. He was born of sturdy and rugged parents, in Har¬ 
rison county, Indiana, fifty-seven years ago, and has spent one-third of his 
life in labor upon a farm. He acquired, by nature and education, a profound 
belief in the fundamental doctrines of government and the union of the States, 
“one and inseparable,” as taught by the lives and example of Washington and 
Hamilton, Clay and Webster, Lincoln and Thad. Stevens, and a disbelief in, 
and an aversion for, the political heresies of John C. Calhoun, Breckenridge, 
Jefferson Davis, and Lamar—of property in man and the right of secession. 
He has always been an unwavering and inflexible Republican. One-third of 
a century ago, he organized the party of Fremont and Dayton in his native 
county, which consisted, all told, of four people. In i860, then at the age of 
twenty-nine, he was elected to the State Legislature at the same time Mr. 
Lincoln was elected president, from a strong Democratic county, and by the 
aid of German votes. There he originated and passed a law which authorized 
Oliver P. Morton, our greatest war governor, to organize and arm, at the 
expense of the State, any regiment anywhere in the State. We owe the peace 


115 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 

and loyalty of Indiana, at this critical period, to the admirable working of this 
law and the fact that she was not behind the call of the President one mo¬ 
ment in furnishing her quota of men. After performing this service of great 
value to his State, he selected 1,000 young neighbors and friends, and marched 
at their head into Kentucky with General Sherman, at the very beginning of 
the war. These forces aided the loyal element there in holding true to the 
Union the northern part of that State, while the southern part broke off and 
went with the rebellion. But for the presence of these troops, the Ohio River 
would have probably been the dividing line, and Southern Ohio, Indiana and 
Illinois would have been the first battle ground. He served with Grant at 
Shiloh and Vicksburg, and was a distinguished figure with Sherman in his 
march upon Atlanta in 1864. He was frequently promoted for gallant conduct 
on the battlefield, and was called upon when sharp work was to be done, and 
finally fell, pierced by a minnie ball, while leading his division into the shot 
and shell of the enemy at the bloody fight of Leggett’s Hill, in the suburbs 
of Atlanta. Carried to the rear he met Col. Richard S. Tuthill whose presence 
now adorns the judicial bench of this state, and who was then a commanded 
of batteries of artillery making their way to the front. The scene was om 
of confusion, of the tramping of horses’ hoofs, and the rattling of artillery 
and caissons dashing into battle. Col. Tuthill turned aside a moment to Gen¬ 
eral Gresham, then bleeding on a stretcher, and said inquiringly, “Are you 
hurt badly?” The fight was not all out of him yet, and turning his pale face 
to see who made the inquiry, replied: “You had better hurry your batteries 
to the front. They are needed there.” He was placed in a freight car and 
hurried to the North. The next day he awoke from a morphine sleep in a 
dazed condition, and said to a soldier in attendance, “Whose body is that?” 
pointing to a coffin in the same car with him. “That is the dead body of your 
commander, General McPherson.” Thus the commander of the army and the 
division commander had mingled their blood upon the red field of Leggett’s 
Hill. Wherever in all the war the battle’s wreck lay thickest, there was the 
manly form of General Gresham, a type of enthusiastic heroism, and an in¬ 
spiration to the soldier who followed him. But it is not in his military career, 
dashing and brilliant as that is, that we find the crowning reasons for his 
nomination. For him “Peace hath her victories, no less renowned than war.” 
After his relations with the army were voluntarily severed, he was called by 
President Arthur into his cabinet to the office of Postmaster General. Here 
he greatly promoted the rapid expedition of the mails, shortening materially 
the time of their transit across the continent. He also aided in reducing the 
letter, newspaper and parcel postage, thereby saving millions to the public, 
and encouraging the dissemination of literature and intelligence. He was also 
the first vigorously to enforce the United States statutes against the abuse of 
the mails by lottery venders and other swindling schemes, by which the cred¬ 
ulous and weak minded were imposed upon and their confidence betrayed. 
It is, however, in the discharge of his duties as United States judge that the 
higher and crowning glories of his character appear. The image of Justice 
among the Greeks was represented as blindfolded, holding the scales balanced 
in her hand, but unable to see the rank or standing of the parties before her. 
Judge Gresham has been the living ideal of this Grecian figure. Unmoved by 
the threatenings of power, he has gone straight on in the line of his duty to 
the integrity and right of the question under consideration, and has adminis¬ 
tered justice to the high and low, the rich and the poor, with a steady but im¬ 
partial hand. The contestants in one of the greatest railroad strikes that has 
arisen in our country have also been before him. By a wise and happy de¬ 
cision, he administered exact justice to all, prevented the strike from becoming 
universal, public traffic from being paralyzed, the nation from convulsion, and 
the most serious damage to an unknown number of individuals. Wherever 
in all of his life he has touched anything, it has been improved, beautified or 
adorned. He has always had the happy faculty of quietly doing the right 


116 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


thing at the right time, and he possesses in his own great character, all the 
good qualities of the Republican party. Under his leadership the campaign 
cry will be “Live and let live.” There will be no attacks upon capital and 
no attacks upon labor, but the country will march on, with gigantic strides 
in settlement, development and growth. The true leveling system will be 
adopted, of making all men equal before the law, and placing all men’s feet 
on a level. Then the tall man may thank God for his height and the short 
man must be contented with his shortness. In personal characteristics, in the 
manner and condition of his candidacy, and in his relations to the Presidential 
office, Judge Gresham is more like Abraham Lincoln than any other living 
man. The movement in his behalf, like the movement for Lincoln, is the 
spontaneous and unorganized action of the people. Like Lincoln, Gresham 
is not working for the Presidential office. He believes this exalted office 
should never be sought, and never declined. Like him, too, he believes that 
causes which tend to great consequences, should be left to work out their re¬ 
sults unaided, and that they cannot be materially hastened or impeded, by 
personal interference. Like Lincoln in character, honest and simple, but ro¬ 
bust, fearless in danger, full of justice and of noble heart, he stands out in 
prominence as an ideal candidate. May I also be pardoned for saying in this 
august presence that back in 1849, at the age of twenty-four, I first met 
Abraham Lincoln, he being then forty-one. Ever afterward as I sat at his 
feet, as Saul of Tarsus sat at the feet of Gamaliel, and was permitted, as we 
walked together the journey of life, “To lean on his own great arm for sup¬ 
port.” I watched his thoughtful face when the news first reached him that 
he had received a large vote for vice-president at Philadelphia when Fremont 
and Dayton were nominated, and when the thought of great political prefer¬ 
ment first took root in his mind. I know from this intimate relation how 
confidence and sympathy may exist between a great leader and the people 
without either knowing the other. I can never forget how in moments of 
great doubt he agonized, watched and listened for tokens of guidance from the 
common people, as the mariner watches for the sun, to learn where he is and 
whither he is drifting, through the darkness and mist of the storm. The same 
sympathy and confidence exist between Gresham and the people that existed 
between Lincoln and the people. His heart, also, has beaten in sympathy 
with the sons of toil, for he has labored with them in sunshine and in the 
cold. He too, has been promoted from their ranks, and knows the taste of 
poverty, and like them has earned his bread “in the sweat of his face.” He 
has never forgotten their lives of privation and self-denial in their hard strug¬ 
gles for existence. Whether bondmen or freemen, he had that sublime faith 
in their honesty and patriotism, that like Lincoln he was willing to have his 
body pierced with bullets in their behalf. The rich, too, have found ample 
protection and the adjustment of every right in the equipoise of his character. 
He has always stood with his party for the protection of American labor 
against foreign competition, and has always believed in fair wages for fair 
work. He has advocated liberal pensions for the maimed, worn and depend¬ 
ent defenders of the Union. He knows by experience how the rebel bullet 
tears and hurts, for he himself has been wounded and carried on a stretcher 
from the field of battle, and has borne the pains and seen the needs of the de¬ 
crepit and health-broken soldier. We should also not forget that this nation 
has arrived at that stage of civilization and development, that it has a right to 
demand common honesty in politics. If a young man happens to acquire the 
prefix of “Honorable” to his name, he has the right to demand that that shall 
not be the occasion of explanation and apology ever afterward. The people 
have a right to demand a higher standard of integrity than that its president 
shall in his letter of acceptance pledge himself to one term, and then by every 
official act afterward work for a second nomination, and appeal to them again 
for a re-election. They have a right to demand that he shall not promise civil 
service reform with his lips and break every such promise in practice. The 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 117 

strength of Judge Gresham’s candidacy lies in the public belief that he will 
not do such things, but that he will, if elected, manage public affairs with the 
same common honesty he has heretofore managed everything. Therefore, 
under the circumstances and necessities of our party, and without disparaging 
in the slightest degree the merits of other candidates, I offer to this conven¬ 
tion the rarest of opportunities. But nominate Gresham and the people will 
bear him in triumph on their shoulders to the White House, and to the of¬ 
ficial seat of Washington, Lincoln, Garfield and Grant. The reins of govern¬ 
ment, under the inspiration of his leadership, will be taken from those who 
imperiled its existence, and placed in the hands of those who saved it in its 
hours of weakness and danger. In behalf of the laboring man, of whose 
struggles he is the living embodiment; in behalf of capital, whose rights he 
has guarded and adjusted; in behalf of the soldier, whose garb he has worn 
with honor; in behalf of patriotism and loyalty, of which he is the shining 
representative and example, and for the State of Lincoln, Grant and Logan, I 
nominate as a candidate for the President of the United States, the son of 
Illinois by adoption, Walter Q. Gresham. 

The President. Walter Q. Gresham of Indiana has been placed in nom¬ 
ination. Does the Chair hear a second? 

Mr. Frank F. Davis of Minnesota. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Minnesota. 

Mr. Davis. Gentlemen of the Convention: We bring no favorite son to 
this convention. Our choice springs from a nation’s spontaniety. Amid the 
clamor of political strife the cry of faction has too often drowned the voice of 
the people, but the artifice of which that cry is born gives not to it enduring 
life, and when the “still, small voice” musters its strength, and to the world 
proclaims its power, it is the voice of God and cannot be withstood. That 
voice demands him for whose cause we speak. The generations of the old 
and the new gather within the walls of this convention. The old were new 
when they gave Lincoln to a world yearning for freedom’s vindication. Their 
zeal for right beneath his leadership wrought out success. To-day that gen¬ 
eration, scarred and worn, but crowned with laurels green as God’s green 
fields, leans on this newer one. Their union is a bond of strength that heralds 
victory. I point you to his sacred face upon your walls and say, Ye men of 
yesterday, with grasp fraternal we do clasp your hands and bid you in these 
solemn counsels and at this hour of crisis give us such another captain. They 
all are splendid men whose names are called. Pluck not one leaf from any 
crown. Yet one seems greater than them all; not for a wiser statesmanship 
or broader mental vision; not from experience that, widening with time, comes 
from lifelong familiarity with public trust, but for his sterling common sense 
combined with virtue and integrity, for qualities that made our Lincoln great. 
His, too, is the divine attribute of courage, blossoming into acts of heroism 
in field and council. It has marked the man; no greater when it flashed from 
blade unsheathed beyond the foremost battle line before Atlanta, than when 
from out the sanctity of the judicial shrine it dared to humble by its word 
wealth’s proudest autocrat, and lift up into light and sunshine labor’s dignity. 
If I were called to paint the picture of an ideal candidate, him would I spread 
upon the canvas and call him Gresham. If I were called to write the history 
of the greatest candidate a party ever named I’d write it in two words, Abra¬ 
ham Lincoln; and if challenged to match that with another alike in birth 
and training, courage, convictions and popular choice, I’d name you Walter 
Gresham. Give us the man of the people. Such as he are freedom’s lawful 
heritage. This is the Nation’s watchword. I hear it amid the murmur of 
the Northern pines. I hear it in the sighs of heaven that come from harvest¬ 
laden prairies waiting the garner’s sickle to feed a hungry world, from lands 
that yearn for Statehood wrongfully denied. I hear it in the thunder of the 
cloud-capped peaks of Allegheny and Sierra, speaking in tongues of avalanche 


118 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


down mountain canyon. I hear it in the rush and whirl of marts of com¬ 
merce, and amid the crash of loom and wheel It rides upon the wind that 
blows through the Golden Gate or fans the brow of Liberty upon Manhat¬ 
tan’s bay—wherever toil from earth or air or sea brings to the human race its 
fruits of labor. These are the days of stern debate and lofty counsel for the 
coming fray. That fray will be no exhibition tournament. It shall parallel 
the shock of Milton’s angel cohorts. Behind us lies a field of conflict darK 
with disaster and defeat, the brave grow anxious, and the timid faint. Low 
burn the fires of hope within the breast. The star of faith shines feebly from 
a heaven dark with clouds and rent with storm. In this our hour of hesita¬ 
tion Gresham shall lift the fallen standard, and marshal anew the broken col¬ 
umn. The old, the new unite in him, and this new fight, which we must make 
for victory, like that of old, will find its earnest of success in his magnetic 
name. The leader who upon the line of march could yield unasked his saddle 
to a sick and weary comrade soldier boy, and make his way on foot through 
storm and mud to field of action, shall be a hero candidate for soldier patriots; 
and for his utterances from the bench, unmoved by wealth, unawed by power, 
the browned battalions of labor’s knighthood shall swear him fealty. He is 
sound upon the tariff, sound in financial views, sound for free speech, free 
ballot, human liberty, and honest toil—sound above all in personal honor, in¬ 
tegrity and courage. As knightly daring in the days of old under the cross 
of Christ overthrew the heathen gods, so shall this knight of modern days 
smite his monstrous juggernaut that sits serene clothed in “innocuous desue¬ 
tude,” and prates of justice, civil rights, and dignity of public trust, yet still 
destroys them all. From this convention let his nomination issue forth glad 
tidings of great joy. The great Northwest will vibrate with his name; ’twill 
satisfy the East, the South, the West. The doubtful States shall be no longer 
doubtful. Under his captaincy it will be a question of majority, not of suc¬ 
cess. See how they rise to greet him in his coming. “Welcome,” I hear the 
cry where sweeps the sounding Oregon. “Welcome,” amid the vineclad val¬ 
leys of the Golden State. “Welcome,” from Southland, where men yet strive 
for freedom bought with blood, but still denied. “Welcome,” amid the thun¬ 
ders of Niagara and the woodland breezes of the Thousand Isles. This sen¬ 
timent for Indiana’s soldier-jurist grows like the blossoming harvests of our 
Western prairies. As silent as the rain from weeping clouds it has fallen on 
a Nation’s heart. New life, new hope, are born. The field whereon our stand¬ 
ard fell and hosts dismayed and broken fled, becomes no more than faintest 
reminiscence. The fears the past awoke fade swift away. New strength, new 
courage, new inspiration, new blood, new men, proclaim our cause’s triumph. 
Chief representatives of this, the world’s grandest party, disappoint not an 
expectant Nation. For Minnesota I second Walter Gresham’s nomination. 

The President. Is there any further second? 

Mr. John R. Lynch of Mississippi. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Mississippi. 

Mr. Lynch. Gentlemen of the Convention: I rise for the purpose of sec¬ 
onding the nomination of a gentleman whose selection by this convention will, 
in my judgment be equivalent to an election. I refer to that great and gallant 
soldier, that high toned and honorable Statesman, that pure and incorruptible 
judge, Walter Q. Gresham of Indiana. I do not mean to say that unless you 
nominate the man of my choice the party will not be victorious, for I am 
thoroughly convinced that the nominees of this convention will be successful, 
v/hoever they may be. The people of this country are now anxiously awaiting 
the first opportunity to vote the present Democratic Administration out of 
power. That grand and glorious little State of Oregon has given the sound 
already. The question is asked sometimes, “What about Judge Gresham’s Re¬ 
publicanism? Is he a faithful, true, tried Republican?” Gentlemen of the 
convention, permit me to say that Judge Gresham is not a Republican from a 


119 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 

change of heart, for his heart has never been wrong. He is not a Republican 
from conversion, for he never needed to be converted. He was one of the 
organizers of the Republican party; one of the men who brought it into exist¬ 
ence, stood by it from its infancy to hoary age, and has faithfully supported its 
candidates from the day of its organization up to the present. Gentlemen, 
a man to be the leader of the Republican party of Southern Indiana must nec¬ 
essarily have some of the true-blue Republican blood in his veins. Judge 
Gresham, as the candidate of the Republican party for the Legislature from 
Harrison county, Indiana, in i860, was elected by a majority of nearly 100 
votes, when the same county gave a majority of over 600 for the Democratic 
State ticket. As the Republican candidate for Congress in one of the strong 
Democratic districts of Southern Indiana in 1866, he came within about 1,500 
votes of an election in a district in which there was a Democratic majority 
of over 4,000. From this I think we can infer that he is a man of the people, 
strong with the people, and if nominated, will be elected. But it is said that 
in consequence of the fact that he is not presented as the first choice, as the 
favorite son of his own State, he is not an available man. Gentlemen, I 
admit that he is not thus presented, and I want to say here and now that if 
the choice of this convention should happen to fall upon that high-toned, 
brave, honorable, gallant son of Indiana in the person of Benjamin Harri¬ 
son, his friends in the State of Indiana, and outside of it, will not be allowed 
to do more for the success of the ticket than will the friends and supporters 
of Judge Gresham. Those of you who are familiar with the manner in which 
the canvass has been conducted in the election of delegates from that State 
are aware of the fact that the friends and supporters of Walter Q. Gresham 
were more concerned, more anxious to maintain the unity, the harmony, of 
the Republican party in Indiana, than they were to secure the election of 
Gresham delegates. They were determined that there should be no faction, 
no division, no strife created in that party or in that State by any act or deed 
on their part. [Cries of “Time.”] Gentlemen of the convention— 

The President. There will be no limit of time in this convention in 
either presenting the name or seconding the nomination of any candidate. 

Mr. Lynch. Mr. President: I will say very little more. While it is true 
that he is not presented as the first choice, the favorite son of the State which 
he honored so long and so well, yet I think the votes of this convention will 
demonstrate the fact that he is in a great measure at least the favorite son of 
the United States. His friends, his admirers, his supporters may be found 
all over the country—from Maine to California, from the gulf to the lakes. 
At any rate, I am satisfied that should he be nominated our party will be 
saved. Then, fellow-delegates, what are his achievements? What has he 
done? What is his record? I can only say in that respect that while it 
has not been his privilege to serve in either House of Congress, while his 
name is not associated with the war legislation of the country, while we can¬ 
not point to his votes in the House, or in the Senate, yet, when I look at 
a picture on my left, representing a battlefield, I see a place where Walter 
Q. Gresham fell in defence of his country, supposed to have been mortally 
wounded. A brave, a gallant soldier, who worked his way up from poverty; 
the friend of the laboring man, the friend of all honest men, and I believe 
and hope he will be the choice of this convention. In conclusion, gentlemen, 
let me make one more remark. We of the South occupy a delicate position 
in this convention. We recognize the fact that, in consequence of circum¬ 
stances which we are unable to control, we perhaps will not be able to ma¬ 
terially contribute to the success of the ticket to be nominated here. If 
you gentlemen from the Northern States, from the doubtful States, were 
united among yourselves, we of the South would fall in line and help you to 
nominate your choice, and we would all go home happy; but you are divided, 
and consequently we are divided. In this convention, at least, there will 
be no solid South. We come here and find five or six good, upright, honorable, 


120 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


honest Republicans, candidates for the Presidential nomination. We come 
in contact with gentlemen from all parts of the country, some telling us that 
their man is the superior and others that their choice is better than any other 
man. It is reasonable to suppose that these arguments used by the different 
gentlemen will influence some of us. I confess that after listening carefully 
to what all of them have said, my conclusion is that Judge Walter Q. 
Gresham is the man. I hope I am not mistaken. I ask at your hands a favor¬ 
able consideration of the candidacy of Judge Gresham. 

The President. Is there a further second to the nomination of Judge 
Gresham? If not, the Secretary will— 

Mr. McCall of Massachusetts. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Massachusetts. 

Mr. McCall. Mr. President: It gives me pleasure to stand here and 
say one word in seconding the nomination of Gen. Gresham. I do this be¬ 
cause I think that in himself he is a man, and that he has those fine quali¬ 
ties which are necessary to restore the high office of the Presidency to its 
ancient renown. I do it because I think that he embodies those simple and 
sublime virtues which were so characteristic of that first immortal Presi¬ 
dent which the Republican party gave to this country, and I do it because 
I think that his whole career splendidly eqitomizes the noblest and truest 
Republicanism. I do not propose, gentlemen, to detain you with a long 
speech at this time, but from the day when Gen. Gresham, a stripling, took 
the stump for John C. Fremont to the day when he, as a member of Genj 
Arthur’s Cabinet, spoke from the steps of the Sub-Treasury, in the City of 
New York, he has drawn none but a Republican breath. I think that he is 
strong with the people of this country. He is not presented as the favorite 
son of any State, but he comes from the four corners of the Republic, and 
I believe that he is strong in the hearts of the people, and that he will make 
a strong candidate to present. Now, gentlemen, I wish to say one word 
about an objection that is made to Judge Gresham, and that is, that he is 
supported by the mugwumps. I don’t think those gentlemen should be per¬ 
mitted to dictate the nomination of the Republican party. Four years ago 
when your valiant leader was assailed with all the fury of those gentle¬ 
men, you came to his support and hid him in your hearts, and I say that it 
would have been just as wrong to have deserted Mr. Blaine as for you to 
sacrifice so excellent a Republican as Judge Gresham, simply because he has 
received the praise of these men. We should neither make a sacrifice to 
their fury nor to their praise. There is no question whatever of what the 
policy of his opponent, Mr. Cleveland, is. It is not civil-service reform, it is 
not spoils, it is not protection or free trade. Himself is his own star, and 
that he always follows, no matter over what ground or over what interests 
of the country he may stumble; but I believe, gentlemen, that, with Judge 
Gresham as a candidate, with the hold that he has upon the people, with 
his splendid Republican record, with his record as a soldier, which was 
never surpassed by any purely soldier candidate in this country, the Repub¬ 
licans have a magnificent opportunity, and, if this convention nominates him, 
they will next November ratify the choice by his election. 

The President. Is there a further second to the nomination of Mr. 
Gresham? If not, the Secretary will proceed with the roll call. 

Mr. Rector of Texas. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Texas, Mr. John B. Rector. 

Mr. Rector. The life and character of Judge Gresham belong to the 
great Republic. He illustrates in his career, as perhaps no other candidate 
that will be brought here for your suffrages, at once the scope and blessings 
of American institutions—that principle in our institutions which enables a 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 


121 


poor boy starting in the blacksmith shop, or upon the farm, to work his way 
up to the highest positions that can be given by the people of these United 
States. Toiling on a farm, when he started his career, a poor orphan boy 
in the southern part of Indiana, with no help but his own good right arm, 
he fought his way upward, step by step, to the high position he now occu¬ 
pies in the love and confidence, and esteem of the American people. When 
the war came on, that great test of American institutions, that great trial 
that was put upon our Constitutional form of government, Judge Gresham 
was found equal to the occasion. He cast his lot with the Government, 
and when the shock of battle came, when the men of the South and the 
men of the North joined in a death grapple, Judge Gresham was there. Look 
at that battle scene before Atlanta, July 22, 1864 (pointing to a large paint¬ 
ing on the wall near the speaker), where the men of the South and the men 
of the North were joined in deadly conflict; there you find Judge Gresham 
battling for the institutions of his country; there you find Judge Gresham 
receiving from his gallant foe the lead which he carries in his body to-day. 
Give us Judge Gresham for the nominee of this convention, and the people 
will bear him upon the shields of their love to certain victory. Capital 
need not be afraid. The business interests of the country will be conserved 
A jurist of high ability, a shining light in the Republican party, he is the 
man that can win. 

Mr. James M. Graybill of Kansas. Mr. President: I move that this 
convention take a recess until two o’clock. [Cries of “No.”] 

The President. It has been moved that this convention take a recess 
until two o’clock. 

The motion was not agreed to. 

The President. Is there a further second to the nomination of Mr. 
Gresham? [After a pause.] Mr. Clerk, call the roll. 

NAMING OF BENJAMIN HARRISON. 

When Indiana was called: 

Mr. Richard W. Thompson of Indiana. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Indiana. 

Mr. Thompson. I merely want to make an announcement. The Repub¬ 
lican party of Indiana has selected a member of our delegation, the Hon. 
Albert G. Porter, to present their candidate for the Presidency. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: Gov. Porter of Indiana. 

Mr. Porter. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: When, 
in 1880, Roscoe Conkling visited Indiana to take part in the memorable cam¬ 
paign of that year, he was asked on every hand, “How will New York go at 
the Presidential election?” “Tell me,” replied the great orator, “how Indi¬ 
ana will go in October, and then I can tell you how New York will go in 
November.” In October, Indiana’s majority of nearly 7,000 for the Repub¬ 
lican candidate for Governor informed the country how she would go, and 
in November New York and the Nation echoed her October voice. Indiana 
is no longer an October State. Yet now, in 1888, as before in 1880, she 
seems largely to hold the key to the position. She is always regarded as 
being a close State, but when the Republican party is thoroughly organized, 
when it has done the preliminary work of the canvass well, and when its 
spirit is kindled into flame, Indiana seldom fails to elect the Republican can¬ 
didates. She has never been better organized for a successful Republican 
contest than now; the preliminary work has never been more complete and 
thorough, and the Republican masses seem never to have been more highly 


122 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


roused and eager for the struggle. Give Gen. Benjamin Harrison your 
commission to lead them, and they will immediately fall into line and press 
forward with enthusiastic confidence to victory. The convention that lately 
met at St. Louis disappointed the Democracy of Indiana by refusing to place 
an Indiana candidate on their ticket There is a tide in the affairs of par¬ 
ties, as well as of men, which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune. The 
present condition of Indiana is the Republican party’s opportunity. Why risk 
shipwreck on any shallows when the full and welcoming sea invites your sails? 
Benjamin Harrison came to Indiana in 1854 at the age of twenty-one. He 
came poor in purse, but rich in resolution. No one ever heard him make 
a first reference to his ancestors. Self-reliant, he mounted the back of 
prosperity without the aid of a stirrup. The hospitality of his ancestors 
had given their property to those whom they had served. The core had 
gone to the people, the rind only to them and their families. He received, 
indeed, something from them—their talents, their integrity, their fitness for 
public trusts, and what to some persons would have seemed a misfortune, 
but to a heart so stout as his was the highest good fortune, he received from 
them the inestimable legacy of penury. Upon his arrival in the State he 
entered at once upon the practice of law and immediately achieved success. 
Amplitude of preparation, a large view of questions, a mind marvelously 
prompt in yielding up its stores, and so exhaustive in its power of reason¬ 
ing that no argument that would help his cause was ever found to have been 
omitted—these gave him rank at once in his profession. In union with these 
was found a fairness that sought no mean advantages and an integrity that 
never could be shaken. The young lawyer leaned on nobody’s arm for help. 
Modest but self-confident, his manner seemed to say, “I am an honest tub. 
standing on its own bottom.” It was perceived from the start that in web 
and woof he was of heroic stuff. While he was engaged in the practice of 
the law and was rapidly rising to distinction, the great rebellion raised its head 
to strike down the Union. Relinquishing his profession, its emoluments, and 
the fame to which it was beckoning him, he yielded to the imperative demand 
of duty, raising a regiment and receiving from Morton the commission of a 
Colonel. He marched with Sherman to the. sea; he was in the thick of the 
fight at Resaca and Atlanta, and his gallantry and the efficiency of his well 
disciplined command were so conspicuous on those fields as to draw from 
the heroic Hooker, in a letter to the Secretary of War, the highest possible 
commendations of his industry as a disciplinarian, and skill and intrepidity 
as a soldier. He was not unknown to the people of Indiana before he en¬ 
tered the army. At a State election they had chosen him to the office of Re¬ 
porter of the decisions of the Supreme Court. His opponents took the office 
from him while he was serving as a soldier in the field. The people, wnile 
he was yet in the field, re-elected him, and on returning home on the dis¬ 
bandment of Sherman’s forces he received his commission. On account of his 
eloquence as a speaker and his extraordinary power as a debater, Gen. Har¬ 
rison was called upon at an uncommonly early age to take part in the public 
discussions of the mighty questions that had begun to agitate the country, and 
was early matched against some of the most prominent speakers of the Demo¬ 
cratic party. None who ever felt the point of his blade desired to engage 
with him again. Possessing oratorical powers of a high order, he has never 
spoken for mere rhetorical effect. He seems to have remembered the say¬ 
ing of the great Irish orator and patriot, O’Connell, that a good speech is a 
good thing, but that the verdict is the thing. He therefore pierced the core 
of every question he discussed, and fought to win in every contest in which 
he engaged. He has taken a part as a public speaker in every Presidential 
campaign since he came into Indiana, except the one that occurred during 
his service in the army, and he threw his sword into that. In recognition of 
his services in the ardent and prolonged struggles of the Rpublican party for 
the rights of man and for the restoration and integrity of the Union, the 


123 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 

Republicans in the Legislature of 1881 chose him to be a Senator of the 
United States. I have not time to enter into any detailed narration of his 
services in the Senate. His rank was among the highest. The delegates from 
Dakota will bear witness to the unremitting energy of his efforts to have 
that 1 erritory admitted as a State into the Union, when, for the crime of 
being faithful to Republican principles, the Democratic party resolved to 
keep it out. Everybody will recall his complete exposure of the civil service 
reform sham in Indiana under the present administration. He possesses all 
that you should desire in a President—soundness in Republican doctrine, a 
comprehensive grasp of mind, a calm judgment, firm principle, unquailing 
courage, and a pure character. The eloquent gentleman from Illinois has 
commended to your favor another distinguished citizen of Indiana. A 
State s place in civilization is denoted by the manner in which she treats 
those who have served her faithfully. I have always honored old historic 
Massachusetts for the manner in which she cherishes the fame of those 
who, in whatever department of service, have reflected honor upon the Com¬ 
monwealth ; how she calls the roll with pride; how impatient she becomes 
when their names are unjustly aspersed or disparaged. I have not come here 
to disparage that honorable gentleman, brave and just judge, and heroic sol¬ 
dier whom the gentleman from Illinois has commended. If the roll of all 
of Indiana’s sons were called who led in battle or carried the knapsack, she 
would bid me honor them all. There is no need that I should strive to dwarf 
others in order that Gen. Benjamin Harrison may stand conspicuous. He 
stands breast to breast with the foremost of Indiana’s soldiers; distinguished 
also in civic trusts; heroically faithful to public duty; skillful in marshal¬ 
ing men, to the sound of whose bugle they quickly rally and fall into ranks, 
whom they have followed in fierce canvasses, and more than once to the 
desperate charge crowned with victory. Standing here on behalf of a man 
who, disdaining all adventitious helps, has risen to distinction by the force 
of his own merits, I should regard myself unchivalric did I not recall, at 
least in brief review; some of the worthy public achievements of his ances¬ 
tors. Whatever tends to show that a life which has been strong and useful 
has a foundation in traits that have long clung to the stock from which the 
man sprang, is in the nature of a guaranty that he may be trusted under all 
trials. It is something that the public, who are interested in being faithfully 
served, are entitled to know. We stand here to-day in the imperial city of 
the Northwest. The name of no family has ever been more identified with 
the Northwest than the family of Gen. Benjamin Harrison. It is woven 
into the very fabric of the history of her people. I need only give a passing 
reference to that sturdy Benjamin Harrison from whom he takes his name, 
a signer of the Declaration of Independence. He was Governor of Virginia 
when the possessions of Virginia embraced the whole of the Northwest. 
When the Northwest was formed by Congress into a Territory, William 
Henry Harrison was, first, its Secretary, and afterward its Delegate to Con¬ 
gress. When the Indiana Territory was formed, embracing all the territory of 
the Northwest except Ohio and a part of Michigan, he was appointed its first 
Governor. He held commi'ssions as Governor successively from Adams. 
Jefferson and Madison. He was a man of deeds. While a Delegate in 
Congress he obtained the passage of a law requiring the sales of public lands 
to be made in smaller subdivisions than had ever been allowed before, so 
that for the first time a fnan of humble means might now buy from his 
Government a home. The historian McMasters, in his admirable history of 
the people of the United States, has said with reference to this measure 
that it did far more the good of the country than even his great victory 
over the Prophet at Tippecanoe, or his defeat of Tecumseh at the battle of 
the Thames. He negotiated treaties with the Indians, while Governor, by 
which their title to 70,000,000 acres of land was extinguished and the land 
was thus opened for settlement. In a single one of these treaties the Indians 


124 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


relinquished lands which embrace a third of Illinois and a vast section in 
southern Wisconsin. He fought the battle of Tippecanoe, and, defeating 
the plans of the great statesman and warrior, Tecumseh, kept the portals 
of the West open for the admission of the emigrant, and what, though less 
shining, was not less welcome to the settlers of the Territory, scanty in means 
and struggling with difficulties, he procured the passage of laws that made 
the burdens of taxes lighter upon the poor. The language of the farm and 
the practice of hospitality were native to him. After the battle of Tippe¬ 
canoe, when parting with a regiment of his soldiers, he said: “If you ever 
come to Vincennes you will find a plate, and a knife, and fork at my table, 
and I assure you that you will never find my door shut and the string of the 
latch pulled in.” And what he promised he faithfully lived up to. We hear 
of civil service reform as if it were some quite new suggestion. But Presi¬ 
dent Harrison, in a single month that he held office, directed the heads of 
the several departments to give information to all their officers and agents 
that partisan interference by them in the popular elections, whether of State 
officers or the Federal government, or the payment of any contributions or 
assessments on salaries, or official compensation for party election purposes, 
would be regarded by him as cause for removal. The old war Governor, 
the hero of Tippecanoe, having left Indiana in 1813, to enter a larger field 
of activity, the people did not forget the inestimable services which he had 
given them, and when, twenty-seven years afterwards, he was a candidate 
for President of the United States, Indiana, though a Democratic State, 
gave him a majority of nearly 14,000 votes. He died in a month after he 
entered upon his great office, but not the memory of his services, which 
will ever remain fresh and imperishable. And now to-day in Indiana, among 
a people estimating highly the character and services of Gen. Benjamin Har¬ 
rison, and holding in affection the memory of “Old Tippecanoe,” the latch 
strings of the people are hospitably out to you, and their doors are waiting 
to fly open at your touch to let in the joyful air that shall bear upon its wing 
the message that Benjamin Harrison, their soldier statesman, has been nom¬ 
inated for President of the United States. 

Mr. Thomas J. Brogan of Tennessee. Mr. President: I move, sir, that 
this convention do now take a recess until three o’clock. 

The President. It has been moved by Mr. Brogan of Tennessee that 
this convention now take a recess until three o’clock. 

The motion was agreed to, and at 12:45 p. m. the convention adjourned 
until the hour mentioned. 


AFTERNOON SESSION. 

The convention re-assembled pursuant to adjournment, and was called to 
order at 3:16 p. m. 

The President. Will the gentlemen be seated and come to order? [After 
a pause.] Gentlemen of the Convention, when the convention took a recess 
Gen. Harrison had been placed in nomination for President. Is there a 
second to the nomination of Gen. Harrison? 

Mr. Davis of Minnesota. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Minnesota. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION. 1888. 125 

THE TICKETS FOR THE VETERANS. 

Mr. Davis. I rise to a question of privilege. 

The President. The gentleman from Minnesota, Mr. Davis, rises to a 
question of privilege. He will state his question of privilege. 

Mr. Davis. I have been told during the noon recess by several old sol¬ 
diers, holding the tickets given to them by the resolution of the convention 
yesterday, that they have been compelled to accept standing room in the sky 
gallery. I move, sir, if it be in order, that this convention set aside for 
their convenience a section which shall embrace at least as many seats as 
tickets were issued, and if that be not possible, that the holder of any sol¬ 
dier’s ticket be entitled to hold any seat, save those upon the platform and 
those assigned to delegates or alternates, which he may first get and occupy. 

The President. That will be impossible. 

Mr. Henderson of Iowa. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Iowa. 

Mr. Henderson. I rise to a question of order. I am informed that the 
tickets that were issued to the old soldiers were mostly taken up at the door 
and not returned to them; and I move you, sir, if it is in order at this time— 

Mr. President. If there be no objection the gentleman will have leave 
to make his motion. 

Mr. Henderson. I ask unanimous consent to submit a motion to the con¬ 
vention. 

The President. There being no objection, it is so ordered. 

Mr. Henderson. I would therefore move, Mr. President, that the Na¬ 
tional Committee correct the error thus made, and issue to these soldiers 
tickets for those that were thus taken up. 

The President. That can be done without a motion. You have heard 
the motion made by the gentleman from Iowa. 

The motion was unanimously agreed to. 

SECONDING THE NAMING OF BENJAMIN HARRISON. 

The President. Does the Chair hear a second to the nomination of Gen. 
Harrison? 

Mr. E. H. Terrell of Texas. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Texas. 

Mr. Terrell. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: As one 
of the members of the Texas delegation, supporting the candidacy of Gen. 
Harrison, the high distinction has been accorded me of briefly seconding his 
nomination. Indiana is the great pivotal State in the coming contest, and 
the supreme importance of her fifteen electoral votes must not be ignored 
by this convention. The distinguished soldier and statesman named here by 
the Indiana delegation as the; choice of their people, and as the man who of 
all others can absolutely secure the support of that State in the approach¬ 
ing campaign, is one whose past career has been an honor and a glory to 
the illustrious name which he bears. The acknowledged leader of the Indiana 
bar, he has adorned it by his learning and eloquence, and honored it by his 
noble character. A full term in the United States Senate has given him a 
grasp of public issues, and fitted him for the high duties of statesmanship. 


126 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


On the great political and economic questions now under discussion, his 
views are clear and comprehensive, and in full accord with the principles 
which have been enunciated by this convention. Skilled in debate, forcible 
in expression, incisive in his logic, fearless in his convictions, his voice has 
been heard in every political contest for thirty years. Time and again has he 
demonstrated the highest qualities of leadership, and the firm regard in which 
he is held by the people. Indiana, the great State that gave the lamented 
Garfield a plurality of over 6,000, will honor her own illustrious citizen with 
a majority twice as large. In the prime and vigor of his manhood, free from 
the entanglements of faction, devoted to the interests and principles of his 
party; of unquestioned ability, untiring industry, and inflexible moral cour¬ 
age, he stands the peer of any man mentioned for the high office of Presi¬ 
dent, and would command the enthusiastic support of his party in every State 
of the Union. Mr. President and gentlemen of the convention, Gen. Ben¬ 
jamin Harrison is a man that any delegation in this hall may feel proud to 
support, bearing a name honorably identified with the civil and military serv¬ 
ice of the Government from its very birth, conspicuous in his own gallant 
record as a soldier— [Disorder.] 

The President. Will the gentleman allow the Chair one moment? Gen¬ 
tlemen of the convention, there must be better order, or it will b& quite unnec¬ 
essary for gentlemen presenting the names of the candidates to do so. The 
object is to be heard, and with the noise in the galleries it is impossible for 
gentlemen to make themselves heard who are addressing the convention. The 
Chair respectfully asks the galleries to be more quiet. [To the speaker, “Go 
on.”] 

Mr. Terrell. Combining intellectual force with moral integrity, eminent 
at the bar, experienced in constructive statesmanship and accomplished in the 
art of government, harmonious in his relations with all elements of the party, 
and moreover possessing exceptionally popular strength in the State whose 
support is absolutely essential to success, it seems to me, fellow Republicans, 
that the hand of destiny has marked him out as the man to lead us on to 
victory. The Republicans of a great State that furnished 200,000 soldiers 
to defend the cause of liberty and union; Republicans whose party zeal has 
been true as tempered steel, and whose hard-earned victories in the past have 
shed luster and renown on the Republican party, ask that he be made the 
choice of this convention. Responding to my own deep sentiment I beg to 
join in that request, and most heartily indorse and second the nomination of 
Gen. Harrison. 

The President. Does the Chair hear a further second to the nomination 
of Gen. Harrison? 

Mr. Gallinger of New Hampshire. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from New Hampshire. 

Mr. Gallinger. Mr. President: After the fitting and eloquent words 
of the distinguished ex-Governor of Indiana in advocacy of the candidate 
of my choice choice before this convention, it is not necessary that I should 
detain you long. I will say this: That I shall deserve, whether I receive 
or not, the plaudits of the galleries by endeavoring to observe the time- 
honored five-minute rule of the National House of Representatives. We are 
here, gentlemen, in friendly rivalry to nominate not only the candidates for 
the Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the United States, but to nominate 
the next President and Vice-President of the United States. We are here, 
so far as I know, with no acrimonious feelings, and with no word of unkind- 
ness toward any of the distinguished men whose names will be presented to 
this convention, but in a spirit of harmony, of good feeling, and of deter- 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


127 


urination to carry the banner of the Republican p!trty to a glorious victory in 
November next. Gentlemen, the little State which I in part represent was one 
of the original States of this Union, Nem Hampshire has no favorite son 
to present at this convention. True, New Hampshire has a score of men 
who, in point of public experience, in point of education and culture, would 
make an infinitely better President than the man who occupies the Execu¬ 
tive chair to-day. New Hampshire is content, so far as this convention is 
concerned, to modestly point to the laurels of her past. She recalls before 
this magnificent presence the fact that she gave to this Nation of ours a 
Levi Woodbury, a John Stark, a Daniel Webster, a Salmon P. Chase, a 
Horace Greeley, a John P. Hale, a William Pitt Fessenden, a John A. Dix, 
a Nathaniel B. Baker, and a Zachariah Chandler; and although Massachu¬ 
setts claimed in his later years the peerless Webster as her own son; although 
the great State of Ohio took to her arms that magnificent Secretary of the 
Treasury, Salmon P. Chase; although New York claimed Horace Greeley; 
although Iowa did honor to Baker of illustrious memory, and although the 
great imperial State of Michigan claimed that great man who led the Repub¬ 
lican hosts to victory on many a hard fought field—Zachariah Chandler—• 
yet the little State of New Hampshire has the right, before the assembled 
intelligence of the Republican party of this country, to feel proud of the 
fact that she gave to the Nation the grand men whose names I have men¬ 
tioned this moment. New Hampshire gave her electoral vote in 1856, in 
common with all the other New England States, to that noble man and 
intrepid leader whose voice was heard from this platform two days ago— 
Gen. John C. Fremont. And in every quadriennial contest since, New Hamp¬ 
shire has been true to the principles and politics of the Republican party. 
Her delegates come here to-day to join hands with the delegates from other 
States, to select from among the illustrious men whose names are presented 
to this convention a victorious standard bearer for the campaign of 1888. 
And I say to this convention, that no matter who is nominated, every Repub¬ 
lican in the little State of New Hampshire, true to the party and true to the 
principles of justice, of equality, and of liberty, will rally to the polls to help 
elect that man President of the United States. But gentlemen, New Hamp¬ 
shire is a close and doubtful State. Her vote is trembling in the balance to¬ 
day, with the whole power of the Administration used against the Republican 
party. Our margin is so small that it can scarcely be estimated, and with 
two United States Senators to be elected by the Legislature that is to be 
chosen in November, you must not wonder that I say to you that it is your 
duty, so far as that little State of mine is concerned, to give to the country 
the strongest man that can possibly be presented for the suffrages of the peo¬ 
ple. Projecting myself into the future I see in November next the battle of 
the ballots in this country. As silently as the snowflakes fall in New Eng¬ 
land on a winter’s day, so silently will the ballots be deposited throughout 
the North, while in the Southern States the same system of intimidation and 
fraud, which has prevailed there of late years, will doubtless be continued. 
If we are to have a solid South, let us also have a solid North. This, in 
my judgment, can be accomplished if this convention will give us for our 
standard bearer the man that Indiana has presented; that grand leader on 
the field of battle, the man who has done credit to himself, his State, and 
his country in the halls of the United States Senate, and whose public and 
private life is unspotted and without blemish—Gen. Benjamin Harrison. 
Under these circumstances we promise to the Republican party of the Nation 
the electoral vote of New Hampshire. I have but a word more to say. 
This is a contest unparalleled in the history of the country. We are face to 
face with our ancient foe—the Democratic party. We have to fight cor¬ 
ruption, we have to fight e\*ry possible species of bad politics at the ballot 
box in’November next, but if we are true to the principles of our party, 
if we are true to the spirit that animated the Republicans when they nom- 


128 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


inated Fremont in 1856 and Lincoln in i860, we will not fail to achieve a 
magnificent triumph. Why, look at this grand party of ours. Look at its 
magnificent record. Look at the men who have carried it to victory in the 
past—the party of Fremont, of Lincoln, of Grant, of Sherman, of Sheridan;. 
the party of Sumner, of Phillips, of Conkling, of Garfield, of Logan and of 
Blaine. The party of equality, of justice, of protection, of liberty, and of 
law; the party that rescued our government from bankruptcy in i860; the 
party that beat back that gigantic rebellion; the party that reconstructed the 
Union, the party that placed its arms under 4,000,000 slaves and lifted them 
up to the plane of manhood and citizenship. Tell me that that party can be 
defeated in the coming contest? I answer you, “No;” and when the verdict 
is rendered at the polls it will be found that my prophecy has not been 
without truth. I repeat to you, that if you will give to us that grand man that 
Indiana presents for our standard bearer, the Republican hosts, who have 
never flinched in battle, will go forward with a determination, with an 
energy, with a zeal, that will carry everything before them, and will restore 
to the rightful hands of the Republican party the scepter of power that for 
four years has been usurped by the hypocritical and mock civil service reform 
Democracy, which has been masquerading before the people of this country 
under false pretenses. I ask you this, fellow-delegates, and I promise you in 
return the votes of the doubtful States of New England, which, added to 
the vote of the doubtful State of Indiana, will triumphantly elect our ticket. 
Mr. President, I am proud of an opportunity to second the nomination of 
so pure and distinguished a statesman as Gen. Harrison, of whose choice by 
this convention and election by the people, I feel assured. 

The President. Is there a further second to the nomination of Gen. Har¬ 
rison? If not, the Clerk will call the roll. And now, gentlemen of the con¬ 
vention, when the roll is called, unless a State has a candidate or wishes to 
place somebody in nomination, you can proceed without making any re¬ 
sponse. Such has been the custom in the past. Mr. Clerk, call the roll of 
States. 

NAMING OF WILLIAM B. ALLISON. 

When Iowa was called: 

Mr. Henderson. Mr. President: Iowa has a candidate to present for 
the consideration of the convention. 

Mr. Hepburn of Iowa. Mr. President — 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention, Mr. Hepburn of Iowa. 

Mr. Hepburn. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: It is 
the laudable ambition of every member of this convention that to-day we pur¬ 
sue such a course as to deserve and win success at the end of this campaign. 
Is there such a course open to our choice? We remember that we enter 
upon this struggle a beaten party—that we were not beaten for want of 
numbers, but for want of harmony. We are strong enough to compel a 
triumph, but it will require the united efforts of us all to clutch it. Is it 
possible for us to-day to name a candidate for whom all Republicans will 
vote? If we do, we shall succeed. If we fail to name such an one our flag 
goes down in defeat before the organized appetite for spoils and its allies. 
The candidate of this convention must be of spotless character, and with 
unblemished political record. He must be a man in whose armor of integ¬ 
rity there is no flaw or crevice for the lodgment of censure or calumny. He 
must be a man versed in the public business, schooled in the public service, 
fitted for the high office to which we consecrate him by broad experience and 
observation. He must be a man of affairs. The Republican party is one 
of deeds as well as of doctrines—results no less than lofty sentiments—Its 
just pride and crowning glory is to be found in the long record of what it 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . - 129 

has accomplished. It loves liberty, and it creates free States. It loves man¬ 
kind, and it strikes the shackles from the bond, and makes freemen. It loves 
equality, and it places the ballot in the hands of the humble and bids him 
stand unabashed by the side of him who is the strongest. It loves the flag 
and the union of the States, and it builds navies, it calls into being vast 
armies, and tramples rebellion under its conquering feet. It sympathizes 
with the struggling poor, and it gems the prairie with a million happy pros¬ 
perous homesteads. It feels the dignity of labor, and it protects the Nation’s 
industries, and the factory and the forge are erected, the children are schooled 
and prosperity smiles on every home. It loves honesty, and it pays the 
National debt. It is filled with an exalted sense of justice, and in mercy, 
after the sword is sheathed, it restores its prostrate foe to the high station 
of untrammeled citizenship. It is a party of lofty sentiment, and it preserves 
the National credit, fills the National Treasury with abundant revenue, and 
gives the Nationa almost two billions of currency, the equivalent of gold. 
It is indeed a party in which ennobling sentiments abound, but thev have 
been followed by grand achievements, as in the economy of God fulfillment 
follows prophesy. Have we among our number some one who in his pub¬ 
lic service has been a contributor to this rehearsal of Republican indorse¬ 
ments? Some one who in the legislation of this generation has aided in 
writing this record? Some one whose recorded votes show that, upon all 
questions that for a quarter of a century have tried the courage and tested 
the wisdom of patriotic men, he has been upon the right side—the right 
side as time has determined the right in the honest conviction of the Repub¬ 
lican party of this day? Gentlemen, the State of Iowa bids me name to you 
this man—fit to be your candidate—William B. Allison of Iowa. Of all 
living men he is the one we most do honor. Iowa asks his selection. It is 
the prayer of that State that has been more true to Republicanism than all 
others that have been truest. All others have sometimes wavered; Iowa 
never! In all others at some time in your history some part of your ticket 
has met defeat. In Iowa, never. In twenty-four years of consecutive vic¬ 
tory no man has been inducted into a State office or been accredited to the 
National Senate who did not follow your flag and march in your column. 
Fortunately for our candidate, in the Republic we recognize no rights of 
pedigree or ancestry. There is no primogeniture nor entail in the honors 
of the State, save those of worth and genius. In these he is richly endowed. 
He was called to the public service in the early days of 1861. The times 
needed high courage, hopefulness, integrity, practical common sense, and 
unlimited capacity for work. His early life and experience had taught him 
that these qualities were the antidote for the rigors of lowly birth and humble 
fortune. He determined to deserve much at the hands of the people, and 
they, recognizing the value of his services, have been honored by his presence 
in the Congress for more than twenty-five years. Twenty-five years of most 
eventful history, and every page of the legislative portion of the record 
William B. Allison has helped to write. It is in these records that you will 
find the attestation of his worth. When he entered the Congress he recog¬ 
nized the perils of the situation—a continent at war, human liberty, man’s 
capacity for self-government, the issues. He knew that it was only by the 
use of all the resources of the Nation that success could be won. So we 
find him in the legislation of that day aiding, by marshaling the men, and 
granting the treasures of the Nation with unstinted hand, to meet all the 
requisitions of the Commander-in-Chief. And when peace was won we find 
him striving on all occasions to pay, so far as payment can be made, the just 
claims of the heroes, mutilated and war-worn, who by imperishable deeds 
had saved the State. When he came into public life the country was reap¬ 
ing the fruits that followed that woeful experiment, the tariff of 1846. The 
conditions had not changed for the better from those a little earlier described 
by President Buchanan in an annual message, when he said: “We have 


130 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


possessed all the elements of material wealth in rich abundance, and yet, 
notwithstanding all these advantages, our country at this moment is in a 
deplorable condition. In the midst of unsurpassed plenty, in all the pro¬ 
ductions of agriculture, and in all the elements of National wealth, we find 
our manufactories suspended, our public works retarded, our private enter¬ 
prises abandoned, and thousand of useful laborers thrown out of employ¬ 
ment and reduced to want. The revenue of the government, which is chiefly 
derived from duties on imports from abroad, has been greatly reduced. 
Under the circumstances a loan may be required' before the close of your 
present session. But this although deeply to be regretted, would prove to 
be only a slight misfortune when compared with the suffering and distress 
prevailing among the people.” This picture of the languishing industries 
would seem to be dark enough, but the condition was aggravated by the fact 
that the eight hundred millions of gold yielded by California had been sent 
abroad to pay for the imported necessaries of life that should have been 
produced at home, and the country was thus without a currency. In the 
protective legislation of that era was laid the foundation of that growth in 
wealth and prosperity that is the wonder of the nations. Believing to the 
uttermost, that the American citizen who labors is entitled to better com¬ 
pensation than was elsewhere paid the laborer—believing that this people 
ought to be independent of all markets save our own for necessaries that we 
could produce—he became a champion for the protection of American labor 
and American industries. He has been a constant, unwavering friend of 
that policy to this day, and finds in that policy the hope for that public quiet 
and individual contentment that is alone enjoyed where the industries of a 
nation are diversified, and all the people are satisfactorily employed; and that 
alone gives promise of stable government. He stands on the line of tariff 
defence in the Northwest. If you drive us from that line by your nomina¬ 
tion to-day, we go in utter hopeless rout, beaten by the strategy of the cam¬ 
paign before the battle opens. Your patience will not permit me to state 
in detail the important measures to which he aided in giving form. The 
constitutional amendments, one and all, he aided in framing; the currency 
legislation, and those laws of honor that preserved the National credit; the 
resumption of specie payment; the silver coinage act; the stoppage of Chi¬ 
nese importation, and all other legislative efforts approved by the Republicam 
party of to-day—Allison’s hand, his genius, his industry, aided in securing 
to us. We of Iowa know that in here naming our friend we place him in 
generous rivalry with most illustrious names. John Sherman, of ripe ex¬ 
perience, sagacious methods and honest purposes. Ben Harrison, the worthy 
son of an ancestry renowned for worth. Gresham, the soldier, the states¬ 
man, the just judge; varied has been the character, but never varying the 
pure quality of his extended service. Alger, who has no enemies save his 
country’s enemies, and who wins the love of men, whether he leads them 
in the fierce shock of battle or guides them in the quiet walks of peace. New 
Jersey’s son, cultured, eloquent, wise. How contentedly we could all follow 
him as our leader. Rusk, fearless in duty, the clamor of the mob has no 
fears for his inflexible soul, and Ingalls—how the affections of my old com¬ 
rades flow toward him as their champion, who never falters in his strife to 
secure redemption of the pledges made to the boys who wore the blue. The 
candidate I have narrfed, we of Iowa commend to you. A man of that calm 
pose of mind who seeks the methods of a judicious conservatism, and yet 
who has on all occasions the courage to do the right. Who excites no anger, 
and has no enemies. Who is sagacious, conservative, versed in the details 
of public business; whose integrity is above the reach of calumny. Who 
has the respect and confidence and kindly regard of all who know him, and 
on whose candidacy all classes of Republicans can unite, and, so uniting, 
he will lead a harmonious party to a satisfying victory. We can not tell 
you of all that would be done were he to direct the administration of affairs; 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1883. 


131 


but were he so empowered we could tell you some things that would not be 
done by him. You would not find in his letter of acceptance an able argu¬ 
ment against the fitness of a Presidential incumbent for a second term, 
followed by years of persistent and unscrupulous effort to secure a second 
term. You would not find in his official utterances uncounted pledges for 
civil service reform, and then long years of constant prostitution of the civil 
service to all the viler uses of partisanship. You would not find him striv¬ 
ing to destroy the silver coinage of the Nation, nor to retire the greenbacks 
so dear to the people. Nor yet to strike down the manufacturing interests of 
the country in behalf of our old enemy and our present commercial rival. 
You would not find him usurping the functions of a co-ordinate branch of 
the government, and hundreds of times thwarting the legislative will by a 
reckless and wanton use of the veto power that is shameless in view of the 
traditions of the Republic. You would not find him sneering at the old vet¬ 
erans, nor heaping gratuitous insults upon them, nor yet belittling and mini¬ 
fying their service, nor refusing to permit a grateful people to show their 
gratitude. You would not find him filling the representative places of honor 
abroad with men who have no just conception of what this Government is, 
who know nothing of the indissoluble cohesion of these States, and whose 
only claim to recognition is to be found in partisan service. You would not 
find him returning rebel flags, those honored trophies of grand victories, to 
rebel archives. You would not find him paltering about home rule in Ire¬ 
land, and then consenting to that partisan conspiracy, justified only by the 
footpad’s logic, that disfranchises 600,000 free American citizens, retains them 
in territorial vassalage, and keeps the name of Dakota from the shield that 
designates a State. You would not find him contentedly and complacently 
accepting the fruits of that organized system of violence, fraud, and outrage, 
that practically disfranchises three-fourths of a million of Southern voters, 
thwarts the popular will, makes a Presidential election a travesty, transfers 
the political power to an unscrupulous minority, and works pregnant wrong 
to the political rights of every honest voter in this land. But you would 
always find him true to country and the principles of our party. Wise in 
determining the better course, courageous in pursuing it, honest in the admin¬ 
istration of public affairs, calm, deliberative, conservative, kind and honest, 
giving the country an administration that would meet the demand, and secure 
the benediction of a contented people. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: The Hon. William B. 
Allison of Iowa is now in nomination. Does the Chair hear a second to that 
nomination? 

Mr. Benjamin M. Bosworth of Rhode Island. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Bosworth of Rhode Island. 

Mr. Bosworth. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I rise 
to second the nomination of the Hon. William B. Allison of Iowa. Rhode 
Island has no favorite son to present to this convention to-day. She has 
no candidate whose nomination is necessary to render certain her Republican¬ 
ism. Whoever from among the splendid galaxy of candidates who have 
been and shall be presented shall receive the nomination of this convention, 
will, in November next, receive her four electoral votes. Whatever name 
this convention shall write upon the Republican banner shall be written upon 
the great Republican heart of Rhode Island, and burning there, shall lead 
us on to victory. But, while what I have said is true of the little State I have 
the honor in part to represent, I realize that, in many of the larger and 
more important States, the question of the availability of a candidate is of 
the utmost importance. We all know how doubtful some of our States are, 
and how necessary it is to render as certainly Republican as possible those 
doubtful States. Upon us as the chosen representatives of a great people 


132 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


rests the responsible duty of not only making such a choice of candidates 
as shall redeem those States, but such also as shall commend itself to the 
judgment of the American people in all the States. It is not a question 
alone of who best and most certainly can secure the electoral vote of our glo¬ 
rious Empire State; it is not a question alone of what candidate can bring 
New Jersey into the Republican ranks, or who can place Connecticut in the 
column of Republican States. It is not a question alone of who can best 
lead the magnificent Republican hosts of Indiana on to victory. The ques¬ 
tion is larger and broader than all these. It is National; it is not local. 
The great question embracing all others is, Who is it, that, secure in the 
love and confidence of the American people, can most surely touch the public 
heart and thus insure success, not only in one but in all the doubtful States? 
Who will best represent as our standard-bearer those elements of character 
which will enable us to say, We present to you, citizens of the grandest Re¬ 
public this world has ever known, a candidate for your suffrages who is 
worthy of the support of free and honest men; who in all his long public 
career has never been suspected of doing a mean or dishonest act; who is 
familiar with the great public and financial issues now demanding attention; 
who believes in the American system of protection to home industries; who 
is the friend of labor; who knows no North, no South; who has the confi¬ 
dence of all the people of this great land, irrespective of party, as a conserv¬ 
ative, safe, and careful statesman, and who believes, with a faith outlasting 
the erratic philosophy of those men who affect to despise, but who always 
vote with the Democratic party, in all the glorious principles of Republican¬ 
ism. Such a candidate is William B. Allison. Let us remember as dele¬ 
gates assembled here, that in the excitement attendant upon a gathering of 
this kind the judgment is easily led astray. And let us all remember that 
far away from this great city, in the different cities of the Union, on the 
farms, in our schools, in our workshops, our places of business, are serious 
man awaiting our action and who will pass a critical judgment upon it. 
Behind and beyond the marching men that fill these streets, the pageantry 
of this occasion, the music, the shouts of excited admirers of different candi¬ 
dates, lies the sober judgment of the American people. Let us appeal to it 
by nominating a candidate who will not antagonize the warring factions 
in any State, whose ability and long public service entitle him to our grateful 
consideration, and who will stand as the representative of that great issue 
of protection—an issue which overshadows all others, and which should 
remain as the great and vital issue during this campaign. I see to the left 
of me the emblem of my beloved State. Above the anchor is the word 
“Hope,” and above that I seem to see another, which is at once its blos¬ 
som and its fruit. Anchored on the principles which we have to-day put 
forth as our platform, and with Allison to lead us on, the success of the Re¬ 
publican party in November is not a hope—it is a reality. Rhode Island 
extends her greetings to the great West, and esteems it a favor to second 
the nomination of Iowa’s great statesman—the Hon. William B. Allison. 

The President. Is there a further second to the nomination of Mr. 
Allison? [After a pause.] If not, the Clerk will call the roll. [After a 
pause.] Call the roll. 


NAMING OF RUSSELL A. ALGER. 

When Michigan was called: 

Mr. Horr of Michigan. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Horr of Michigan. 

Mr. Horr. I rise merely to state that Michigan has a candidate, and that 
he will be presented by Mr. Robert E. Fraser of Detroit. 


133 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 

Mr. Fraser of Michigan. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Fraser of Michigan. 

Mr. Fraser. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: Michi¬ 
gan comes into a Republican convention for the first time in its history to 
ask of that convention a favor. Michigan has always proved true to the 
Republican party, and Michigan always intends to prove true to that organ¬ 
ization in any political battle which may be fought. We find the Repub¬ 
lican party to-day out of power for the first time in its history. Heretofore, 
during all the battles that you have fought, during all the great contests in 
which you have been engaged, Michigan has been modest in her demands of 
the Republican party; but when we find this party out of power, when we 
find the Democratic party controlling this Nation, we do not stop to argue 
by what means or methods that party got there, but we come here to pro¬ 
vide for you the ways and means of turning that party out of power. As 
long as everything was going along smoothly with the Republican party 
Michigan had nothing to ask, but now, when you need help, we come here 
to offer you the man who will lead you to victory in this campaign. And I 
propose to tell you the reasons why. In the first place, gentlemen of the 
convention, it becomes necessary that you should select from the large num¬ 
ber of candidates that are named here the most available one to fight this* 
campaign with. He must, as has been described by the gentlemen, be strong 
in all the States alike; he must be strong alike with the soldier and the 
civilian; with the rich man and with the poor man; with the white man 
and with the black man. I propose to offer you in behalf of Michigan, 
for your careful and candid consideration, such a gentleman. I believe, 
Mr. President, that we are here as a deliberative body of men. I am glad 
to see the enthusiasm that is manifested by this large assemblage of people 
in behalf of the gentlemen whose names have been and will be presented 
to this convention. Michigan has no charges to bring against any of them. 
We know nothing against them, and we have tried to find nothing against 
them. They are Republicans all, they have been true to the Republican party, 
and I ask on behalf of Michigan here a careful consideration of the merits 
of all these gentlemen, and I hope each of them will receive his full meas¬ 
ure of praise. . And in presenting to you our candidate I ask nothing but a 
fair consideration for him in a Republican convention. These gentlemen, 
who have already been named, we have nothing to say against, and we believe 
that what has been said about them is true; but the availability of the man 
you shall place in nomination is a serious matter for you to consider. And 
right here at the outset I say to you that he of whom I speak will supply to 
you strength from all the quarters that I have named. The rich man will 
trust him, for he is a man of business and affairs, and his honor among these 
men has been and always will be unquestioned. If you think that he is not a 
friend of the poor, come with me to the city of Detroit, where he lives; 
enter with me into the poor man’s home—aye, into the very abode of misery— 
and there mention the name of our candidate, and you will find that next to 
their God, among the poor people of Michigan, the name of Gen. Russell A. 
Alger is most honored. It is not for me, gentlemen of the convention, to 
detail to you all the history of this man’s life. I said to you a minute ago 
that he would receive the vote not only of the rich but of the poor. There 
is a large element in the Republican party which is entitled to your consid¬ 
eration. It goes without saying that the soldiers of the Republic are entitled 
to consideration in a Republican convention. Gentlemen, many of you; like 
myself, remember the time when we were lying at home in our beds, with 
our heads resting upon our downy pillows, with our wives and children safe 
around us, how these brave men marched to the front and stood between 
us and a relentless enemy. You remember when this country was in all 
this trouble, and the sound of arms was heard all through the Southern bor- 


134 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


der, how we looked down to the South and thought of these men who were 
then protecting us. Our hearts went out to them. We aided them all we 
could. And when some of them in the strength of their manhood were 
stricken down, their blood enriching the Southern soil, there was no wife 
to wipe their clammy foreheads; there was no loving child to close their 
eyes in death; they had no sweet voiced choir to chant their requiem; the 
only kindness they received was from a comrade-in-arms, and their only 
requiem was the shrieking of a hostile shell. These men are entitled to some 
consideration, and wherever there is a soldier in this country, wherever there 
is a man that loves brave deeds and daring acts, the name of Russell A. 
Alger is known and honored. I say to you, gentlemen of the convention, 
without fear of contradiction, that there is no soldier in this Nation that is 
better beloved by the rank and file of the Grand Army of the Republic than 
the man whose name I have mentioned. I need not tell you of his daring 
deeds. His bravery is written upon the blood-stained pages of his country’s 
history. His acts of courage and bravery are familiar themes at the camp¬ 
fires of the men who have left those scenes behind them. I can say to you 
now that these soldiers are not to be with us long. The statesman is always 
with us. The politician will always be here, and always wanting office*. But 
it will not be long, gentlemen of the convention, before these brave defenders 
of the Nation will all have passed away. Let us honor them while we can. 
Let us remember what they have done for us when we are in a position to 
remember it, and when their names are presented for your consideration. I 
believe that they have a greater hold upon your hearts than the men who 
took no part in the great struggle that freed the slave and saved the Union. 
The professions of this country, and particularly the professions of the law, 
have been for all time honored by candidates for the Presidency. The busi¬ 
ness men of this Nation have never had a candidate. I present to you a 
business man. This is to be a business man’s campaign. If we are to fight 
this battle on the line of the protective tariff, let the lawyers look up the 
fees after the battle, but let the business men do the fighting now. I pre¬ 
sent to you a business man who has not his superior in all this great coun¬ 
try of ours. When he returned from the war he was poor, without a dollar, 
having entered the service of his country at 24. At 28 he was a Brigadier- 
General in the army of the United States, made so by gallant and brave 
conduct on the field of battle on the recommendation of Gen. Philip H. Sher¬ 
idan. This man had exhibited as great skill in the selection of men as he 
shows to-day in his business interests. It was at his request that the Gov • 
ernor of Michigan gave to Philip H. Sheridan his first commission. He was 
the bearer of this commission, and it was because of Gen. Alger’s skill and 
ability to select men that Sheridan was given the opportunity of to-day being 
honored as one of the greatest soldiers of the world. I say he is a business 
man, and how did he acquire this business habit? How did he acquire a 
competency such as he possesses to-day? Simply by pursuing a perfectly 
legitimate course. He has acquired not a dollar by any improper or objec¬ 
tionable means, but by simply following the pure business idea that had 
taken possession of him he gradually accumulated a large amount of prop¬ 
erty ; but his property is always in motion, coming in and going out, and 
every soldier knows it. The State of Michigan knows it. The poor people 
of our State know it, and wherever a man needs it the hand of Gen. Alger 
is open always to assist him. This man of business, I say, has the confi¬ 
dence of the business people of this country. He has no superior, and this 
being a business man’s campaign, and they being required to fight this battle, 
why should not a business man be nominated? I then, gentlemen of this 
convention, backed by the entire delegation from the State of Michigan, 
backed by every Republican from Michigan in this house and in this city, 
backed by every Republican we left behind us in the State of Michigan— 
by this authority I nominate as a candidate for President of the United 


135 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 

States, Russell A. Alger. I propose to state here and now, well weighing 
and knowing the force of every word I utter, and in calm deliberation, this 
proposition: That no Republican in the State of Michigan, that no Demo¬ 
cratic newspaper in the State of Michigan, that no Democrat who cares any¬ 
thing for his reputation in the State of Michigan will say to you, either in 
public or private, that he believes that Gen. Alger is capable of a dishonor¬ 
able act. I say to you with equal deliberation that if any such charge should 
possibly be made, if any man could be so base as to make it, the whole 
State of Michigan, Democrat and Republican alike, would rise up in rebel¬ 
lion. A gallant soldier, a faithful friend, a man whom everybody who knows 
honors, and to know is to love. Urging his name here, not for political 
purposes, not for the purpose of pushing him into power, but backed by an 
affection deep down in our hearts, we ask of you serious consideration of 
this! question. I would to God that some one else had been assigned to this 
position. I would that some of the great men that Michigan has produced, 
that the Republican party has known and has always been glad to hear, were in 
this presence to discharge this duty. If it were not for the love I bear this 
man, if it were not for the love that moves my tongue I would not dare to 
stand here in the presence of this august body and try to urge the claims of 
any one. But the affection that we all have for him, the duty that has been 
assigned to me, which I would not shirk if I could, makes a weak man strong 
—aye, it would make a dumb man eloquent. I would, I say, that this duty 
had been assigned to somebody greater than I. I can remember a man who 
would have discharged it well, to whom you would have listened with atten¬ 
tion and believed what he said, for when the country was in trouble, and the 
Democrats sought to take away from us our President, you turned to him for 
information, and he cut the Gordian knot. Would to God that old Zach 
Chandler was here to plead Michigan’s cause to-day. It has been said by 
some, and believed, that the power is given to reach across that river that we 
all must pass, and commune with the spirits of the dead. I would that some 
great power would give to me the authority to summon from that field the 
spirit of the dead that has gone before. I would call here, into your presence 
upon the platform, the spirit of America’s greatest volunteer general. I 
would stand him here by my side and when we all, with tears in our eyes and 
uncovered heads, were gazing upon that saintly form, I would ask him if I 
have spoken to you anything but plain, unvarnished words of truth. I would 
ask of him if I have said aught but what his experience has proved true. In 
the death of Gen. John A. Logan, Gov. Alger lost a most cherished friend. 
I would ask him to tell you of this man’s kind heart, of his capacity to grasp 
great questions, of his brave deeds. I would ask him to tell you if he ever 
forgot a friend, or if he ever struck an enemy a cruel or needless blow. I 
would ask him to tell you if, when the friend had died and gone to that bourne 
whence no traveler returns, the friendship of Gen. Alger did not last and 
cling to those he had left behind him. I can say no more eloquent words to 
you than these; I can inspire your hearts with no greater theme for thought 
than to quote to you the words of the widow of John A. Logan, in speaking 
of Gen. Alger, which words should be written in your hearts. Would that 
some infinite power would enable me to write them upon the sky so that all 
men might read them. She said of him, “A man who has proved true to his 
friends, can be trusted by his country.” 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: Gen. Russell A. Alger is 
placed in nomination. Is there a second? 

Mr. Charles J. Noyes of Massachusetts. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Massachusetts. 

Mr. Noyes. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: It strikes 
my fancy how exceedingly appropriate it is that we have decked this vast hall 
with the emblem of Republicanism, for against the snuff-rag of Democracy 


136 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


we have displayed the stars and stripes, and every great human right and in¬ 
terest that that banner represents to-day on land and sea, the Republican par¬ 
ty writes in its platform. And wherever there stands a voter in this contest 
from now to November who believes that the American flag is the grandest 
that floats in the civilized world; who believes that the American laborer is en¬ 
titled to protection against the laborer in any section of the world; who be¬ 
lieves that American institutions are more sacred and American markets 
more to be protected by an American Congress and an American President 
than those of any other land; who believes that the American sailor ought to 
float everywhere safely under the blue heaven of God, and under the protec¬ 
tion of the stars and stripes, he will be with us in this conflict. It is now only 
for us to say to whose hands shall this day be committed that great standard 
of Republicanism to be carried successfully at the election in November. And 
as I believe that the American people, when at the ballot box exercising the 
grandest privilege with which man has ever been endowed, shall select from 
the nominees of the parties in this country the man to be their President, they 
will judge him by those qualities of head and heart that make him most truly 
a typical American. Twenty-four long years ago, longer than many a man at 
majority to-day can remember, except as history, meeting in this great city of 
the West, and about to launch its bark upon the political waters, the Repub¬ 
lican party turned to a man as its standard bearer who then best represented 
American character and American manhood. They did not seek him in the 
office of the attorney at law, however richlv he was endowed, because he was 
a lawyer. They did not select him because, perchance, he had served awhile 
in the American Congress, but they selected Abraham Lincoln more and above 
all because in his matchless intellect, that had been tested in this State against 
one of the greatest debaters that America ever knew, and in the warm pulsa¬ 
tions of a generous heart, he combined the two great qualities that make a 
splendid President. And so believing, fellow delegates, to-day that the gentle¬ 
man presented her as, a candidate by the great State of Michigan combines 
in happy harmony those great characteristics of mind, and courage, and heart 
that make a candidate who is likely to be selected by the American people, 
I rise with great pleasure to second the nomination of Gen. Russell A. Alger. 
Do you ask a soldier? Read the history of that awful fight, and you find upon 
its brightest pages such a career as is matched by few men mentioned in the 
history of the Rebellion. Do you ask a man of administrative and business 
ability? A man who, coming from the army, took one of the noblest women 
as a wife that ever sanctified and graced an American home, and went into 
the wilds of Michigan to make them blossom as a rose; a man with courage tc 
leave all the enjoyments of the city, all the improvements of civilized life, be¬ 
cause with foresight and sagacity he saw there a great business enterprise that 
might be developed for the benefit of his country as well as himself, is a man 
of matchless courage for this contest. And when you talk of protection, who 
knows better what protection means to the laboring man than one who comes 
up from that class himself; and, walking daily with his employes in the com 
monest duties of common life, does not look upon them as employes, but march¬ 
es side by side as with a brother walking with his fellow-men. Talk of the uses 
of wealth in a country like ours? I say the accumulation of wealth is a grand 
thing when it is honestly accumulated, and, when the wealth comes, the man 
is not exhausted and does not disappear in the vortex. There is no nobler 
thing than to build up a fortune under the elastic influence of our free institu¬ 
tions, where it is done by honest industry and business methods such as have 
characterized the life and career of this ex-Governor of Michigan. Now, ( is 
he competent to lead this party in the coming contest? When Michigan 
wanted some one to take the State from the Democrats they selected Gen. 
Alger, and from the day of his nomination the battle was practically won. I 
wish that some other one were here to second the nomination of such a man, 
whose character is so typical of all that is grand and noble and truly Ameri- 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 137 

can. If we could call to-day from his sick bed the grand General of the 
American armies beside whom this Nation has stood with tearful interest to 
know whether he should fight the last battle this time successfully or not, and 
his lips could part and tell you of the generosity of this man, there would be 
no question about the glorious use to which wealth can be put. And so, Mr. 
President, at this stage in the proceedings, not desirous of wearying the pa¬ 
tience of this body, already overtaxed, in a brief word I want to extend from 
Massachusetts, as far as I am concerned—from a State that since the Puritans 
landed upon its shores has learned to honor and esteem true manhood and 
true womanhood everywhere,—the right hand of fellowship to the great 
Northwest that has sprung so largely from her loins. Why, they tell us that 
you must take a man from a doubtful State. I say better take a man who shall 
make all the States anything but doubtful. They tell us that we must have a 
man of long public record. The Republican party has cradled in its prolific 
lap many of the grandest men this Nation has ever produced, and we are so 
rich to-day in material we scarcely know how to select; but let me say to this 
convention that oftentimes the most glorious public record has its weakness 
as well as its strength, and, like the Roman gladiator who went into the arena 
always to come off conqueror, he often came off, though victor, with battered 
armor and helmet. And so that may not always be an element of strength. 
But when you find a man whose record has given sure proof of his ability, 
when you find a man whose political contests have demonstrated his strength 
as a candidate, when you come to the American people presenting them a 
character that can never be assailed, a character that needs bring no blush to 
any manly or womanly cheek, and ask them to make him their first and repre¬ 
sentative gentleman, in my judgment, recording their vote in November, they 
v/ill do so. 

The President. Is there another second to the nomination of Gen. Alger? 

Mr. Patrick Egan of Nebraska. Mr. President — 

The President. Patrick Egan of Nebraska. 

Mr. Egan. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: After the 
splendid addresses we have listened to, it is not without hesitation that I come 
before this convention, this magnificent gathering of the chosen representatives 
of that grand Republican party which has ever been pre-eminently the party 
of American progress, the champion of American liberty, the conservator of 
American rights, and the guardian of American honor. I do so in order to 
discharge what I deem a duty, to second the nomination made by my friend 
from Michigan of a candidate for the highest office in the gift of 60,000,000 free 
people, the proudest position in the world to-day, the President of this glorious 
Republic. Every true and loyal citizen of this land, whether native or foreign 
born, should desire and demand that the man to be elected to that high office 
should be a true and thorough American nationalist. Because of the strug¬ 
gles which most of us of foreign birth have been obliged to maintain for free¬ 
dom and nationality in our respective motherlands, this question of the na¬ 
tionality of this, the land of our adoption, comes home to us with, perhaps, 
more force than to many of our fellow citizens. We should all desire to see 
nominated by this convention a man who can be relied upon to promote 
American commerce and American industry, manufacturing and agricultural 
—one who will protect American labor, American rights, and American cit¬ 
izenship ; one who will maintain American dignity at home and abroad; one 
who will defend American honor; and, should ever the necessity arise, who 
will know how to fittingly resent every indignity to our glorious American 
flag. I believe, and I think I voice the sentiment of no inconsiderable num¬ 
ber of good Republicans as well as of many who, while not strictly allied with 
the Republican party, are sterling protectionists, that in Gen. Russell A. Alger, 
the gallant soldier, the successful merchant, the man of broad executive ca¬ 
pacity, the brave true-hearted, broad-gauge, typical American nationalist, we 


138 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


can find just such a man. I therefore cordially and heartily second the nom¬ 
ination of Gen. Alger in the earnest hope that he will receive the indorsement 
of this convention, and, with the firm belief that, when nominated, he will, 
with that indomitable courage, dash, perseverance and good luck that have 
ever characterized his undertakings in war and in commerce as in politics, 
carry the flag of his party and his cause to a glorious victory. 

The President. Is there a further second to the nomination of Gen. Al¬ 
ger? 

Mr. L. G. Estes of North Carolina. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from North Carolina. 

Mr. Estes. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I come for¬ 
ward to second the nomination of Gen. Alger, and desire to speak briefly of 
him as a soldier, for it was as such that I knew him. It was my privilege to 
older him into action on many a field of battle, and a more gallant soldier and 
more chivalrous gentleman never drew a sabre. Alger never hesitated, he 
never faltered. But whoever knew a Michigan soldier to falter? They were 
not built that way. They came from good old New England stock, and that’s 
what’s the matter with them. The soldiers love that gallant chief of four¬ 
score battlefields. Custer honored him as he honored no other soldier under 
him. Kilpatrick gave him the post of danger, and Sheridan said, “Nobly 
done, Alger.” He had the confidence of President Lincoln after he was 
wounded, second to that of no man on the American continent to my per¬ 
sonal knowledge, and you, gentlemen, give him your confidence, and the people 
at the polls next November will ratify it overwhelmingly. We believe you are 
going to do it. We can hear it in the air; it is music to us. We can hear it 
whizzing about our ears as whistled the bullets at Monterey [Va.], when, at 
the head of the Michigan cavalry, Alger charged up the pass and carried it, 
and took from Ewell 1,600 prisoners and 800 wagons. Gentlemen, we were 
patriotic soldiers a quarter of a century ago. Twenty-five years ago, on the 
Fourth of July (we did not have any fireworks with us that night) we learned 
that Gen. Lee and his army, down South, had neglected for three years to 
read the Declaration of Independence, and so we sent up our compliments to 
Gen. Ewell, to Longstreet and Lee at the mouth of six batteries of artillery, 
and Gen. Alger read the Declaration of Independence in the light of the burn¬ 
ing of 1,600 wagons. Gentlemen of the convention, we ask of you as soldiers 
tc give us Alger. It is a soldier’s year, and now what’s the matter with Alger? 
[Cries of “He’s all right.”] Of course he’s all right. We all know that. Give 
us Alger, and, when November rolls around, we will hoist the colors of Custer 
and charge as we did at Gettysburg and Five Forks, and ride over into the 
enemy’s camp and receive a second surrender of the Democratic party as we 
did at Appomattox Court House. 

The President. If there is no further second the Clerk will call the roll 
[After a pause.] The Clerk will call the roll if there is no further second. 

Mr. L. F. Eggers of Arizona. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Arizona. 

Mr. Eggers. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I desire 
to say only a word as to my choice in the selection of a candidate. [Disorder.] 

The President. Wait one moment. The galleries will have to keep order. 
Col. Eggers has the floor. 

Mr. Eggers. If you will but for a moment listen to the Great West we 
will endeavor to indicate to you why we have a choice. It is absolutely neces¬ 
sary that this convention make no mistake in the selection of the man who is 
to head the ticket of the Republican party. Gentlemen, this is the second time 
in my career that I have occupied a seat in the Republican convention of this 


139 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 

Nation. It is not the first time that my voice has been heard upon the rostrum 
throughout this country for that great and gallant party. I hope it will not be 
the last one. It has been said that the Republican party is dead. I say to-day 
that, if it is, it is the most lively corpse I ever saw. I desire to say, gentlemen, 
that in the selection of a nominee to cast my vote for, I have endeavored to 
look among the favored sons of the States. I came here with no choice, but, 
looking the ground over, seeing the men, reading their past careers, looking 
at the different records that will be read in the coming campaign, I was con¬ 
vinced that the convention should choose a man who will be a favorite with 
the soldier and with the poor laboring man; both will have to be combined. 
In that respect Gen. Russell A. Alger stands second to none. By his ability 
he has carved his way from poverty and obscurity to the position he occupies 
to-day. Not a working politician, not seeking promotion at every convention, 
not asking for laurels, but he comes here with an indorsement from the Great 
West, and from the different portions of this Nation, that must and will be 
recognized by an honest convention. It is not right, it is not proper, that we 
should endeavor to ignore any one. Every portion of this great country should 
be recognized. I say, then, and all I have to say is, that I thoroughly indorse 
and second the nomination of Gen. Russell A. Alger. 

The President. Is there a further second to the nomination of Gen. Al¬ 
ger ? [There was no response.] The clerk will proceed with the roll call. 

NAMING OF CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW. 

When New York was called: 

Mr. Frank Hiscock of New York. Mr. President — 

The President. Senator Hiscock of New York. 

Mr. Hiscock. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: The unit¬ 
ed Republican party of the State of New York, is represented here to-day, and 
by the unanimous voice of that party, through its seventy-two delegates, I 
am instructed to present for your consideration its choice for Presidential 
nominee. Gentlemen, let me tell you what that united and harmonious party 
means to the country. In my opinion, with every Republican voting in New 
York, next November we shall gain a grand Republican victory, and the 
thirty-six Electoral votes of the Empire State will be cast for the nominees of 
this convention. We have no more factional differences in New York that 
exist elsewhere; but, upon a vote of nearly a million and a half, where the 
parties are so nearly equal in strength as there, a little apathy, a little friction, 
a little of the bitterness of faction might cause defeat. Now all friction is 
allayed, all bitterness is removed, and unanimously, enthusiastically, we are 
marching against the Democratic mugwump combine to overwhelm it and 
defeat President Cleveland, and to restore the Government of the country 
to the party that preserved—yes, created—it. Gentlemen have said but little 
here about doubtful States. We should not leave them out of our calculations. 
With one exception, the States presenting candidates are not doubtful. Let 
me call your attention to this fact, that if we win this year it will be against 
the solid South, as compact as when Kansas was to be appropriated to slav¬ 
ery, or as when the Nation was to be destroyed; for I tell you that whatever 
fraud, and outrage, and violence even to murder, can accomplish, may be 
counted upon to return the Presidential Electors from the Southern States 
for the Democratic candidates. Democratic leaders openly proclaim this pur¬ 
pose, and, with these conditions, the contest is to be in and over New York. 
I would not discourage any one, but, confronting the overwhelming responsi¬ 
bilities of this occasion, I must frankly state the situation and the potential 
reasons why New York should name the Presidential candidate. We must 
have the vote of New York in this election, and equally with us the Democ- 


140 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


racy concedes that the result must be determined there. Gentlemen, the con¬ 
test will be bitter, the fiercest waged since the war. Republicans, farmers, me¬ 
chanics, have had enough of Democratic mal-administration; the business in¬ 
terests have had enough of constant threatening; and with unnecessary dis¬ 
turbance, accomplishing nothing; enough of futile attempts to reduce the 
surplus and enough of a constantly contracting currency. New York, out¬ 
side its large city, is more strongly Republican than any New England State. 
From our valleys, from our mountains, from our farms, forests, and mines, 
and from our shops the people are rallying, and will gather irresistibly to the 
support of our candidate. Labor in New York City, as elsewhere, has become 
frightened at the base betrayal of its market to foreign capital by the Democ¬ 
racy ; and its sturdy blows will be delivered for our side in this vital contest. 
Democracy, entrenched in power, with its trained band of office holders, with 
its free-trade organizations, with its unlimited supply of money, with its un¬ 
bounded capacity for fraud, will not yield without the most bitter and des¬ 
perate struggle known in our late politics. It will help us to name the candi¬ 
date, and I assure you we shall need the force of all “the sentiment” we can 
command. We propose a candidate whose name will be an inspiration to our 
country. His name is dear to us all. His counsel has led us and will guide 
us, his eloquence has electrified and will continue to inspire us. His broad 
and statesmanlike utterances have long commanded the respect of the people— 
not of New York alone, but wherever heard or read. As Chief Magistrate 
of the Republic his superb abilities, his matchless executive equipment, his 
thorough knowledge of affairs, his broad comprehension of public interests 
and the Nation’s capacities, his perfect integrity, his justness and considera¬ 
tion of the rights of men, his fidelity to Republican principles, would assure 
an administration promotive of national development and progress. I do not 
begin here, nor shall I be compelled to make elsewhere if he shall be nom¬ 
inated, a defensive campaign. It is true his business relations have been urged 
against him. If the most brilliant career and achievements as a business man 
known in our country, where so many markedly successful men may be noted, 
are just cause of criticism, then he merits it, for I do admit his success has. 
been phenomenal and his achievements unsurpassed; and I may add also that 
his life has been signally pure and stainless. Yes; he is the President of a 
great railroad corporation, and there is not a farmer, freighter, mechanic, or 
common laborer in New York who will vote aeainst him for that. As his 
life has been above reproach, so, in the management of the vast business in¬ 
terests under his control, he has gained the confidence of and holds the re¬ 
spect of all our people. I have told you that the laborers, the wage-workers, 
were to be on our side in this contest. They will not be repelled by the can¬ 
didate we propose, but, such as has been his service add fidelity to them, as 
to all interests intrusted to him, and so true and helpful a friend and coun¬ 
selor he has proved himself, that they will rally to his standard and make his 
election sure. s\s their candidate, and as tne choice of the Republicans of 
New York, I present for nomination by this convention, as the Republican 
candidate for President of the United States, Chauncey M. Depew. 

The r' resident. Chauncey M. Depew is in nomination. 

Mr. G. G. Hartley of Minnesota. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Minnesota. 

Mr. Hartley. Mr. President and Gentlemen of this Convention: Minne¬ 
sota seconds the nomination of Chauncey M. Depew. Carry New York and 
the remainder of your doubtful States and don’t afraid of the Grangers of 
the Northwest. Minnesota will give Mr. Depew from 30,000 to 50,000 major¬ 
ity. I come from the largest Granger district in that State. I come from 
the largest' Granger district in the Northwest. That district I pledge you 
for at least 15,000 majority. It is only one of the five districts of the State 
of Minnesota. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 141 

The President. Is there a further second to the nomination of Mr. 
Depew? [After a pause.] The Clerk will call the roll. 

NAMING OF JOHN SHERMAN. 

When Ohio was called: 

Mr. D. H. Hastings of Pennsylvania. Mr. President — 

The President. Gen. Hastings of Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Hastings. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: Penn¬ 
sylvania is opposed to Grover Cleveland and to a continuance of his adminis¬ 
tration. Her electoral vote will be cast for the nominees of this convention. 
Pennsylvania has never faltered in her devotion to Republican principles, and 
will not falter now. Her metropolis was the cradle of American liberty, and 
the Republican party’s* birth and baptism were both on Pennsylvania’s soil. 
With her the fundamental and elementary principles of Republicanism have 
always been held sacred as the charter of her liberties, and the memory of 
her dead soldiers. Of this her majorities are proof—majorities unequaled 
in the sisterhood of States—cast for Lincoln, for Grant, for Hayes, for Gar¬ 
field, and for her well beloved son, James G. Blaine. Pennsylvania comes 
to this convention, and with great unanimity asks you to nominate a stand¬ 
ard-bearer who will represent the principles, the traditions, and the brightest 
hopes and aspirations of the Republican party; a man whose name will stand 
for its integrity, its doctrines, and its matchless history; a man who will exe¬ 
cute the laws and vindicate the honor of the Nation, whose very personality 
will be “a sword in the hands of Honest freemen, wherewith to drive from 
place and power” a party which holds the reins of national government by 
fortuitous circumstance and against the true intent and honest desire of a 
majority of the Nation’s sovereigns. This convention recognizes that the 
campaign before us finds the common enemy intrenched in the seats of 
national power, with the prestige of victory, the support of a solid South, 
the influence of public patronage, and an increasing appetite for office, to 
give it encouragement. But the country is tired of shams, double dealing 
and mediocrity. We have seen a chief executive who proclaimed his belief 
that the President’s office should be limited to a single term, eagerly clutch¬ 
ing at the nomination for a second. His promised reforms of the civil 
service have resulted in the prostitution of his great office for the narrow¬ 
est partisan purposes. Professing sympathy for the welfare of wage earn¬ 
ers and established industries, he has forced upon his party a policy which, 
if successful, would be ruinous alike to both. Forbidding political activity 
in his subordinates, he has allowed them everywhere to use the public serv¬ 
ice for the advancement of his own personal political aggrandizement. He 
has inaugurated and fostered a diplomatic policy hostile to the interests and 
the dignity of the American people. He whom I shall nominate to you needs 
no introduction. His career, his character, his manhood and his illustrious 
achievements are a part of the Nation’s history. The people know him by 
heart. Those whom I represent, and who ask his nomination at your hands, 
point you to a grand career, beginning with those patriots who rocked the 
cradle of Republicanism; to a man who has been in the forefront of every 
battle for his party, who has been its counsel, its champion, its strong right 
arm; whose name is a tower of strength, and who was never defeated for 
any office for which he was nominated. Those who believe that he who has 
rendered the most and the best public service is entitled to consideration; 
who believe that experience in statesmanship is a pre-requisite to high pub- 
lis preferment; that it is not a disqualification to have actively and honorably 
participated in a generation of thrilling and stupendous events—events more 
vital to humanity and liberty than were ever crowded into an equal period 


142 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


of the world’s history; who have seen the danger and folly of placing inex¬ 
perience and mediocrity in high places, have made him their choice. The 
freemen, waiting for the welcome day when there, will be no longer a solid 
South; the true soldiers of both sides who bravely and loyally accepted the 
results of war; they who are waiting for the dawn of that new day when the 
right of suffrage dare not be denied to any man, white or black; when hon¬ 
est elections shall triumph over intimidation and tissue ballots, and a purified 
franchise shall “preserve the jewel of liberty in the house hold of its friend;” 
they who are still waiting until the true gospel of protection to man and to 
the fruit of his toil shall be preached in myriad schoolhouses south of that 
political equator called Mason and Dixon’s line; waiting for the infusion 
of that spirit which brings from mountain and valley the blessings of com¬ 
fort, refinement, and patriotism; that industry which opens new and profitable 
channels of trade and commerce; which builds railroads running north and 
south as well as east and west; which recognizes political meridians ot 
longitude as well as parallels of latitude; they who believe with him that hon¬ 
est and intelligent immigration should be welcomed, but that impassable 
barriers should be erected on the Pacific coast against the hordes of heathen 
invasion—all these, have found in him their consistent friend and steadfast 
champion. That grand army of men who followed Grant and Sherman and 
Sheridan, the widows and orphans of their comrades, and thousands who be¬ 
lieve a soldier’s honorable discharge is no disqualification in civil life, and thou¬ 
sands more who loved their country, and those who served it, will welcome 
him as their choice. They who deserve well of their country, who believe 
the English language so copious that a hundred pension vetoes might be 
written without insulting patriotism and loyalty, will rally to his standard. 
He was the soldiers’ friend in war, and he has been their constant friend 
in peace. He stood by the side of Lincoln and the army from the first days 
of Sumter until another Sherman marched from Atlanta to the sea, and - 
peace came on golden wings. War and finance comprise much of the history 
of nations. A people who gave 1,000,000 soldiers to the Republic found 
the man to sustain them and their country’s credit in the darkest hours. Our 
financial policy was as victorious as our armies. Its inspiration, responding 
to every need of war, proved equal to every demand of patriotism, until at 
last, hand in hand, peace and pr.osperity, twin children of liberty, gladdened 
the hearts of reunited people. The statesmanship of resumption, his crown¬ 
ing success, unequaled in any time or country, has placed his name upon the 
lips of gratitude throughout the land. Do you want his record? Read the 
history and the statutes of the country for the last thirty years. A broken 
Union restored and made stronger;. a race of men emancipated; a system 
of free public schools extended to every State; a bonded debt—the price 
of the Nation’s life—reduced from $2,200,000,000 to less than $1,100,000,000; 
the annual burden of interest reduced from $150,000,000 to less than $50,000,000; 
a public credit made firm as the everlasting hills; a system of protection 
to American industries imbedded in our legislation and consistently supported 
as a wise public policy. These are a few of the great achievements of the 
Republican party, and while every other candidate before this convention has 
contributed a full share of honorable, patriotic, and meritorious service, no 
man has become, of the whole splendid record, a more inseparable part than 
he whom I shall name. My countrymen, the central issue of this campaign 
is an American policy for the whole American people, at home and abroad. 
Before it all else sinks to insignificance. What though our system of cur¬ 
rency be the best in the world? It is the achievement of Republicanism. 
What though secession and slavery are gone forever? They were washed 
away in Union blood. What if the questions of reconstruction, of national 
credit and public faith have been resolved in favor of the right? They are 
stars in the party’s crown. What though increasing pensions make grate¬ 
ful hearts and smooth the pathways of the Nation’s brave defenders? Every 


143 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 

dollar of it bears the stamp of Republican approval. What though Repub¬ 
lican honesty and foresight swell the Federal Treasury wherewith to liqui¬ 
date a Nation’s debt? No question of surplus should arise until that debt 
be paid. But it is of supremest moment that the toiling millions, the bone 
and sinew of the land, shall not, by shuffling cant or sentimental fallacy, 
be made victims of that false system of political economy which tends to 
beggary. We welcome the issue—protection or free trade. Let the sover¬ 
eign freemen in the next election say whether the only Republic founded 
on the rock of freedom, blessed with every gift of nature, crowned with 
imperial power, enriched by willing hands of honest toil, peaceful, prosper¬ 
ous and homogenous, shall be dethroned, degraded, pauperized by a party and 
a policy of war with the very genius of our national existence. “With 
malice toward none, with charity for all,” let the battle lines which ran east 
and west be now formed from north to south, advancing to seaboard, there 
to protect the homes and firesides, the peace and prosperity of the Nation; 
and let him who has served so long, so ably, and so faithfully, be placed in 
command of the victorious column. Make him our standard-bearer, and 
every principle for which the party has battled, every triumph which it has 
achieved, will be represented in our leader. Nominate him, and there will 
be no sophistry, no fallacy so plausible as to divert the intelligence and 
common sense of the people from the vital issue. Nominate him, and a 
sense of security, of safety, and of confidence in the future will crystallize 
into triumph and victory. I nominate the patriot, the statesman, the honest 
man—John Sherman. 

The President. Senator John Sherman of Ohio is placed in nomination. 

Mr. Foraker of Ohio. Mr. President — 

The President. Gentlemen of the convention, Gov. Foraker. 

Mr. Foraker. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: Ohio 
is sometimes like New York. She occasionally comes to a National Repub¬ 
lican Convention divided as to her choice for the Presidency, and sometimes 
she comes united. She has so come on this occasion. Her forty-six dele¬ 
gates are here to speak as one man. And it is at their bidding, on their 
behalf and in their name, that I take this platform to second the nomination 
that has just been made. Not so, however, because John Sherman is a citi¬ 
zen of our State. Knowing him as we do, we should support him with 
the same unanimity, the same zeal, and with the same determination and 
integrity of purpose, no matter from what section he might hail. For we 
know and claim for him that which you, gentlemen of New York, and gentle¬ 
men of all the other States, must recognize and concede—that he is not so 
much a citizen of any one State, as a citizen, in the highest sense of the word, 
of all the States of this Union. His name and fame fill the whole land, and 
brighten every page of American history that has been written since he 
entered public life. Nominate him, and you need not waste any time on 
biographical sketches. When you recall what has been said from this plat¬ 
form to-day you can appreciate the value of that advantage. He is long 
since familiarly known to every State and Territory. He is the immediate 
friend and acquaintance of all classes and conditions of our people, high and 
low, rich and poor, white and black, native and foreign born, just as it was 
written in our platform, as it was read from that desk to-day. All alike 
know and honor him, because all alike have a common part and a common 
pride in his illustrious achievements. But no more do they honor him for his 
distinguished services to his country than, as it was well said by the gentle¬ 
man from Pennsylvania, because of the exalted character and purity of his 
private life. He is in the highest sense of the word a typical representative 
of the very best American life, American citizenship, and American states¬ 
manship. Gen. Hastings well said he would not repeat his record to you 
from this platform. If he were to detain you until he could do so we would 


144 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


not get a standard-bearer until after the next term of the Presidency should 
commence. It covers all there is of Republicanism. It commenced before 
the party commenced, and it has gone continually on from that moment 
until this. There is not a question—and has not been in thirty years— 
affecting the American people, internally or externally, that John Sherman 
has not dealt with. And how? In such a way as to command the unbound¬ 
ed confidence, not only of the business interest, but of every other kind of 
interest in the United States. I have not heard of any breezes wafting 
sighs for his nomination as was the case with another gentleman, but I have 
heard, as you have heard, a Macedonian call coming up for him from every 
section of the United States. But John Sherman is something more than 
a good citizen and a great Statesman, something more in the sense that we 
want to have something more in the candidate whom we are to nominate to¬ 
day. I am getting a little bit particular about this matter. I want a Repub¬ 
lican this time. I want one of the kind that we talked about on this platform 
last night. I want a man who is not only a Republican from the top of his 
head to the soles of his feet, but who has been one all his life. I don’t 
mean to insinuate anybody has not been that who has been named here, but 
I do want to impress upon you diat John Sherman is all of that. He has 
ever been ready, no matter how much personal disappointment might be 
involved, to support the platform and the nominee of the convention. He 
never sulks; he n^ver strays away into bad company. On the contrary, he 
is always in line and ready for duty. Yea, he is always on duty, and that 
too at the very fore front. For where the fight is thickest, there he always 
delights to lead, and a leader he is—a natural born leader. He belongs to 
a family of leaders. He is a brother of that grand old,* heroic leader, so 
dear to the hearts of every man who wore the blue, who split the Jeff Davis 
wing of the Democratic party wide open when he marched in triumph from 
Atlanta to the sea. Put your banner into the hands of John Sherman and 
let him do a similar job for you now. He will not only carry it to victory, 
but he will give the country the benefit of that victory. Not in any narrow, 
bigoted sense; not, certainly, by a resort to such pusillanimous methods as 
those known under the name and guise of “offensive partisanship.” Not, 
either, by a cowardly assassination of individual character, the method that 
seems so dear to our over-righteous mugwump friends; but he will do it 
in a manly and courageous way, administering our public affairs by Repub¬ 
lican agencies according to Republican principles. He will uphold the pledge 
with which we commenced our platform—namely: That the Constitution and 
the laws of this country shall be enforced everywhere throughout our bor¬ 
ders. [A voice—“Even in South Carolina.’”] Yes, even in South Carolina. 
We are just aching up in Ohio to get a man into the Presidential chair, 
who will have courage enough to vindicate the rights of the Republicans 
of South Carolina. Why should we not, my friends? What is the use of 
talking about how you are going to reduce the surplus or anything else, 
until you have first settled it that, when the argument is concluded, the peo¬ 
ple shall be allowed to express the conclusions .they have reached? Yes, 
John Sherman is a Republican who will see to it that American citizens are 
protected in the enjoyment and the exercise of their rights of citizenship 
wheresoever the flag may float. He will uphold and enforce the wise and 
patriotic policy of a protective tariff. His aim and ambition, and policy 
and affections, if you please, will be National. They will take in South 
Carolina, and we will make it a decent place even for Republicans to live—yes, 
under the beneficent guidance of his administration, the whole South will 
be given an opportunity to develop her resources, build up her industrial 
pursuits, and, under such provisions as those proposed by the Blair bill, 
educate her children, until they have been brought abreast, in the march of 
progress, in the development of wealth and power, with her sister States 
of the Union. And then, when we are all abreast, there will be no rivalries 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


145 


such as have existed heretofore, but, under the blessings of a common pros¬ 
perity, this wicked spirit of sectionalism, that the present copperhead admin¬ 
istration has revived, will be overthrown and destroyed, and the South, 
bound to the North, and every other section of the country, in the bonds 
of prosperity, which are ever stronger than any that can be forged by con¬ 
stitutional provision or legislative enactment, will be started with us on 
the march to a destiny that is greater and grander than any language can 
describe. If, therefore, high personal character, long tried and capable states¬ 
manship, unfaltering and unswerving devotion to the principles of Repub¬ 
licanism, as you have announced them here, coupled with a guarantee of 
success at the polls in November, to be followed by such magnificent results 
as I have indicated, are commendations to your favor, nominate John Sher¬ 
man, not of Ohio, but of the United States. He will be popular everywhere, 
except only in England. The reason he will not be popular there is that 
the combination made at St. Louis was put on a free trade platform, to 
march under the banner of that same old bandana that we knew so well in 
the war time, when it meant only Copperhead disloyalty, but which now 
means only British free trade. But the day the old bandana was nominated 
the people of Ohio, thinking they foresaw the nomination of John Sherman, 
raised a flag ever enthusiastically beloved by the loyal people of this country, 
of every State, and they said it should be our banner in the approaching 
campaign as an offset to the old bandana. Give us Sherman and this flag, 
and victory is ours. 

The President. Is there a further second to the nomination of Senator 
Sherman ? 

Mr. John M. Langston of Virginia. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Virginia. 

Mr. Langston. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I am 
so related to a large class in the population of our country, so largely bene¬ 
fited by every word and every deed that distinguishes the history and the 
character of John Sherman, that I will not let this occasion pass without 
bringing the testimony of that great class before you to-day, here in this 
august presence, in favor of his nomination to the Presidency of the United 
States. I have not only the honor of living in the Old Dominion, and rep¬ 
resenting in part on the floor of this convention the people of the old 
Commonwealth—the Commonwealth that used to be the mother of Presi¬ 
dents and the mother of Statesmen—but in that State, situated as I am, I 
have the honor of representing the men and women and the boys and the 
girls that the Republican party turned from things into men and women and 
American citizens. And you will recognize with me the fact that though 
then, Lincoln was our leader, and Chase our counselor, and Seward and 
Edwards their support, John Sherman, in the House of Representatives, 
was the man who was engaged in laboring as legislator in our behalf. And 
while I stand on Southern soil, a citizen of the old Commonwealth, permit¬ 
ted under God in this brighter day of our freedom in this country to rep¬ 
resent the negro race in part, and the white largely, in a body like this, 
when the name of Sherman is pronounced in connection with the Presidency, 
I shall leap to discharge my' duty to second that proposition. Gentlemen 
have told you how great he is and grand, what a patriot he is and what a 
statesman, how loaded he is along all his arms, across his shoulders, all over 
his back with the broken shackles fallen from the limbs of American slaves, 
the eternal marks of honor of his manly deeds. Seven millions of negroes 
to-day in this country ask you to nominate John Sherman to the Presidency 
of the United States. All the poor white men in the South, so long denied 
schoolhouses, so long denied spelling books, so utterly abandoned to hp 10 *'- 
ance, and poverty, and degradation—the substratum of society beneath the 
negro in the days of slavery—looking up to you as to the sun, ask you to- 


146 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


day ot nominate John Sherman that he may aid now in their redemption with 
the negro. Do you want to make your candidate National? Would you 
carry New York? Would you carry Connecticut? Would you carry New 
Jersey? Would you carry the Pacific coast? Would you carry the cen¬ 
tral portions of our country? And would you add to the certainty of your 
victory by the carrying of old Virginia and North Carolina? Alabama? 
Tennessee? And the proud little State of flowers—Florida? Would you 
carry these States? If so, give us that paragon of American statesmen, 
John Sherman, and we will unite Wise and Mahone in Virginia, and carry 
that old Commonwealth with us to victory, and, as she leads on the con¬ 
fines of our freedom the States farther south that I have named, marching 
to the music of “Hail, Columbia,” on the day that shall mark his election, 
shall be found no longer doubtful. Southern States, giving always it may 
be through force and fraud their electoral votes to the Democratic party, 
shall be hailed on their voting eve as Republican States, having cast their 
votes for John Sherman. Let me tell you, gentlemen of the convention, that 
the name of John Sherman is a wonderful thing in the South to-day. It is 
a tower of strength to the negro, the poor white man and the Republicans 
in the South, too. And now, in the name of all the citizens of my State, 
Republicans and true, in the name of North Carolina, in the name of Ala¬ 
bama, in the name of Tennessee, in the name of the loyal South, white and 
black, aspiring, longing to be protected, defended, that they may exer¬ 
cise a free ballot and have it counted, I arise to second the namination of this 
citizen of Ohio, now so grand a citizen of our entire republic, John Sherman. 

Mr. John C. Darcey of North Carolina. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from North Carolina. 

Mr. Darcey. Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention: I rise 
here also as the representative in part of one of the States of the South to 
second the nomination of that distinguished gentleman, the representative 
of the Republican party in this Nation, the Honorable John Sherman of 
Ohio. His name is a household word, in the South especially, and it is so 
because under all circumstances he has ever been true to that section. When 
it was a question as to whether or not ample protection should be given to 
the voters in the South, John Sherman was always found in the fore front 
in advocating the amplest protection to them. And now, as some recogni¬ 
tion of our regard and our gratitude, we come here to do what we can to 
aid him in reaching that position, where he can be of essential benefit in 
meting out to us the protection that will make it possible for a vote in the 
South to be as safe, and counted as fairly, as in Ohio. Gentlemen of the con¬ 
vention, we know the record of John Sherman. We know it to be the 
record of the Republican party. If the Republican party has been right 
since its organization, John Sherman has been right. If the Republican 
party has been wrong, he has been equally wrong. Every principle of every 
platform that you have adopted he has stood upon. Whenever you have 
named a candidate at any time since the party was organized, he has been 
loyal in support of that candidate. And now, after his loyalty, after he 
has proven such a true and firm friend of the party under all circum¬ 
stances, and has done as much to make it successful in all the campaigns 
since its organization, except perhaps that wanderer on the hills of Scot¬ 
land to-day—with that single exception he stands without a peer in the Repub¬ 
lican party—give him to us, and we promise you that you will have as good 
a chance of carrying North Carolina this year, on the issue of protection 
and the abolition of the tax on tobacco, as you have of carrying New Jersey. 
I will not detain you, gentlemen. He has been true to us. His record is 
as pure as that of any other statesman. Grand in the past, true to the prin¬ 
ciples of his party at the present, prepared for the duties and responsibilities 
of the future—name him, and on the day of election, when the result has; 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 147 

been announced in the precincts all over this Nation, the electric wires will 
carry the glorious news from one end of the country to the other, that the 
principles for which we fought have triumphed, that the Republican party 
has been restored to power, and that the enemy of the Nation who has 
had control of it during these four years has been voted out for at least 
twenty-five years longer. 


NAMING OF EDWIN H. FITLER. 

N 

When Pennsylvania was called: 

Mr. Charles Emory Smith of Pennsylvania. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Smith of Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: My dis¬ 
tinguished friend, Gen. Hastings, has spoken most eloquently for a portion 
of the delegation from Pennsylvania. I am here to speak for another part. 
My words shall be few, and I trust to the point. Our State, the greatest of 
Republican commonwealths; our candidate, foremost among the eminent 
business representatives who have been the architects of her Republican 
greatness and of her material grandeur; Pennsylvania is chief in Repub¬ 
licanism, because she is chief in the garnered fruits of Republican policy. 
Her thriving labor and her varied industries; the music of her myriad spin¬ 
dles and the fires of her flaming forges; the rewards of her teeming farms 
and the wealth of her lavish forests—a majestic empire in herself—all testify 
to the virtue and efficacy of American protection. Pennsylvania has no in¬ 
terest which is not equally shared by every other section. Pennsylvania 
asks nothing which is not equally for the glory and prosperity of Iowa, and 
Indiana, and Minnesota. Pennsylvania wants no policy which is not equally 
suited to the great farms of the Northwest, whose rich products need a 
home market, and to the mineral wealth of the New South, whose bound¬ 
less resources need a new development. She believes that her policy and 
yours, broad, liberal and progressive in its spirit, adapting itself to changing 
conditions, but ever maintaining the bulwark of protection, is the founda¬ 
tion of American greatness and independence. Under this banner and 
under the prince of leaders in 1884 she gave more than 80,000 majority. 
Under this flag in 1888 she will lead the magnificent column of victory with 
more than 100,000 majority. Whoever in this brilliant constellation of stars 
shall be chosen to guide your destiny, she will loyally follow him. But 
among her own sons she presents one who is the peer of any leader, and 
invites your serious and deliberate consideration to the wisdom of his choice. 
Our candidate is the highest type of the best Republicanism, and the best 
progress and prosperity of Pennsylvania. What Abbot Lawrence was to 
Boston, what Alexander Stewart was to New York, what Marshall Field 
is in a business way to the magnificent Chicago of to-day, the man I am 
about to name is to Philadelphia and Pennsylvania, and you will recognize 
it when I speak the name of Edwin H. Fitler. Do you ask of his patriotic 
record ? Go back to the days that tried men’s souls, when the gallant defend¬ 
ers of the Republic from all the North and East marched through Phila¬ 
delphia on their way to uphold the imperiled flag of our country, deter¬ 
mined that not a star should be erased nor a single stripe nolluted; and 
when the great Union League—noble parent of all similar patriotic organ¬ 
izations of the land—opened its arms, extended its welcome, and bade its 
hearty godspeed on the sacred and glorious mission, then, as now, and through 
all the intervening years, Edwin H. Fitler has been its master spirit. Do 
you ask of his Republican service? Go back, my old and cherished friends 
of New York, my Republican friends of New Jersey, of Ohio and Indiana, 
of Delaware and Maryland, through the checkered story of your hard fought 
campaigns, when to Pennsylvania you sent your Macedonian cry, “Come 


148 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


over and help us,” and remember that Edwin H. Fitler was always at the 
front. Do you ask of his administrative capacity and fitness for the great 
office of President? Let our public history answer. Two years ago the 
most important municipal act ever passed in this country ordained a new 
system of government for the city of Philadelphia, founded upon the model 
of the Federal Government. So impressed were the people with the im¬ 
portance of intrusting this great work to the right hands, they stepped beyond 
all the ordinary methods of selection. The business men of the entire city 
came together and constituted a committee of fifty. The great Union League 
constituted a committee of twenty-five. These bodies met the representa¬ 
tives of the Republican organization, and out of a list of the most conspic¬ 
uous and best qualified citizens they unanimously chose Mr. Fitler. And 
since the Democratic party has found a President in a Mayor’s chair, with¬ 
out seeking to dwarf our candidate by any comparison unjust to him, may 
I not say that the Republican party may well meet and match and beat a little 
Mayor, with a truly big Mayor ? An employer who never had a difference 
with his employes, a Republican who never faltered in sunshine or in storm, 
a leader who would be equally available as a candidate, and sure as a Presi¬ 
dent; on behalf, and in the name of a portion of the delegation from Penn¬ 
sylvania, I present to this convention the name of Edwin H. Fitler. 

The President. It there a second to the nomination of Mr. Fitler of 
Pennsylvania ? 

Mr. Bayne of Pennsylvania. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Bayne of Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Bayne. I had intended to make a motion to take a recess until to¬ 
morrow at io o’clock [Cries of “No”], but at' the suggestion of friends I 
will not do so. 

The President. Call the roll. 


NAMING OF JEREMIAH M. RUSK. 

When Wisconsin was called at 7:10 p. m. 

Mr. John C. Spooner of Wisconsin. Mr. President — 

The President. Senator Spooner of Wisconsin. 

Mr. Spooner. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: It is 
hard to attempt to wrestle with a cyclone, but it is my duty to do it. Fully 
mindful of the disadvantage on this occasion, which lies in the fact that Wis¬ 
consin is last in the roll call of States, I turn for courage to that other fact 
that her stalwart and splendid Republicanism has placed her and keeps her 
always well up toward the head of the column when the fighting is on. 
From the day when the second National Republican Convention presented 
for the suffrages of the people the names of Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal 
Hamlin, down to the fateful year 1884, when, under the superb and inspir¬ 
ing leadership of James G. Blaine and of John A. Logan, dead, alas! but never 
to be forgotten, the Republican party met unexpected and undeserved defeat, 
Wisconsin has never failed you, or justly given you one moment of solici¬ 
tude. To-day, for the first time in all these years of unbroken fealty, she 
invokes for the name and merit of one of her own loved and trusted leaders 
your thoughtful consideration. Happily for the party to whose fortunes we 
are all devoted I am not able, with good warrant of truth, to urge in advocacy 
of your adoption of her choice that you will thereby turn a doubtful into a 
certain State, for, without hesitation, I dare to declare, in this great pres¬ 
ence, that to the nominee of this convention, whatever his name shall be, 
and from whatever State he shall come, will be given at the appointed time 
the electoral vote of Wisconsin, as usual. I ought also to say that you sadly 
under-estimate the quality of our patriotism if there shall gain lodgment 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 149 

for a moment here the belief that we trifle with this convention, in this 
crisis of the party’s life and of the country’s good, by urging upon its notice 
a name simply by way of compliment to a favorite son. Those for whom 
I speak deem this an hour for wise counsel and deliberate judgment in the 
interest of the people, not for compliment to any man. They agree that he 
who is to lead this great party in the campaign upon which we now enter, 
must be chosen, not because his State asks it, not because his friends demand 
d, not because he wants it, but because and only because the people want 
and need him. The order of the impending conflict is to be quite new to us. 
1 he beating of the long roll is not to summon us, as hitherto, from our tents 
to repel attack. Ihe bugle notes which call us into action will sound the 
advance. Those who lead us are to head a storming party against a foe 
alert and prepared to receive our onset, strongly entrenched behind works 
which they have been long building. The rank and file of the Republican 
party look trustfully to this convention for wisdom, and they will tolerate 
no mistakes. They demand for leaders those who have walked the mountain 
ranges in full view of men; who have kept their feet out from the swamps 
and the bogs of life; whose careers afford no ambush ground for the enemy; 
who are strong in the robust and attractive qualities of leadership; men 
who came from the ranks of the people; who have borne the burdens of 
life common to the people; men whose adherence to the principles of the 
party has been “without variableness or shadow of turning;” men whom 
the people may cheerfully and without mental or moral protest follow to 
the end, for what they are and for what they have done, and for what they 
may be reasonably expected to do. 

Tall men; sun-crowned, who live above the fog 

In public duty and in private thinking. 

Wisconsin sends you such a man. Is it against him that he does not 
come from a doubtful State? I deny that fidelity to Republican principles 
has undergone such deterioration as to diminish the availability of one’s 
candidacy in proportion as the unyielding Republicanism of the State in 
which he finds his home has placed her above suspicion of defection. If 
in this I claim too much; if the voice of Wisconsin must fall upon unwill¬ 
ing ears because of the steadfastness of her political faith, so be it; but “by 
the same token,” your candidate should not come from Maine, or Pennsyl¬ 
vania, or Ohio, or Illinois, or Michigan, or Iowa. Holding, therefore, to 
the highest standard of party duty, and demanding the subordination of all 
personal ambition to party welfare, bowing in advance to the decree of this 
convention, the Republicans of Wisconsin, with enthusiastic unanimity, have 
instructed their delegation to name to you as their choice for the first place, 
one who, by a long life of conspicuous public service in divers fields of 
effort, has proven his right to stand the peer of any man in stainless char¬ 
acter, in patriotic devotion to the best interests of the country, in political 
sagacity, in unerring judgment of men, in heroic courage—many times shown 
in the rush and whirl of battle—and in extraordinary executive capacity. 
His name is not unfamiliar to the country. It is Jeremiah M. Rusk, the 
honored governor of Wisconsin. Gov. Rusk possesses what seems in these 
days to be considered by many a fundamental element of eligibility to such 
a candidacy; he was born in the State of Ohio! He spent his youth and 
young manhood in the rough but disciplinary work of the farm. Over three 
decades ago he sought a home in one of the newer counties of Wisconsin. 
Rich in nothing but brain, and brawn, and principle, and honorable ambition, 
accustomed to hardship, and not ashamed to labor, he cheerfully mounted 
the driver’s seat of a frontier stage-coach, as Lincoln, in early life, went 
out from the rude cabin of his father with the axe upon his shoulder to 
split rails the long day through, and as Garfield sought and followed the tow- 
path of the canal, thence through a life of high endeavor, to enter the portals 
of the White House. [Confusion, and cry of “Time.”] 


/ 


150 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Mr. Green of Nebraska. Mr. President, there is a great deal of con¬ 
fusion among the delegates in the back part of the room, and it seems to 
me, as a matter of courtesy, that we ought to keep quiet and listen to the 
speaker. 

The President. A very good idea. 

Mr. Spooner. Gentlemen, the man for whom I speak here under great 
disadvantage to a wearied convention fought for three years “’mid shot and 
shell and saber stroke” for you and your homes, and never called “Time;” 
he would have been fighting yet if the enemy had not surrendered. And I, 
therefore, feel that I have a right under the circumstances, disagreeable as 
it is, to bespeak your quiet attention for a few moments while I present his 
case to you. It is testified by those who knew our young Ohioan in those 
days that he never wandered from the road, or upset the coach. Never 
an office seeker, he drew to himself from the outset the confidence of his 
neighbors, and was chosen by them to various county positions. Like one 
now conspicuous in public life, in no good quality or attainment his peer, he 
held and discharged the duties of the office of Sheriff of his county, but, 
lest prejudice arise from this similarity of career, perhaps I ought to say 
that capital punishment had then been abolished in Wisconsin! When the 
fearful cloud which had been so long gathering in our political sky burst 
upon the country with the fury of a tempest; when that flag was no longer 
sacred from the assaults of treason; when the Union—the source of all our 
strength and prosperity and hope—was to struggle for its life, he answered 
the call of Lincoln, and, leaving those who were dearer than aught else on 
earth but his country, he found straightway the front, and there rode again 
and again, calm and intrepid, on bloody fields, where the missiles of the 
enemy “were weaving the air with lines of death and danger” above him 
and about him; and he turned homeward his face only when the angel of 
peace gave the glad command “Right about.” and he saw the flag under 
whose folds he had marched aud fought with Sherman to the sea, the emblem 
of a union redeemed and regenerated by patriot valor and blood, “with a 
star for every State, and a State for every star,” and, under God’s blessing, 
the only flag ever again to float upon the breeze as the ensign of our people. 
Loved by those whom he had led, honored and trusted by those whom he 
had served, he marched back with the star of a General upon his shoulder, 
well-earned in the hell of battle, to give again into the keeping of his State, 
stained „and tattered, but glorified by battle names never to be forgotten, 
the standard which he had borne with him to the front. After serving with 
remarkable financial ability as Bank Controller of the State, the banner 
Republican district of Wisconsin sent him to the halls of the National Con¬ 
gress. There for six years he rendered faithful, patriotic and able service 
to the district and to the country. In the Forty-third Congress he served 
as Chairman of the Committee on Invalid Pensions, and, as in that day, both 
in the Congress and at the White House, the pension was held a debt of 
honor, to be cheerfully paid, he was able to render to the surviving soldiers 
of the Union army, and to the widows and orphans of the dead, a service 
which they have not forgotten or ceased to appreciate. With the expira¬ 
tion of his present term, the unprecedented honor will be his of having 
served as Governor of his State for seven consecutive years. He has so borne 
himself in every detail of duty in this high office as to win the confidence 
and respect of his constituency, regardless of party lines, and as to endear 
himself to every man throughout the country who has the brain to discern 
and the heart to appreciate that the only sure guaranty of our liberties is in 
the prompt and strict enforcement of the law. It will be well and long 
remembered to the honor of this man that when insidious and dangerous 
elements in our midst, wearied of sapping in secret the foundations of our 





REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 151 

social fabric, came boldly into the sunlight with the red flag of anarchy, 
when men shrank back affrighted at the horrid sight of death in Chicago’s 
streets, when the cry went up from the metropolis of Wisconsin to the cham¬ 
ber of the Executive for the protection which well-executed law throws alike 
around the rich man’s palace and the poor man’s home, it found there no 
timorous, 'vacillating demagogue to whisper honeyed words into the ears 
of a mob, but a man, with clear eye to discover his duty, and the strength 
of purpose to discharge it. Tender and sympathetic as a woman’s, he yet 
met emergency with a hand of iron, and, with the universal commendation 
which his acts evoked, he gave it to be understood at home and beyond the 
seas that this is a Nation of law; that this people has the strength and the 
will to purge itself of hostile forces, and that neither anarchy, communism, 
nor any kindred abomination can find a permanent, prosperous abiding place 
in this land of ours. The comrade of labor from his youth up, the favorite 
of the farmer, because himself a farmer, with a just sense of property rights, 
but never the ally or tool of monopoly, his career would successfully chal¬ 
lenge the confidence of every deserving class. Take him, gentlemen of the 
convention, for your leader and the Republican party of Wisconsin bids me 
pledge you, that when the fierce white light of the campaign shall beat upon 
him it will disclose no weakness in his armor, no spot upon his shield, and 
when our victory shall nave been won you will have installed in the White 
House once again an American President in favor of protecting American 
labor and upbuilding American industries, of enforcing to the full extent of 
executive power the constitutional right of a free ballot and a fair count; 
who knows that wise liberality is the only true economy, and that the truest 
statesmanship, as well as the highest patriotism, is to strengthen and dignify 
one’s own Nation. Gentlemen of the convention, I know how kind it has 
been in you to listen to me under the circumstances. I thank you with all 
my heart for your courtesy. 

The President. Gov. Rusk of Wisconsin is in nomination. Is there a 
second? [After a pause.] The Clerk will call the roll of the Territories. 

At the conclusion of the roll call: 

The President. That is the end of the roll call. 

Mr. Miller of New York. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from New York. 

Mr. Miller. I rise to make a motion at the request of the friends of all 
the candidates who have now been presented to this convention, and it is this: 
That this convention do now adjourn to meet at n o’clock to-morrow. 

The motion was agreed to, and at 7:25 p . m . the convention adjourned 
until 11 a . m. Friday, June 22, 1888. 


152 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


FOURTH DAY. 

Friday, June 22, 1888. 

The convention met pursuant to adjournment, and was called to order 
at 11:05 A - M. by the President. 

The Presiding Officer. [Mr. Frank Hiscock of New York in the 
Chair.] The first proceeding in the convention will be a prayer by the Rev. 
Dr. John H. Worcester of this city. 

PRAYER BY THE REV. J. H. WORCESTER. 

The Rev. John H. Worcester offered the following prayer: 

Let us pray. Lord God of hosts who holdest the destinies of nations in 
Thine hand; without whose favor we cannot prosper; before whose frown 
we cannot stand; we praise Thee for Thy signal favor to this Nation through 
all its history, for the heritage which Thou has given us, for the way by which 
Thou hast led us, for the chastisements with which Thou hast disciplined 
us, for the deliverances which Thou hast granted us, and for the human 
instruments through whose wisdom, courage, and self-sacrifice those deliv¬ 
erances have come. To-day, Lord, our God, be with us, as He was with 
our Father. Guide Thou the destinies of this Nation in days to come. Still 
further purge us from iniquity, exalt us in righteousness, and make our 
trust now and evermore to be only in Thee. Guide Thou the work of this 
day. May the spirit that rules this hour be not a spirit of narrow partisan¬ 
ship, but of broad patriotism. May unworthy motives and selfish ambi¬ 
tions have no place here. May there be no doing of evil that good may 
come. May there be a sense of responsibility to Thee, to whom all must 
give account, and may the righteousness that exalteth a Nation be con¬ 
spicuously honored in the methods of this convention, and in its choice. 
May it please the Almighty God, who directest the minds of men, to direct 
the minds of men this day, as they shall propose men for the suffrages of a 
great people, that those thus set forth may be men after Thine own heart, 
eminent in wisdom, spotless in character, worthy to be exalted to the high 
dignity and to bear the great responsibility of the highest office in the 
gift of this Nation; and may the final outcome of all that is here done be the 
furtherance of truth, of justice, of freedom, of equal rights, of stable govern¬ 
ment, of peace within and without, and above all, the greater glory of Thy 
most holy name, which we ask through Jesus Christ, our Lord. Amen. 

BALLOTING FOR THE PRESIDENTIAL NOMINEE. 

The Presiding Officer. The regular order of business is the call of the 
roll of States for the selection of a candidate for President. The Secretary 
will proceed with the call. 

Mr. Hoar of Massachusetts. Mr. President: Let the rule be read. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 153 

The Presiding Officer. It has been suggested by Senator Hoar of 
Massachusetts that the rule be read. Will the Secretary read Rule 7? 

Reading Clerk Lanning read as follows: 

In making the nominations for President and Vice-President, in no case 
shall the calling of the roll be dispensed with. When it appears at the 
close of any roll call that any candidate has received a majority of all the 
votes to which the convention is entitled, the President of the convention 
shall announce the question to be, “Shall the nomination of the candidate be 
made unanimous?” But if no candidate shall have received such majority 
the Chair shall direct the vote to be taken again, which shall be repeated 
until some candidate shall have received a majority of the votes; and when 
any State has announced its vote it shall so stand, unless in case of numer¬ 
ical error. 

The Presiding Officer. Gentlemen of the Convention: In all cases 
where a State is divided in its choice of a candidate, whenever the first an¬ 
nouncement has been made of any votes in that delegation for any particular 
candidate, no other candidate will be named from that State until the Secre¬ 
tary has called back the name of the candidate already presented, to know 
that his tally is right. The Secretary will now proceed with the call. 

During the call of the roll: 

When California was called: 

Mr. Haymond of California. California casts her 16 votes for James G. 
Blaine. [Disorder.] 

The Presiding Officer. The convention will be in order. The Secre¬ 
tary will proceed with the roll call. 

After Colorado had been called: 

Mr. Horr of Michigan. The Secretary neglected to call back the vote 
of Colorado. Some of us could not hear it. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. Colorado, Gresham 3, Harrison 2, Allison 1. 

When Florida was called: 

A Delegate. We want the vote of Colorado. 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman will repeat the vote of Colorado. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. Allison 1, Gresham 3, Harrison 2. [Disorder.] 

The Presiding Officer. The convention will be in order. The Chair¬ 
man of the delegation from Florida will again announce the vote of that State. 

Mr. W. M. Ledwith <of Florida. 1 for Harrison, 4 for Sherman, and 3 
for Fitler. 

When Georgia was called: 

A Delegate from Michigan. Will the Secretary call the vote of Florida 
again, so we can all understand it? 

The Presiding Officer. The convention must be in order. It is very 
desirable that delegates hear the vote as announced, and it will save time in 
repeating it upon the call, if the convention will be in order while the vote is 
being announced. 

Mr. Bayne of Pennsylvania. I suggest that the Clerk repeat the vote 
when announced. 

The Presiding Officer. Do you desire to have it repeated twice? 


154 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Bayne. I desire the clerk to repeat the vote after it shall have been 
given. 

The Presiding Officer. If there is no objection that way will be pursued. 
Some gentleman has asked to have one vote already delivered, repeated. 
What State? 

A Delegate. Florida. 

Another Delegate. Delaware. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. Florida, 3 for Fitler, 1 for Harrison, and 4 for 
Sherman. 

The Presiding Officer. Now then, he will repeat the vote of Dela¬ 
ware. Gentlemen will not add to the confusion while the vote is being an¬ 
nounced. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. Delaware, 6 for Harrison. 

The Reading Clerk announced the vote of Georgia as given by the Chair¬ 
man of the delegation: Sherman 20, Gresham 1, Lincoln 1, Harrison 2. 

Mr. E. A. Buck of Georgia. There are only 23 votes in the convention 
from Georgia. I made a mistake in announcing one vote, and I repeat the 
vote: Gresham 1, Lincoln 1, Harrison 2, Sherman 19. 

When Kansas was called: 

Mr. Osborn of Kansas. In obedience to the unanimous, or almost unan¬ 
imous wish of the Republicans of Kansas, 17 of her 18 delegates cast their 
votes for the Hon. John J. Ingalls. One delegate who is instructed for Mr. 
Blaine, desires that I shall so announce his vote. 

When Kentucky was called, there was much disorder. 

The Presiding Officer. The Chair appeals to the galleries and to the 
convention that during the call of any State absolute silence should be main¬ 
tained. It is necessary that the Clerk shall correctly receive the vote of the 
State, and for the convention to understand it. 

When Louisiana was called: 

Mr. Kellogg of Louisiana. Louisiana casts 8 votes for Sherman, 2 for 
Gresham, 2 for Allison, 2 for Alger, 1 for Depew, and 1 for Harrison. 

Mr. L. P. Smith of Louisiana. I rise for a poll of the vote of these 
gentlemen. [Cries of “No.”] 

The Presiding Officer. That is the right of the gentleman from Louisi¬ 
ana, and the polling will be proceeded with. 

The vote was as follows: 

Sherman —William Pitt Kellogg, P. T. Herwig, P. B. S. Pinchback, 
James Lewis, C. B. Darrall, William Harper, A. H. Leonard, John E. Breaux, 
Napoleon Lastrapes—9. 

Allison —Henry C. Minor, George Gell, David Young—3. 

Alger —L. P. Smith, Thos. W. Wickham—2. 

Gresham —Andrew Hero, Jr.—1. 

Depew —Henry C. Warmoth—1. 

Mr. Kellogg. For the information of the delegation and of the conven¬ 
tion, I request that the name of the gentleman who asked for the polling of 
vote of this delegation be announced. 


155 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 

The Presiding Officer. Well, that depends upon the delegate himself, 
or upon any gentleman who chooses to announce it. The Chair did not 
understand his name. 

Mr. Kellogg. Louis P. Smith. I now ask for whom Louis P. Smith 
voted. 

Mr. Smith. Russell A. Alger. 

When the vote of Maine was announced, there was confusion. 

The Presiding Officer. I must appeal to the convention to maintain 
order until the final announcement of the vote of a State. 

After the announcement of the vote of Maryland: 

The Presiding Officer. I again appeal to the galleries to refrain from 
any expression until the final announcement of the vote of a State. 

When Minnesota was called: 

Mr. James O’Brien of Minnesota. Minnesota casts i for Alger, 2 for 
Depew, and 11 for Gresham. 

Mr. Steenerson of Minnesota. I except to that, and ask that a vote of 
the delegation be taken. 

The Presiding Officer. The Chair did not understand the gentleman. 

Mr. Steenerson. I except to the announcement of the vote of Minne¬ 
sota, and ask that the roll be called. 

Reading Clerk Lanning called the roll, and the vote was as follows: 

Gresham —Frank F. Davis, Joel P. Heatwole, C. G. Edwards, James 
O’Brien, George B. Edgerton, M. N. Leland, H. J. Miller, Peter Johnson, 
W. J. Feaney, C. L. Lewis, H. Steenerson—11. 

Depeiv —G. G. Hartley, M. S. Chandler—2. 

Alger —R. B. Langdon—1. 

When Missouri was called: 

Mr. Filley of Missouri. Sherman 6, Alger 6, Harrison 3, Gresham 11, 
Allison 3, Blaine 2. 

Mr. Hess of Missouri. I ask for the polling of the vote. 

Mr. Filley. I will repeat the vote: Sherman 6 , Alger 6, Harrison 3, 
Gresham 11, Allison 3, Blaine 1, Depew 2. 

Mr. Hess. That is all right. I wave my demand for a call. 

When North Carolina was called: 

Mr. James H. Harris of North Carolina. Harrison 1, Depew 1, Blaine 
1, Alger 2, John Sherman, 15. 

A Delegate. I object. There are two votes for Gresham here. 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. Har¬ 
ris] will repeat the vote of that State. 

Mr. Harris. Harrison 1, Depew 1, Gresham 2, Blaine 1, Alger 2, Sher¬ 
man 15. 

The Delegate. All right. 

When the vote of Oregon was announced it could not be heard. 

The Presiding Officer. The gentlemen will have to announce the vote 
again, and in a louder tone of voice. 

Mr. J. W. Cusick of Oregon. 4 for Gresham, 2 for Harrison, 1 for 
Blaine. 


156 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The Presiding Officer. You cannot do that. You have only 6 votes. 
[Laughter.] The convention will be in order. The gentleman has announced 
a surplus of votes. [Laughter.] 

Mr. Cusick. Gresham 4, Harrison 1, Blaine 1. 

When Pennsylvania was called: 

Mr. Quay of Pennsylvania. Blaine 1, Russell A. Alger 1, William Walter 
Phelps 3, Chauncey M. Depew 8, Edwin A. Fitler 16, Sherman 31. 

Mr. William FLinn of Pennsylvania. I ask for a poll of the Pennsyl¬ 
vania vote. 

The Presiding Officer. The Secretary will call the roll. Each delegate, 
as his name is called, will rise and announce his vote. 

Reading Clerk Lanning called the roll. 

When the name of J. Merrill Linn was called: 

Mr. Quay. Mr. Linn is not in the convention at present, having stepped 

out. 

The Presiding Officer. Is his alternate here? 

Mr. Quay. He is present for him, and will be here in a minute. 

The Presiding Officer. Call his name. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. Rufus Elder. 

Mr. Elder. Sherman. 

The vote was as follows: 

Sherman —D. H. Hastings, B. F. Gilkeson, Joseph Bosler, Augustus M. 
High, W. J. Whitehouse, S. J. M. McCarrell, E. M. Woomer, William N. 
Reynolds, Thomas B. Boyd, William K. Jones, Ellery P. Ingham, Rufus Elder, 
Samuel S. Woods, George S. Schmidt, George T. Swank, C. M. Watson, C. 
L. Magee, William Flinn, Thomas M. Bayne, Peter Walter, Jr., George M. 
Von Bonnhorst, John P. Moore, W. C. Thompson, William Kyle, William 
B. Roberts, S. A. Davenport, H. H. Cumings, J. W. Cochran, Archibald B 
Kelly—29. 

Fitler —William R. Leeds, H. H. Bingham, Edward S. Stuart, David H. 
Lane, Hamilton Disston, Henry Clay, John Hunter, James McManes, Charles 
A. Porter, David Martin, Thomas W. South, Isaac Johnson, Louis R. Wal¬ 
ters, Frank Reeder, Franklin H. Hersh, Francis Shroder, S. M. Seldonridge, 
Hugh Young, 18. 

Phelps —M. S. Quay, Thomas C. Walton, Joseph A. Scranton, Edward P. 
Kingsbur}’-, D. D. Phillips—5. 

Depew —Henry W. Oliver, D. A. Beckley, Charles H. Mullin, William M. 
Henry, J. H. Hagerty— 5. 

Blaine —Edwin S. Osborne, William S. Hammond—2. 

A lg,er —L. C. Darte—1. 

When South Carolina was called: 

Mr. W. F. Meyers of South Carolina. Ingalls 1, Fitler 2, Depew 1, Alger 
3, Sherman 11. 

Mr. F. L. Hicks of South Carolina. I doubt the vote from South Caro¬ 
lina, and request that the delegation be polled. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 157 

Reading Clerk Lanning called the roll, and the result was as follows • 

Sherman— W. F. Meyers, W. N. Taft, Robert Smalls, J. M. Freeman 
Pans Simkins, J. R. Talbot, F. A. Saxton, Z. E. Walker, E. H. Deas, T. b! 
Johnston, G. E. Herriott— n. 

Alger —Fred Nix, Jr., F. L. Hicks, C. C. Levy—3. 

Fitter —E. M. Brayton, T. J. Tuomey—2. 

Depew —E. A. Webster—1. 

Ingalls —P. F. Oliver— *1. 

When Tennessee was called: 

Mr. George Maney of Tennessee. Allison 1, Harrison 1, Depew 2, Blaine 
4, Sherman 7, Alger 9. 

Mr. A. A. Taylor of Tennessee. I ask for a poll of the vote. [Disor¬ 
der.] 

The Presiding Officer. The Chair again appeals to the convention. The 
confusion made by the galleries simply delays the proceedings. What does 
the gentleman desire? 

Mr. Taylor. A poll of the vote of Tennessee. 

Reading Clerk Lanning called the roll, and when the name of Mr. Taylor 
was reached: 

Mr. Taylor. I rise to a question of privilege. 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman will state his question of priv¬ 
ilege. 

Mr. Taylor. As a delegate from Tennessee I am here under most posi¬ 
tive instructions, and, in accordance with these instructions, therefore, cast a 
vote for James G. Blaine. 

Mr. Taft of South Carolina. I rise to a point of order. 

The Presiding Officer. What is the point of order? 

Mr. Taft. My point of order is that the gentleman stated no question of 
privilege, and therefore violated the rules of this convention. 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman did not state a question of priv¬ 
ilege and did violate the rules of the convention, and I hope it will not be 
repeated. 

The vote was as follows: 

Alger —Samuel A. McElwee, George Maney, G. W. Hill, W. N. Hoge, 
C. E. Stanley, C. Beatty, W. J. Lyle, Thomas J. Brogan, H. L. W. Cheat¬ 
ham—9. 

Sherman— L. C. Houk, Eugene S. Priest, R. S. Montgomery, J. B. Bosley, 
A. M. Hughes, Jr., W. H. H. Butler, John E. McCall—7. 

Blaine —Newton Hacker, W. W. Woodruff, A. A. Taylor—3. 

Depezv —S. N. Williams, Isham F. Norris—2. 

Gresham —G. W. Winstead—1. 

Allison —R. R. Butler—1. 

Harrison —J. C. Dougherty—1. 

When the vote of Texas was announced there was disorder. 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman [Mr. Rector] will have to repeat 
the vote. I again appeal to the galleries not to interrupt the roll call. 


158 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Rector repeated the vote. 

When Virginia was called: 

Mr. S. Brown Allen of Virginia. I ask that the delegation from Vir¬ 
ginia be polled. 

Reading Clerk Lanning called the roll. 

There was no response, or at least none was heard, when the name of 
Winfield Scott was called, and the Reading Clerk called the name of the alter¬ 
nate, William E. Sims, and the response was “Alger.” 

Mr. Wise of Virginia. William E. Sims is an alternate, but he is absent. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. He voted for Mr. Scott. 

The Presiding Officer. The Secretary did not hear the response of Mr. 
Scott, and therefore called the name of the alternate. 

Mr. Wise. It is Winfield Scott that will vote now. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. Winfield Scott. 

Mr. Scott. Alger. 

When the name of Mr. Riddleberger was called: 

Mr. Riddleberger. I would like to vote for Blaine if he were in nomina¬ 
tion, but under the circumstances I vote for Allison. 

When the name of H. W. Williams was called, there was no response. 

Mr. Wise. He is absent, and his alternate will vote for him. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. J. W. C. Bryant. 

Mr. Bryant. Harrison. 

The vote was as follows: 

Sherman —William Mahone, John G. Watts, S. Brown Allen, A. W. 
Harris, 0 . D. Foster, E. D. Lee, John S. Wise, Charles Gee, John M. Langs¬ 
ton, M. B. Wood, W. A. French—n. 

Harrison —Patrick O'Connor, George W. Jackson, Y. T. Brown, John A. 
Frazier, J. W. C. Bryant—5. 

Alger —Winfield Scott, J. H. Pedigo, D. F. Houston—3. 

Allison —Harry Libby, H. H. Riddleberger, John F. Lewis—3. 

Gresham —O. E. Hine—1. 

Rusk —Morgan Treat—1. 

When Dakota was called: 

Mr. Moody of Dakota. Allison 1, Rusk 1, Gresham 1, Harrison 1, Sher¬ 
man 1, Alger 1, Fitler 1, Depew 2, Phelps 1. [Laughter.] 

The Presiding Officer. The convention will be in order. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. Alger 1, Fitler 2, Gresham 1, Harrison 1, Rusk 
1, Sherman 1, Blaine 1, Phelps— 

Mr. Moody. There is a mistake in the call. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. Alger 1, Allison 1, Depew 2, Fitler 1, Gresham 
1, Phelps 1, Sherman 1, Rusk 1. 

A Delegate from Dakota. Harrison 1. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. Harrison 1. 

A Delegate from Dakota. I call for a poll. [Cries of “No, no.”] 

The Presiding Officer. The vote of Dakota will again be announced. 


159 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


Mr. Moody. The gentleman seems to have a grievance. One vote is 
changed from Phelps to Hawley. Otherwise it is satisfactory. 

The Presiding Officer. Is the poll of the State still insisted upon, the 
vote having been changed? [Cries of “No, no. Go on.”] 

The call for a poll was not renewed. 

At the conclusion of the call of States: 

The Presiding Officer. The Secretary will now announce the vote. 
The convention will be in order. 


Reading Clerk Lanning announced the vote as follows: 

Whole number of votes. 

Necessary to a choice . 

Sherman . 

Gresham. 

Depew .. 

Alger . 

Harrison . 

Allison. 

Blaine. 

Ingalls . 

Phelps . 

Rusk . 

Fitler . 

Hawley. 

Lincoln . 

McKinley . 


831 

416 

229 

107 

99 

84 

85 
72 

35 

28 

25 

25 

24 

13 

3 

2 


THE FIRST BALLOT. 

The ballot in detail was as follows: 


States and 
Territories 

| Votes 

ot 

w 

0 

<3 

| Allison 

« 

e. 

w 

Q 

| Fitler 

| Gresham 

| Harrison 

| Hawley 

c n 
>4 

< 

0 

t, 

►H 

Phelps 

W 

tn 

Sherman 

Blaine 

Lincoln 

McKinley] 

Alabama .1 

201 

1 61 


1| 
... 


...| 

1| 


• . . 1 



12 




Arkansas . 

1 14 


|... 

| 1 

| 1 


10 



2 




California . 

1 16 












16 



Colorado . 

1 

6 


1 



3 

2 








Connecticut .. 

12 







12 








Dplawarp . 

6 






' 6 









Flnriiia ... 

8 




3 


1 





4 




Gpnrcia . 

24 





i 

2 





19 


1 


Tllinma . 

44 





44 










Indiana .. 

30 





1 

29 









Iowa . 

26 


26 













TTa n qp q . 

18 








17“ 




1 



Tfantupkv . 

26 

4 


1 


5 

4 





12 




T.miigipnp .. 

16 

2 

3 

1 


1 






9 




Mainp . 

12 

3 

2 

3 


1 

2 





1 




Marvland . 

16 


2 

| 1 


1 

5 





5 

2 



TV/Tqqcq phiiQPttQ . 

28 

6 

2 

1 


2 

4 

1... 

[... 



9 

2 

1 2 


l r»h iP r 54 n 

26 

26 











|... 


MinnpQnfp ... 

14 

1 


2 


11 




|... 






A/Ti«5«:i«!«!inni . 

18 



1 


3 






14 


... 


Micsniiri .. 

32 

6 

3 

2 


11 

3 





6 

1 



"NT phrp cjkp 

10 

2 

3 



i 





1 

3 




"Mpyp rla ...1 

I 6 

3 

1 3 













New Hampshire .I 

1 8 


1 4 


. . . 

4 





... 































































































































160 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


States and 
Territories 

| Votes 

w 

0 

hJ 

< 

Allison 

* 

w 

h 

W 

Q 

| Fitler 

| Gresham 

j Harrison 

| Hawley 

Cfl 

>4 

«! 

0 

z 

Phelts 

M 

C/1 

P 

at 

Sherman 

» 

Z 

M 

< 

« 

Z 

p 

o 

u 

z 

3 

McKinley 

New Jersey . 

18 









18 






New York . 

72 



71 









1 



North Carolina . 

22 

2 


1 


2 

1 





15 

1 



Ohio . 

46 











46 




Oregon . 

6 





4 

1 






1 



Pennsylvania . 

60 

1 


5 

18 





5 


29 

2 



Rhode Island .. 

8 


’ 8 












South Carolina . 

18 

* 3 


1 

2 




1 



11 




Tennessee . 

24 

9 

* i 

2 


1 

1 





7 

3 



Texas . 

26 

2 

7 



5 

1 



1 


7 

1 


2 

Vermont . 

8 






8 







... 


Virginia . 

24 

3 

3 



1 

5 




1 

11 




West Virginia . 

12 

1 




2 

2 





5 

2 



Wisconsin . 

22 










22 





Arizona . 

2 

2 













Dakota . 

10 

1 

1 

2 

1 

1 

1 

1 



1 

1 




District of Columbia. 

2 












2 



Idaho . 

2 


1 



1 










Montana . 

2 


1 



1 










New Mexico . 

2 

‘ *i 










1 




Utah . 

2 


2 













Washington . 

6 


1 



3 

1 



1 






Wyoming . 

2 


2 













Total .*| 

832| 

84| 

72*| 

99 

241 

107| 

85] 

131 

281 25] 

25 

229 

351 

3| 

2 


The Presiding Officer. No candidate having received a majority of the 
votes, the Clerk will again call the roll of States. 

Reading Clerk Stone. Alabama. [Disorder.] 

The Presiding Officer. The convention must be in order. The Secretary 
cannot proceed with the roll call until the convention is in order. 

Reading Clerk Stone again called Alabama, but there was no response. 

The Presiding Officer. The State of Alabama has been called. [Dis¬ 
order.] The convention will be in order. 

Mr. Smith of Pennsylvania. Mr. President — 

The Presiding Officer. Mr. Smith of Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Smith. Before the convention enters upon the second ballot I de¬ 
sire to say a single word. 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman can proceed only by the unani¬ 
mous consent of the convention. 

Several Delegates. I object. 

Mr. Smith. I ask unanimous consent, Mr. President, for the purpose of 
withdrawing a name. [Cries of “No, no.”] 

The Presiding Officer. The Chair understands that the gentleman de¬ 
sires to withdraw from before the convention the name of one of the candi¬ 
dates who has been voted for. 

Several Delegates. I object. 

The Presiding Officer. The Chair hopes there will be no objection. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. President: Grateful for the very complimentary sup¬ 
port given to the candidate of a portion of the Pennsylvania delegation, and 
on their behalf expressing their thanks to the delegates from the other States 












































































































161 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 

who have done him the honor to vote for him, I now withdraw the name of 
Edwin H. Fitler of Pennsylvania. [Confusion.] 

The Presiding Officer. The convention will be in order. 

Mr. Warner of Alabama. Mr. President— 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Alabama. 

Mr. Warner. Will the Chair announce the name of the candidate with¬ 
drawn? 

The Presiding Officer. Mr. Fitler of Pennsylvania. 

When Kentucky was called: 

Mr. Willson of Kentucky. I will ask to have Kentucky polled. There 
is a mistake in the count—one vote that we cannot account for. 

Reading Clerk Stone called the roll of delegates. 

When the name of William O. Bradley was called there was no response 
and Reading Clerk Stone called his alternate, Hugh Mulholland, Jr., who also 
failed to respond. 

The Presiding Officer. Is his alternate present. 

Mr. Willson. I had his [Mr. Bradley’s] vote for Alger, and he has gone 

out. 

The Presiding Officer. If there is no objection his vote will be recorded 
as stated by the Chairman of the delegation. 

When the name of Andrew Thompson was called: 

Mr. Willson. He is not here. 

The Presiding Officer. Will the alternate give his name to the Chair? 
Mr. John W. Sayers of Kentucky. John Sayers. 

Reading Clerk Stone. For whom does he vote? 

The Presiding Officer. Will he announce his vote? 

Mr. Sayers. Alger. 

The vote was as follows: 

Sherman —George M. Thomas, E. U. Fordyce, A. E. Willson, W. P. 
Hampton, John M. Wilson, John P. Ernst, Louis Lebus, John Bennett, John 
W. Langley, G. L. Kirkpatrick, E. A. Hobson—n. 

Gresham —John W. Lewis, N. S. Allison, Ed. W. Glass, W. S. Taylor, 
Wm. Cassius Goodloe, W. W. Patterson—6. 

Alger —William O. Bradley, John W. Sayers, Charles M. Pendleton—3. 
Blaine —George Denny, W. J. Deboe, W. W. Jones—3. 

Harrison —George W. Jolly, Logan McKee—2. 

Depew —W. A. Warford—1. 

Reading Clerk Stone. Alger 3, Depew 1, Gresham 6, Harrison 2, Sher¬ 
man 11, Blaine 3. [Disorder.] 

The Presiding Officer. The vote of Kentucky will again be announced, 
and the Chair again appeals to the convention to be in order. 

Reading Clerk Stone announced the vote as directed. 

When South Carolina was called: 

Mr. Meyers. Depew 1, Harrison 1, Alger 8, Sherman 8. 

Mr. Hicks of South Carolina. I ask that the vote of the delegation be 
polled. 


162 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Reading Clerk Stone called the roll, and the vote was as follows: 

Sherman —W. F. Meyers, W. N. Taft, Robert Smalls, J. M. Freeman, 
Paris Simpkins, J. R. Tolbert, Z. E. Walker, E. H. Deas, T. B. Johnston—9. 

Alger —E. M. Brayton, Fred Nix, Jr., F. L. Hicks, P. F. Oliver, F. A. 
Saxton, C. C. Levy, G. E. Hernott—7. 

Depew —E. A. Webster, T. J. Tuomey—2. 

Reading Clerk Stone. South Carolina 18, Alger 7, Depew 2, Harrison 1, 
Sherman 9. 

A Delegate. That is wrong. 

Reading Clerk Stone. South Carolina 18, Alger 7, Depew 2, Sherman 9. 

When Virginia was called: 

Mr. Allen of Virginia. I ask for a call of the roll. 

The Presiding Officer. The roll of the delegates of Virginia will be 
called, and the convention will be in order. 

When the name of Mr. Pedigo was called there was no response. 

Mr. Wise of Virginia. Mr. Sims is his alternate. 

Reading Clerk Stone. Wm. E. Sims. 

Mr. Sims. Alger. 

The vote was as follows: 

Sherman —William Mahone, John G. Watts, S. Brown Allen, A. W. Har¬ 
ris, O. D. Foster, F. D. Lee, John S. Wise, Charles Gee, John M. Langston, 
M. B. Wood, W. A. French—11. 

Harrison —Patrick O. Connor, Morgan Treat, Y. T. Brown, J. A. Frazier, 
H. W. Williams—5. 

Alger —Winfield Scott, W. E. Sims, D. F. Houston, George W. Jackson 
— 4 . 

Allison —Harry Libby, H. H. Riddleberger, John F. Lewis—3. 

Gresham —O. E. Hine—1. 

At the conclusion of the call of the States: 

The Presiding Officer. The convention will be in order to receive the 
result of the vote. 

Reading Clerk Stone announced the result, as follows: 

Whole number . 830 

Necessary to a choice. 416 

Sherman . 249 

Alger . 116 

Gresham . 108 

Depew . 99 

Harrison . 91 

Allison . 75 

Blaine . 33 

Rusk .^. 20 

Phelps . 18 

Ingalls . 16 

Lincoln . 2 

McKinley . 3 
















REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


163 


THE SECOND BALLOT. 

The ballot in detail was as follows: 


States and 

C/2 

Pi 

Z 

0 

£ 

S 

«! 

X 

£ 

O 

C/2 

M 

C/2 

C/2 

Ph 


£ 

c 

M 

A 

w 

!5 1 
>4 

Q 

f" 

« 

•4 

Z 

Territories 

w 

H 

O 

> 

W 

0 

►4 

< 

M 

»4 

<4 

c 

w 

a. 

w 

Q 

w 

Pi 

0 

Pi 

Pi 

< 

« 

< 

0 

z 

>-< 

4 

W 

W 

C4 

Rusk 

Pi 

a 

W 
c n 

w 

0 

4 

ffl 

U 

z 

w 

5 

0 

s 

Alabama . 

20 

7 


1 


1 




11 




Arkansas . 

14 

14 











California ... 

10 









16 



Colorado . . . 

6 


1 


3 

2 







Connecticut. . 

12 

1 

4 

6 

1 









Dfila.warf*. 

6 





6 








Florida . 

8 

3 




1 




4 




Georgia .. 

24 




1 

2 




19 


1 


Illinois . 

44 




44 








Indiana . 

30 




2 

28 








Iowa. 

26 


26 










Kansas . 

18 





16 




1 


1 

Kentucky . 

26 

3 


1 

6 

2 



11 

3 



Kouisia na. 

16 

3 

2 

1 

1 





9 




"Maine . 

12 

3 

2 

3 

1 

2 




1 




Maryland . 

16 


3 


1 

6 




6 




Massachusetts . 

28 

7 

1 

1 

2 

5 




9 

2 


1 

Mich i erar\ . 

26 

26 












"Minnesota ... 

14 

1 


2 

11 









Mississinni . 

18 



1 

3 





14 




Missouri . 

32 

10 

1 

2 

9 

3 




6 

1 



Nehrn ska. 

10 

2 

4 






1 

3 




TCevada . 

6 

3 

3 











"^ew Wamnshire . 

8 



4 


4 








"Maw Jptspv . 

18 







18 






Wpw V"ork . 

72 



71 






1 



"Worth Carolina . 

22 

4 



2 




15 

1 



QJ^|q t trtttTTT .. 

46 









46 




Orpp'nri . 

6 




4 

1 




1 



Ppnndvlvp nin . 

60 

2 


1 


4 




53 




PhnHp T<2lanH . 

8 


8 










finnth PnrnHnfl . 

18 

7 

2 






9 





24 

8 

3 

1 

1 

2 




7 

2 



Tpyp q ... 

26 

3 

8 


5 

1 




6 

1 


1 


8 




8 









24 

4 

3 


1 

5 




11 




Wocf Virginia . 

12 

1 



2 

2 




5 

2 




22 




3 




19 






2 

2 












10 


1 

2 

2 

3 




1 


1 



2 










2 




2 


1 


1 










2 


1 


1 










9 

1 








1 




TTtaVi . 

2 


2 












6 

1 

1 


3 

1 









2 









2 


















Totals . 

832 

116 

75 

99 

108 

91 

16 

18 

20 

249 

33 

2 

3 


The Presiding Officer. No candidate having received a majority of the 
votes, the Secretary will again call the roll. [After a pause.] The convention 
will now be in order, and the roll call will be proceeded with. 

Reading Clerk Ballard called the roll. 

When Georgia was called: 

Mr. Buck of Georgia. Lincoln i, Harrison 2 , Gresham 2 , Sherman 18 . 

Mr. W. A. Pledger of Georgia. Mr. President: I ask for a poll of the 
vote. I would like very much to have the vote of my State polled. 
























































































































































































164 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The Presiding Officer. It will be polled. 

A Delegate from Minnesota. I rise to t point of order. If I under¬ 
stand Rule 8 correctly, the gentleman is not entitled to a poll of the delega¬ 
tion unless he takes exception to the announcement made by the Chairman. 

The Presiding Officer. It is assumed that he does when he asks for a 
poll of the State. 

Mr. Pledger. I withdraw the demand. 

The Presiding Officer. The demand is withdrawn. 

Reading Clerk Ballard. Georgia 24 votes; Gresham 2, Harrison 2, Sher¬ 
man 18, Lincoln 1. 

Mr. Buck. That is right. 

When Pennsylvania was called: 

Mr. Quay of Pennsylvania. Depew 1, Alger i Harrison 5, Sherman 53. 

Mr. Isaac Johnson of Pennsylvania. I call for the polling of the Penn¬ 
sylvania vote. [Cries ~f “No,” and disorder.] 

The Presiding Officer. The convention will be in order. The Secretary 
will call the roll. 

Reading Clerk Ballard called the roll, and the vote was as follows: 

Sherman —M. S. Quay, D. H. Hastings, Henry W. Oliver, Wm. R. Leeds, 
H. H. Bingham, Edwin S. Stuart, David H. Lane, Hamilton Disston, Henry 
Clay, John Hunter, James McManes, Charles A. Porter, David Martin, 
Thomas W. South, B. F. Gilkeson, Joseph Bosler, Frank Reeder, Thomas C. 
Walton, Augustus M. High, Joseph A. Scranton, Edward P. Kingsbury, 
Edwin S. Osborne, D. D. Phillips, W. J. Whitehouse, S. J. M. McCarrell, E. 
M. Woomer, William N. Reynolds, Thomas B. Boyd, William K. Jones, 
Ellery P. Ingham, D. A. Beckley, J. Merrill Linn, Samuel S. Woods, George 
S. Schmidt, Charles H. Mullin, William S. Hammond, George T. Swank, 
William M. Henry, C. M. Watson, C. L. Magee, William Flinn, Thomas M. 
Bayne, Peter Walter, Jr., George M. Von Bonnhorst, John P. Moore, W. 
C. Thompson, William Kile, William B. Roberts, S. A. Davenport, H. H. 
Cumings, J. W. Cochran, J. H. Hagerty, Archibald N. Kelly—53. 

Harrison —Isaac Johnson, Louis R. Walters, Franklin H. Hersh, Francis 
Shroder, S. M. Seldomridge—5. 

Alger —L. C. Darte.—1. 

Depew —Hugh Young.—1. 

When Texas was called: 

Mr. N. W. Cuney of Texas. I ask that the delegation be polled. 

The Presiding Officer. Does the gentleman object to or challenge the 
vote on the ground of incorrectness as rendered by the Chairman? 

Mr. Cuney. I do not think it is correct, and ask for the calling of the rolh 

The Presiding Officer. The Chair asks if it is challenged on the ground 
of incorrectness. 

Mr. Cuney. Yes. 

Reading Clerk Ballard called the roll. 

There was no response to the name of J. P. Alexander. 

Mr. Rector of Texas. He is absent. 


165 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 

The Presiding Officer. Is his alternate here? 

Reading Clerk Ballard called A. L. Dodson, the - alternate, and there was 
no response. 

The vote was as follows: 

Sherman— C. M. Ferguson, Webster Flanagan, Samuel J. Wright, John 
S. Coffey, H. C. Ferguson, W. H. Blunt—-6. 

Allison —N. W. Cuney, M. A. Baker, Joshua Houston, Alexander Asbury. 
A. J. Johnson, M. M. Rogers, E. W. Morton—7. 

Gresham —John B. Rector, A. J. Rosenthal, C. F. Alterman, J. C. De 
Gress, R. F. Campbell—5. 

Alger— J. W. Hearne, H. M. Spaulding—2. 

Blaine —George W. Burkitt, L. B. Fish, W. F. Crawford—3. 

McKinley —R. B. Rentfro—1. 

Harrison —E. H. Terrell—1. 

When Virginia was called: 

Air. Wise of Virginia. I ask for the call of the roll. 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Virginia. For what pur¬ 
pose? 

Air. H. O. Fairchild of Wisconsin. Mr. President — 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Wisconsin. 

Mr. Fairchild. Mr. President, I rise to a point of order. 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman will state his point of order. 

Mr. Fairchild. There can be no polling of the vote under the rule until 
the vote has been announced by the Chairman, and an exception to the count 
has been taken. 

Mr. Wise. Mr. President — 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Virginia. 

Mr. Wise. Mr. President: I quite agree with the propriety of the gen¬ 
tleman’s suggestion, and with a view to that it has been our effort to select 
some gentleman who should speak for this delegation as Chairman. We have, 
however, been unable to get a united meeting of the twenty-four delegates, 
and to avoid the unpleasantness of contention we call immediately for the poll 
of the vote. [Laughter.] I ask for unanimous consent that that method 
shall be pursued as the shortest and most satisfactory. 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Virginia asks for unani¬ 
mous consent to have a roll call of the State of Virginia. The Chair submits 
to the convention that it will save time if it is had. The Chair hears no 
objection. The Secretary will call the roll. 

Reading Clerk Ballard called the roll. 

There was no response to the name of J. H. Pedigo. 

Mr. Wise. He is not present; call his alternate. 

Reading Clerk Ballard. Wm. E. Sims. 

Mr. Sims. Alger. 

There was no response to the name of H. W. Williams. 

Mr. Wise. He is not here. His alternate is Mr. Bryant. 

Reading Clerk Ballard. J. W. C. Bryant. 


166 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Bryant. Harrison. 

The vote was as follows: 

Sherman —William Mahone, John G. Watts, S. Brown Allen, A. W. Har¬ 
ris, O. D. Foster, F. D. Lee, Charles Gee, John M. Langston, M. B. Wood, W. 
A. French—io. 

Harrison —Patrick O’Connor, Morgan Treat, Y. T. Brown, J. A. Frazier, 
J. W. C. Bryant—5. 

Alger —Winfield Scott, Wm. E. Sims, D. F. Houston, George W. Jack- 
son—4. 

Allison —Harry Libby, H. H. Riddleberger, John F. Lewis—3. 

Gresham —John S. Wise, O. E. Hine—2. 

At the conclusion of the call of States: 

The Presiding Officer. The convention will be in order to receive the 
result of the vote. 


Reading Clerk Ballard announced the result as follows: 


Whole number . 

Necessary to a choice. 

Sherman .. 

Gresham . 

Alger . 

Harrison .. 

. 416 

. 244 

. 123 

. 94 

Depew . 

.. 91 

Allison. 

. 88 

Blaine . 

. 35 

Rusk . 

. 16 

McKinley . 

. 8 

Phelps .. 

. 5 

Lincoln .. 

. 2 

Samuel F. Miller . 



THE THIRD BALLOT. 

The ballot in detail was as follows: 


States and Territories 

Votes 

OL 

w 

0 

p 

< 

Allison 

> 

a 

£h 

H 

P 

Gresham | 

Harrison 

Phelps 

U 

C/3 

P 

Sherman 

Blaine 

Z 

•J 

0 

0 

z 

>4 

McKinley 

Miller | 

Alabama . 

20 

7 


1 


2 



10 





Arkansas . 

14 

14 












California . 

16 









16 




Colorado . 

6 


1 


5 








Connecticut . 

12 

' i 

5 


6 









Delaware . 

6 




1 

5 








Florida .. 

8 

3 




1 



4 





Georgia . 

24 




2 

2 



18 


1 



Illinois . 

44 




44 








Indiana . 

30 




2 

28 








Iowa . 

26 


26 











Kansas . 

18 

’ | * 

4 


5 

2 



2 

2 


1 

2 

Kentucky . 

26 

4 

2 

i 

4 

4 



9 

1 


1 


Louisiana . 

16 

3 

2 

1 

1 




9 




* 

Maine . 

12 

3 

2 

3 

1 

2 



1 





Maryland . 

16 


4 


1 

6 



5 





Massachusetts . . 

28 

* *6 

3 

i 

1 

4 



9 

2 

1 

1 


Michigan . . . 

26 

26 






























































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1883. 


167 


States and Territories 

Votes 

Alger 

Allison 

Depew 

Gresham 

Harrison 

Phelps 

w 

Cfl 

P 

Oi 

Sherman 

Blaine 

55 

0 

O 

55 

3 

McKinley! 

Miller 

Minnesota. 

14 

1 


2 

11 









Mississippi . 

18 



1 

3 




14 





Missouri . 

32 

11 

2 

2 

9 

2 



4 

2 




Nebraska . 

10 

2 

5 






3 





Nevada. . 

6 

4 

2 











Npw TTa.mpshire . 

8 



4 


4 








New Jersey . 

18 


4 

1 


4 

4 


2 



3 


New York . 

72 



71 






1 




North (Carolina . 

22 

5 




1 

1 


15 





Ohio . 

46 


...... 





46 





Orpgori. 

6 




4 

1 




1 




Pennsylvania 

60 

1 


1 


5 



53 





Rhode Island . 

8 


* 8 











South Oarolina. 

18 

ii 




1 



6 





Tsnnpsspp . 

24 

9 

3 

1 

1 




7 

3 




Tpya.s . 

26 

2 

7 


5 

1 



6 

3 


1 

|... 

Vprmont . 

1 $ 





8 








Virginia 

24 

4 

3 



5 



10 





Wpst Virginia . 

12 

1 



2 

1 



5 

2 


1 


Wisconsin . 

22 




4 

1 


i6 

1 





Arizona. 

2 

O 












"Dakota . 

1 1° 


1 

1 

3 

3 



2 





Dititript of Oolnmhia. 

1 2 








2 




Tdaho . 

2 


1 


1 









Mnntfi nfl ... 

1 2 


1 


1 









\Tpw M py ion . 

2 

i 







1 





TTtnh . 

2 


2 











W 51 qVi 1 n gtnn 

6 

i 



4 

1 








Wvnm ino p 

2 








2 






L 


!_ 











Totals . 

18321122 

| 88 

1 91 

11231 94 

1 5 

1 16 

|244 

35 

2 

8 

2 

Mr. Miller of New York. 

Mr. 

President — 







The Presiding Officer. The Chair recognizes 

Senator Miller of New 


York. [Confusion.] 

A Delegate. Mr. President — 

Another Delegate. Mr. President — 

The Presiding Officer. The Chair has already recognized Senator Miller 
of New York. 

Mr. Miller. Mr. President: At the request of a large number of dele¬ 
gates with whom I have consulted, I now move that this convention take a 
recess until 7 o’clock. 

The motion was agreed to, and at 1159 p. m. the convention took a recess 
until the hour named in the motion. 


EVENING SESSION. 

The convention reassembled at 7 p. m. and was called to order at 7 : 11 . 
The President. The convention will come to order. 

After music by the band: 

Mr. Chauncey M. Depew of New York. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from New York. 























































































































168 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


MR. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW WITHDRAWS HIS NAME. 

Mr. Depew. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I came 
here as a delegate-at-large from the State of New York, neither expecting 
nor desiring to appear in this convention or before it in any other capacity. 
After my arrival the representatives of New York, by a unanimous vote, 
presented my name to this convention. It was done for State reasons, in 
the belief that, because it was the only time since the organization of the 
Republican party that all divisions could be healed and all interests united 
in the Empire State, it would secure in that Commonwealth the triumph 
of the ticket. Under these conditions, personal consideration and opinions 
could have no possible weight. Since then a discussion has arisen which has 
convinced me that my vocation and association will raise questions in hith¬ 
erto sure Republican States which may enable the enemy to obscure the 
great issue of the future industrial prosperity of the country which, unless 
it can be obscured in some way, will surely win us success this fall. The 
delegation had voted to continue in this support so long as ballots were to 
be taken, but, under the circumstances, after a most earnest and prayerful 
consideration, I came to the conclusion that no personal considerations, no 
State reasons, could stand for a moment in the way of the general success 
of the party all over this country, or could be permitted to threaten the integ¬ 
rity of the party in any Commonwealth which had been hitherto Republican. 
In our own State, by wise laws, and the wiser submission to them by the 
railroad companies, the railway problem has been so completely settled that 
it has disappeared from our politics; but I believe that there are commun¬ 
ities where it is still so acute that there may be danger in having it presented 
directly or indirectly. Under these circumstances, and after your votes this 
morning, I called upon the delegation from my own State and requested them 
to release me from further service in this capacity. They have consented, 
and my only excuse in appearing here is to give the reason for their action, 
for the appearance of my name, and to express my heartfelt thanks to the 
gentlemen from the States and Territories who have honored me with their 
suffrages. The causes which have led to this action on the part of the State 
of New York, now that this judgment has been arrived at, will leave no 
heart-burnings among the Republicans of that State. The delegation will 
go home to a constituency which was unanimous to find it unanimous in the 
support of whoever may be the nominee of this convention. 

Mr. Wise of Virginia. Mr. President — 

The Presiding Officer. (Mr. James R. Hallowell of Kansas in the 
chair.) Mr. Wise of Virginia. 

Mr. Wise. Allow me to interrupt the proceedings for a moment. Vir¬ 
ginia was delayed in sending in the name of committeemen by the division 
growing out of the contest. The majority of the delegation instruct me to 
announce as the Chairman of the delegation, John S. Wise; member of the 
National Committee, James P. Brady; and the committee to notify the nom¬ 
inees, the Hon. Harry Libby. 

Mr. Hastings of Pennsylvania. Mr. President — 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Hastings. I am authorized and directed to make the motion, inas¬ 
much as the central point to be gained as the result of our action is unity 
and harmony and a cordial agreeing upon the nominee of this convention, 
which will surely take place, as it will be for the best interests of this con¬ 
vention, and for the best interest of the party and the country, and there- 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


169 



i 


fore, sir, I do now move that we adjourn until io o’clock to-morrow morn- 
ing [Cries of “No”], and upon that motion I ask that the roll of States be 
called. [Cries of “No.”] 

Mr. Henderson of Iowa. I second the motion. 

The Presiding Officer. Are you authorized to demand that by your 
State? 

Mr. Hastings. I am authorized by the unanimous vote of Pennsylvania 
to make the motion. 

The Presiding Officer. Is it seconded by any other State? 

Mr. Green of Nebraska. In behalf of a number of delegates sitting 
*round me, who cordially indorse the sentiments of the mover of the resolu¬ 
tion to adjourn, I second the motion. 

Mr. Filley of Missouri. In behalf of the majority of the Missouri dele¬ 
gation I second the motion. 

Mr. Henderson of Iowa. In behalf of the delegation from the State of 
Iowa, unanimously expressed, I second the motion. 

Mr. Bulla of North Carolina. In behalf of the majority of the North 
Carolina delegation I second the motion to adjourn. 

Mr. Adam E. King of Maryland. In behalf of the majority of the Mary¬ 
land delegation I cordially second the motion to adjourn. 

The Presiding Officer. A sufficient number of States having seconded 
the motion to adjourn, the roll will now be called. The Clerk will call the 
roll. Those in favor of adjournment when the State is called will say aye; 
those opposed, no. [Confusion and disorder.] The galleries must preserve 
order. The Clerk will proceed to call the roll. 

When Arkansas was called, there was more disorder. 

Mr. Green of Nebraska. It is impossible for us to hear in this part of 
the hall. 

The Presiding Officer. We will not proceed with the roll call until 
order is restored. The galleries are requested to preserve order. 

A Delegate. Those back here do not know what the roll is being called 
on. 

The Presiding Officer. On a motion to adjourn. 

The Delegate. To what time? 

The Presiding Officer. Until io o’clock to-morrow morning. The Clerk 
will proceed. 

When Colorado was called, there was disorder. 

The Presiding Officer. We must have order. It is impossible to pro¬ 
ceed with this roll call without it. 

When New York was called. 

Mr. Depew of New York. Ayes 9. Noes 63. 

Mr. John D. Lawson of New York. I ask that the vote of New York 
be polled. 

The Presiding Officer. The Clerk will call the roll of the delegates 
from New York. 

Reading Clerk Martin called the roll. 


170 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


There was no response to the name of M. J. Dady. 

The Presiding Officer. How does the gentleman vote? 

Mr. Depew. He is not here. Call his alternate. 

Reading Clerk Martin. Henry E. Townsend. 

Mr. Depew. He is absent. 

There was no response when the name of Sheridan Shook was called. 

Mr. Depew. Call his alternate. 

Reading Clerk Martin. Robert A. Greacen. 

Mr. Graecen. No. 

The vote resulted as follows: 

Ayes —T. L. Woodruff, W. J. Taylor, Arthur E. Bateman, Stephen B. 
French, John D. Lawson, John F. Plummer, Joseph Mullin, John M. Bailey, 
R. W. Thompson, H. H. Warner—io. 

Noes —Frank Hiscock, Warner Miller, James H. Platt, Jesse Johnson, 
John J. O’Brien, John R. Nugent, Alfred R. Whitney, Robert A. Greacen, 
Donald McLean, James W. Husted, H. J. Sarles, Obed Wheeler, Marvin D. 
Wheeler, James S. Smart, J. A. Quackenbush, John A. Sleicher, Jas. P. 
Angersinger, David A. Wells, L. W. Emerson, George M. Gleason, S. R. Camp¬ 
bell, Henry A. Phillips, David Wilber, Hobart Krum, Francis Hendricks, 
Edward Keator, Stephen C. Millard, Chauncey M. Depew, Thomas C. Platt, 
W. S. Cogswell, G. W. Harman, Theodore B. Willis, Chas. Engert, Lewis E. 
Nicot, George B. Deane, Charles N. Taintor, George Hilliard, Robert R. 
Hamilton, Fred S. Gibbs, Solon B. Smith, John McClave, W. H. Robertson, 
Charles St. John, Jr., Louis F. Payne, Jacob Lefever, Cyrus B. Martin, George 
B. Sloan, John H. Camp, J. S. Fassett, John W. Dwight, Stephen T. Hoyt, 
J. F. Parkhurst, John B. Hamilton, L. N. Humphrey, H. F. Tarbox, O. 
G Warren, John Laughlin, Harvey F. Gaskell, John B. Weber, Frank W. 
Higgins, Jerome B. Fisher—61. 

Reading Clerk Martin. Ayes io. Noes 61. 

When Texas was called there was great confusion, many of the dele¬ 
gates being on their feet. 

The Presiding Officer. Gentlemen will take their seats. Let us have 
order. This convention has not adjourned. 

Mr. Davis of Illinois. Mr. President: I rise to a question of order. 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman will please state the question of 
order. 

Mr. Davis. The question of order is that, in the event the ayes have it, 
Col. Ingersoll be invited to address this convention. 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman is out of order. The Clerk will 
proceed with the call of the roll. Gentlemen must observe order. [Continued 
confusion.] Let us have order until we get through with this roll call. 

At the conclusion of the roll call: 

Mr. King of Maryland. Mr. President: Before the vote is announced I 
desire to state that there is a misapprehension with reference to the vote of 
Maryland, and to ask permission to correct that vote. The vote of Maryland 
stands 8 ayes and 8 noes. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


171 


The vote had been announced as 12 ayes and 3 noes; so the correction was 
made. 

Mr. Fessenden of Connecticut. Mr. President: I miscalled the vote—8 
ayes and 4 noes. It is just the opposite—4 ayes, 8 noes. 

The correction was made. 

Mr. Jackson of Alabama. Mr. President: I wish to correct the vote of 


Alabama. It is 19 ayes and 1 no. 

The original announcement was 20 ayes, and the correction was made. 
Reading Clerk Martin announced the result to be: 


Ayes . 







531 

Noes . 

The vote in detail 

was as 

follows: 




287 

States and Territories. 

Votes. Ayes. 

Noes. 

States and Territories. 

Votes. Ayes. Noes 

Alabama . 

...20 

19 

1 

New Jersey . 

...18 

7 

11 

Arkansas . 

...14 

14 

9 9 

New York. 

...72 

10 

61 

California . 

... 16 

16 


North Carolina . 

... 22 

19 

3 

Colorado . 

... 6 

6 


Ohio . 

. . . 46 

46 


Connecticut . 

...12 

4 

8 

Oregon . 

... 6 

3 

2 

Delaware . 

. .. 6 

9 . 

6 

Pennsylvania . 

...60 

50 

10 

Florida . 

. .. 8 

3 

4 

Rhode Island. 

... 8 

8 

.. • 

Georgia . 

...24 

21 

1 

South Carolina . 

. . . 18 

12 

6 

Illinois . 

...44 

30 

12 

Tennessee . 

...24 

15 

7 

Indiana . 

...30 


30 

Texas . 

.... 26 

11 

12 

Iowa ..'. 

...26 

26 

• • 

Vermont . 

... 8 

• • 

8 

Kansas . 

...18 

18 

9 9 

Virginia . 

.... 24 

10 

13 

Kentucky . 

...26 

14 

10 

West Virginia . 

...12 

7 

5 

Louisiana . 

...16 

16 

# , 

Wisconsin . 

.... 22 

• • 

22 

Maine . 

... 12 

12 

# 9 

Arizona . 

... 2 

2 

.. 

Maryland . 

...16 

8 

8 

Dakota . 

...10 

• . 

10 

Massachusetts . 

...28 

21 

7 

District of Columbia.. 

... 2 

2 

.. 

Michigan . 

...26 

25 

1 

Idaho . 

... 2 

2 

• • 

Minnesota . 

... 14 

10 

4 

Montana . 


2 

• • 

Mississippi . 

... 18 

18 

• . 

New Mexico . 


• • 

2 

Missouri . 

...32 

21 

11 

Utah . 


2 

• • 

Nebraska . 

...10 

10 

, # 

Washington . 


3 

3 

Nevada . 

... 6 

6 

... 

Wyoming . 

... 2 

2 


New Hampshire . 

... 8 

• • 

8 

Totals . 

...832 

531 

287 


The Presiding Officer [at 8:14 p. m.]. The majority of this convention 
having voted to adjourn, the convention stands adjourned until 10 o’clock to¬ 
morrow morning. 


1 


/ 






















































172 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


FIFTH DAY; 

Saturday June 23, 1888. 

The Convention met pursuant to adjournment, and was called to order 
at 10:08 a. m., by the President. 

The President. The Convention will come to order. [After a pause.] 
Senator Miller of New York will preside. 

The Presiding Officer. The Convention will be in order. Bishop Fal¬ 
lows of the city of Chicago, will now open with prayer. 

PRAYER BY BISHOP SAMUEL FALLOWS. 

Bishop Fallows offered prayer as follows: 

Let us pray. O, eternal God, our Heavenly Father, by Thy merciful 
providence we are brought to this present hour in our individual and national 
life. We pray Thee to multiply Thy blessings upon our country east and 
west, north and south, securing equal rights to all, equal and exact justice to 
all, that thus peace, prosperity, and continual progress may be enjoyed. Let 
Thy blessing rest upon Thy servant the President of the United States, 
and all in authority. Let Thy richest blessings rest upon the beloved Gen¬ 
eral of our armies, to whom so many of us are peculiarly bound by the un¬ 
speakably precious ties of comradeship. Graciously grant him, we pray Thee, 
another Winchester in his struggle for life. Let Thy blessing rest upon our 
homes, the foundation of the Republic, hallowing and protecting them from 
every foe; upon the love which binds together husband and wife, and father 
and mother and children. Let Thy blessing rest upon our schools, making 
them nurseries of a high morality and a pure patriotism. Let Thy blessing 
rest upon our workshops, sanctifying them by the presence of the divine 
Christ of Nazareth, who did not disdain to be called a carpenter’s son, and 
whose hands, holy, harmless, undefiled, engaged in earthly toil, and who, 
though now seated upon the throne of His everlasting glory, is human still. 
We pray Thee to unite more firmly in our country justly requited labor to 
intelligence, to personal dignity, to virtue, to honor; and those, O God, 
whom Thou hast joined together, let no man put asunder. Let Thy bless¬ 
ing rest upon all our churches, standing as they do to express the glorious 
truth of the fatherhood of God, and the brotherhood of man. All these 
blessings we ask now to rest upon us, but especially do we pray, O Heavenly 
Father, that at this critical hour in the proceedings of this Convention, Thy 
blessing of supreme wisdom may be given to these Thy servants. Save 
them from all error and ignorance, from pride and prejudice, from passion 
and discord. May the men they shall select to stand for the principles which 
compact this great party together be men of clean hands and pure hearts, 
serving God and working righteousness, and the name of Him in whose most 
perfect form of words we sum up all our petitions, shall have the praise 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


173 


forever. Our Father wfio art in Heaven, hallowed be Thy name, Thy king¬ 
dom come, Thy will be done, on earth as it is in Heaven. Give us this day 
our daily bread, and forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who 
trespass against us; and lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from 
evil, for Thine is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory, forever and 
ever. Amen. 

The Presiding Officer. The Cenvention will be in order. The regular 
order of business is the calling of the roll by the Clerk. 

Mr. Lewis of Kentucky. Mr. President — 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Kentucky. 

Mr. Lewis. I rise to a question of privilege. 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman will state the question of priv¬ 
ilege. 

Mr. Lewis. Yesterday the Kentucky delegation was polled. I see that 
all the newspapers of this city report me this morning as having voted for 
Alger on the last balTct. I voted for Mr. Gresham on that ballot, as I did 
on the other two ballots taken yesterday. I desire to have the Secretary 
consult the original record to see whether or not my vote is properly recorded. 

The Presiding Officer. The correction will be made by the official sten¬ 
ographer. We cannot look up the record now, but we will see that the cor¬ 
rection is made. The Clerk will proceed with the call of the roll. 

When Connecticut was called: 

A Delegate from Texas. I rise to a question of privilege. 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Texas rises to a question 
of privilege. He will state it. 

The Delegate. There is so much confusion around here that I do hope 
the delegates will be quiet. 

Mr. Henderson of Iowa. We would like to have the vote of Colorado 
repeated. 

The Presiding Officer. It will be repeated. The Chair calls upon the 
delegates to be as quiet as possible, so that all may hear the result as an¬ 
nounced. The vote of Colorado will be repeated. 

Reading Clerk Ballard. Colorado 6; Allison 2, Gresham 3, Harrison 1. 

When the vote of Connecticut was announced, there was one for Wm. 
McKinley, Jr., of Ohio. 

MR. MCKINLEY WITHDRAWS HIS NAME. 

Mr. McKinley of Ohio. Mr. President — 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Ohio. 

Mr. McKinley. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I am 
here as one of the chosen representatives of my State. I am here by reso¬ 
lution of the Republican State Convention of Ohio commanding me to vote 
for John Sherman, and to use every worthy endeavor to accomplish his nom¬ 
ination. I accepted the trust because my heart and my judgment approved 
• of the letter, and the spirit, and the purpose of that resolution. Some of the 
delegates in this convention have been pleased to give me their votes. I 
am not insensible of the honor which they would do me. or of the confidence 



174 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


which their action implies, but I cannot with honor longer remain silent. I 
cannot, gentlemen of this convention, consistently, with the credit of the 
State whose credentials I bear, and which has trusted me—I cannot consist¬ 
ently, with honorable fidelity to John Sherman, who has trusted me in his 
cause with his confidence; and above all, I cannot with my sense of per¬ 
sonal integrity, permit my name to be used in this convention. I would not 
respect myself if I could find it in my heart to say, to do, or to permit any 
one else to say or do that which would give currency even to a suspicion 
that I was disloyal to the State which I love, or wavered in my devotion to 
the chief of her choice and to the chief of mine. I do request, gentlemen 
of this convention, aye, I demand, that no delegate in this convention who 
does not want to cast reflection upon me shall cast a further ballot for me. 

The Presiding Officer. The Clerk will proceed with the call of the roll. 

When Kentucky was called: 

Mr. Willson of Kentucky. One delegate is absent now, Mr. W. A. Har¬ 
ford. I ask that the alternate be called. We cannot reach him in the con¬ 
vention. The alternate on your record. I haven’t the name. It is on your 
record. 

Reading Clerk Ballard. H. C. Metcalf. 

Some one said, “Harrison.” 

The Presiding Officer. The alternate, if present, will rise in his place. 
Votes cannot be cast here unless we know that they are genuine. If the 
alternate is in this room he will arise and announce his vote. Let him come 
forward to the delegation. [Voices: “He is coming.”] 

Mr. Willson. Mr. Harford is present now, and casts his vote for Har¬ 
rison, which makes Harrison 6, and gets the vote straight. 

When New York was called: 

Mr. Depew of New York. Harrison 59, Blaine 8, Alger 4, Sherman 1. 

Mr. Lawson of New York. I ask that the New York vote be polled. 

The Presiding Officer. The vote of the delegates from New York will 
now be polled. 

When the name of Arthur E. Bateman was called: 

Mr. Depew. He is absent, and his alternate is also absent. 

When the name of George Hilliard was called, there was considerable 
disorder. 

• The Presiding Officer. The Chair must request all persons in this 
convention to remain quiet while the roll is being called. You are delaying 
the business of the convention very greatly. (To the Reading Clerk.) Pro¬ 
ceed. 

There was no response to the name of Sheridan Shook. 

Mr. Depew. Call his alternate. 

Reading Clerk Ballard, Robert A. Greacen. 

Mr. Greacen. Blaine. 

There was no response when the name of Solon B. Smith was called. 

Mr. Depew. Mr. Smith is absent. Call his alternate. 

Reading Clerk Ballard. John H. Gunner. 

Mr. Gunner. Blaine. 

When the name of George West was called: 




REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 175 

Mr. James P. Angersinger. Mr. West is absent. I am his alternate. 
Reading Clerk Ballard. James P. Angersinger. 

Mr. Angersinger. Harrison. 

When the name of John Laughlin was called: 

Mr. Laughlin. Mr. President: I came here this morning intending to 
vote for Mr. Depew until a nomination was made, but at his urgent request 
I refrain from doing so, and believing with the majority of our delegation 
that, next to New York, Indiana is the most important, I vote for Harrison. 
The Presiding Officer. The gentleman is out of order. 

The result of the vote was as follows: 

Harrison —Frank Hiscock, Chauncey M. Depew, Warner Miller; Thomas 
C. Platt, Jas. H. Platt, William S. Cogswell, T. L. Woodruff, Jesse Johnson, 

M. J. Dady, Theodore B. Willis, Chas. Engert, Louis E. Nicot, Charles N. 
Taintor, Alfred R. Whitney, Robert R. Hamilton, John 'F. Plummer, Donald 
McLean, William H. Robertson, James W. Husted, Charles St. John, Jr., 
H. J. Sarles, Louis F. Payne, Obed Wheeler, Jacob Lefever, M. D. Wheeler, 
J. S. Smart, John A. Quackenbush, John M. Bailey, John A. Sleicher, Jas. 
P. Angersinger, David A. Wells, Robert W. Thompson, L. W. Emerson, 
George M. Gleason, Joseph Mullin, Samuel R. Campbell, Henry A. Phillips, 
David Wilbur, Hobart Krum, Francis Hendricks, Edward Keator, Stephen 
C. Millard, Cyrus B. Martin, George B. Sloan, John H. Camp, J. S. Fassett, 
John W. Dwight, J. F. Parkhurst, John B. Hamilton, H. H. Warner, L. 

N. Humphrey, H. F. Tarbox, O. G. Warren, John Laughlin, Harvey F. 
Gaskill, John B. Weber, Frank W. Higgins, Jerome B. Fisher—58. 

Blaine —W. J. Taylor, George B. Deane, John J. O’Brien, John R. Nu¬ 
gent, Robert A. Graecen, Fred S. Gibbs, John H. Gunner, Stephen T. Hoyt—8. 
Alger —Stephen B. French, George Hilliard, John McClave—3. 

Allison —Granville W. Harman—1. 

Sherman —John D. Lawson—1. 

When North Carolina was called: 

Mr. Jas. H. Harris of North Carolina. Gresham 1, Harrison 2, Alger 
6, Sherman 13. 

Mr. D. C. Pearson of North Carolina. I demand a poll of the vote of 
North Carolina. 

The Presiding Officer. Has the Chairman of the delegation finished 
declaring the vote? 

Mr. Harris. Yes, sir. 

The Presiding Officer. Upon what ground does the gentleman demand 
a poll? 

Mr. Pearson. I object to it, sir. 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman cannot object unless "he objects 
to it upon the ground that it has not been correctly stated. 

Mr. Pearson. I doubt the accuracy of the vote. 

The Presiding Officer. All right, then, the vote will be polled. 

After Mr. Pearson’s name was called: 

Mr. Jas. H. Harris. Mr. President— 


t 



176 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The Presiding Officer. We will have this vote announced. That is 
the order of business. 

Mr. Harris. The Clerk failed to call the delegates from the last—the 
ninth district. 

The Presiding Officer. What are the names? 

Mr. Harris. The delegates are J. Wylie Shook and G. W. Crawford. 

The Presiding Officer. According to the roll here prepared by the Na¬ 
tional Committee, there are only eight districts in North Carolina. 

A Delegate from North Carolina. There are nine. 

Mr. Harris. Then the National Committee do not know what the num¬ 
ber of districts in that State is. [Laughter.] 

The Presiding Officer. All right. We have another roll here that 
gives it. 

Mr. Harris. What? 

The Presiding Officer. There is a corrected roll which gives the Ninth 
District. What are the names? 

Mr. Harris. J. W. Shook and G. W. Crawford. 

Reading Clerk Ballard. J. W. Shook. 

Mr. Shook. Alger. 

Reading Clerk Ballard. G. W. Crawford. 

Mr. Crawford’s answer was not heard. 

A Delegate from Michigan. How did the Secretary announce that last 
vote? 

Reading Clerk Ballard. How did Mr. Crawford vote? 

Mr. Crawford. For Harrison. 

The result of thfc poll was as follows: 

Sherman —John C. Darcey, Hugh Cole, R. L. Parrott, O. J. Spears,. 
George T. Wassom, J. C. L. Harris, W. A. Pattillo, D. L. Russell, J. W. 
Gordon, J. J. Mott,. G M. Bulla, T. J. Dula, D. C. Pearson—13. 

Alger —Thomas N. Cooper, James H. Harris, C. M. Bernard, L. G. Estes, 
J. H. Williamson, J. W. Shook—6. 

Harrison —Elihu A. White, G. W. Crawford—2. 

Gresham —J. A. Hoskins—1. 

When the State of Virginia was called: 

Mr. Wise. Please call the roll. 

The Presiding Officer. The roll of the Virginia delegates will be called. 

When the name of S. Brown Allen was called: 

The Presiding Officer. If delegates will rise the Clerk will hear the re¬ 
sponses much more readily. 

There was no response to the name of J. H. Pedigo. 

Mr. Wise. Mr. Sims, the alternate, is present. 

Reading Clerk Ballard. W. E. Sims. 

Mr. Sims. Alger. 

When the name of H. W. Williams was called. 

Mr. Wise. His alternate is present. 

Reading Clerk Ballard. J. W. C. Bryant. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 177 

% 

Mr. Bryant. Harrison. 

The result of the poll was as follows: 

Sherman —William Mahone, John G. Watts, S. Brown Allen, A. W. Har¬ 
ris, O. D. Foster, F. D. Lee, Charles Gee, John M. Langston, M. B. Wood, 
W. A. French—io. 

Harrison —Patrick O’Connor, John S. Wise, Morgan Treat, D. F. Hous¬ 
ton, O. E. Hine, Y. T. Brown, J. A. Frazier, J. W. C. Bryant—8. 

Alger —Winfield Scott, W. E. Sims, George W. Jackson—3. 

Allison —Harry Libby, H. H. Riddleberger, John F. Lewis—3. 

At the conclusion of the roll call: 

Mr. Jackson of Alabama. Mr. President — 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Alabama. 

Mr. Jackson. There was an error in the casting of the vote of Ala¬ 
bama. I ask that the Chair call the roll. [Disorder.] 

The Presiding Officer. The Chair cannot hear. Wait until the conven¬ 
tion comes to order. 

Mr. Jackson. I ask to have the roll of Alabama called. 

The Presiding Officer. The Chair is not certain that that can be done. 
What is the error in Alabama? Let it be stated. The Chair cannot permit 
the call again, if it proposed to change the vote, as the rules are directly 
against it. If there has been a mistake in the count it can be corrected, but 
not otherwise. 

Mr. Jackson. I will state to the Chair, if the Chair is willing, that one 
delegate upon leaving the hall stated to me how to put down his vote. I for¬ 
got it after finishing the call of the roll, and his alternate called another name. 
So there was an error, and if there is any fault it is mine. 

The Presiding Officer. There is no error in the delegate voting as he 
saw fit, and whatever vote his alternate cast must stand. It cannot be changed 
until the next roll call. 

Mr. Jackson. Mr. President — 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman is out of order. No business 
is in order until the result of this ballot is declared. 

Mr. Jackson. I will state, Mr. President— 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman is out of order, and will take 
his seat. 

Mr. Albert Boyd of Alabama. Mr. President: If I vote for one man, 
and the Chairman casts it for another, can it not be corrected? 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman is out of order. The Clerk 
will announce the result of the ballot. 


Reading Clerk Ballard announced the result as follows: 

Whole number .. 

Necessary to a choice.. 

Sherman . 

Harrison . 

Alger . 

Gresham .. 


828 

415 

235 

216 

135 

98 








178 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Allison . 88 

Blaine . 42 

McKinley . 11 

Lincoln . 1 

Foraker . 1 

Frederick Douglass . 1 


THE FOURTH BALLOT. 

The ballot in detail was as follows: 


States and Territories 

Votes 

Alger 

Allison 

Gresham 

Harrison 

£ 

<1 

2 

« 

w 

X 

(A 

Blaine 

Lincoln 

McKinley 

Foraker 

Douglas 

Alabama, . 

20 

10 



1 

8 






Arkansas . 

14 

14 










California. 

16 






16 





Colorado . 

6 


2 

3 

1 







Connecticut . 

12 

1 

6 

4 





1 



Delaware . 

6 



1 

5 







Florida . 

8 

4 



2 

2 






Georgia . 

24 



1 

2 

19 


1 




Illinois . 

44 



41 

3 







Indiana . 

30 




30 







Iowa . 

26 


26 









Kansas . 

18 


2 

3 

8 


5 





Kentucky . 

26 

3 

*> 

9 

6 

10 

i 



1 

1 

Louisiana . 

16 

3 

2 

2 


9 






Maine . 

12 

3 

4 

1 

2 

9 






Maryland . 

16 


2 


8 

6 






Massachusetts ... 

28 

8 

O 

1 

8 

7 



2j 



Michigan . 

26 

26 










Minnesota . 

14 

2 


f; 

7 







Mississippi . 

18 




14 

1 





Missouri . 

32 

13 

1 

ll 

3 

2 

1 





Nebraska . 

10 

2 

5 



3 






Nevada . 

6 

4 

2 









New Hampshire . 

8 

1 

1 

l 

5 







New Jersey . 

18 


3 

9 

7 

2 



4 



New York . 

72 

3 

i 


58 

1 

8 





North Carolina. 

22 

6 


l 

9 

13 





Ohio . 

46 





46 






Oregon . 

6 



4 

1 

1 





Pennsylvania . 

60 




7 

53 






Rhode Island . 

8 


8 








South Carolina . 

18 

10 



9 

6J 






Tennessee . 

24 

9 

1 


2 

8 

4 





Texas . 

26 

3 

9 

3 

1 

7 

1 


2-1 



Vermont . 

8 




8 







Virginia . 

24 

3 

3 


8 

10 






West Virginia . 

12 

1 


2 

3 

2 

2 


• 2 



Wisconsin . 

22 



2 

20 







Arizona . 

2 

2J 









Dakota . 

10 


3 

1 

4 

2 






District of Columbia . 

2 






2 





Idaho . 

2 

1 



1 







Montana . 

2 


1 

1 








New Mexico . 

2-1 

1 




1 






Utah . 

2| 


2J 









Washington . 

6 

2 


3 

1 







Wyoming . 

2| 





2 






Totals . 

832 

— 

135 

88 

98 

216 

235 

42 

— 

1 

11 

1 

1 


1 he Presiding Officer. The majority not having voted for any candi¬ 
date, the Clerk will again call the roll. [Disorder.] The convention will be 



























































































































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


179 


in order and the delegates will take their seats. The Clerk will call the roll. 

During the announcement of the vote of Connecticut there was consid¬ 
erable disorder in the galleries. 

The Presiding Officer. The Chair must insist upon order. We will 
not proceed with the calling of this roll unless we have order. The Clerk 
cannot hear, and the delegates cannot hear the votes as announced. 

When Missouri was called: 

Mr. Filley. Only 31 votes, one delegate being absent. 

When New York was called: 

Mr. Depew. Will you pass New York for a moment? There is nothing 
except a mistake in the count; that is all. 

The Presiding Officer [to the Reading Clerk]. Pause for them. 

Mr. Horr of Michigan. Mr. President: Can the Clerk go on? 

Mr. Depew, having finished the co^nt, announced the vote. 

When Tennessee was called. 

Mr. Maney of Tennessee. Tennessee asks to be passed for a moment. 

The Presiding Officer. The convention will have to wait for Tennes¬ 
see ; we cannot go on. 

Mr. Maney. The list is not perfected. 

About two minutes thereafter the vote was announced. 

When Virginia was called: 

Mr. Wise. Call the roll. 

Reading Clerk Lanning called the roll. 

There was no response to the name of H. W. Williams. 

Mr. Wise. His alternate, Mr. Bryant, is present. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. J. W. C. Bryant. 

Mr. Bryant. Harrison. 

At the conclusion of the roll call: 

Mr. Wise. Before the vote is announced—one of the delegates from the 
Sixth District intended to vote for Alger, and it was called Harrison. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. George W. Jackson. 

Mr. Jackson. Alger. 

The result of the poll was as follows: 

Sherman —William Mahone, John G. Watts, S, Brown Allen, A. W. 
Harris, O. D. Foster, F. D. Lee, Charles Gee, John M. Langston, M. B. Wood. 
W. A. French— 10 . 

Harrison —Patrick O’Connor, John S. Wise, W. F. Houston, O. E. Hine. 
Y. T. Brown, J. W. C. Bryant— 6 „ 

Allison —Harry Libby, H. H. Riddleberger, John F. Lewis— 3 . 

Alger —Winfield Scott, J. H. Pedigo, George W. Jackson— 3 . 

Blaine —Morgan Treat, J. A. Frazier— 2 . 

Mr. Green of Nebraska. Mr. President— 

The Presiding Officer. The Clerk will proceed with the call. 

At the conclusion of the call, Reading Clerk Lanning announced the re¬ 
sult as follows • 


180 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Whole number . 827 

Necessary to a choice.414 

Sherman . 224 

Harrison . 212 

Alger . 143 

Allison . 99 

Gresham . 87 

Blaine . 48 

McKinley . 14 


THE FIFTH BALLOT. 

The ballot in detail was as follows: 


States and Territories 

Votes 

« 

w 

c 

hJ 

< 

Allison 

Gresham 

Harrison 

Sherman 

Blaine 

McKinley 

Alabama . 

20 

8 



2 

9 

1 


Arkansas . 

14 

14 


t 





California . 

16 






16 


Colorado . 

6 


6 






Connecticut .. 

12 

' '2 

6 

3 




1 

Delaware . 

6 


1 

1 

3 


1 


Florida . 

8 

5 



1 

2J 



Georgia. 

24 



1 

2 

20 



Illinois . 

44 



41 

3 



Indiana . 

30 



1 

29 




Iowa . 

26 


26 






Kansas . 

18 


2 

3 

8 


4 

1 

Kentucky . 

26 

8 


2 

8 

”7 

1 


Louisiana . 

16 

3 

2 

2 

9 



Maine . 

12 

3 

5 

1 

~2 

1 



Maryland . 

16 


4 


6 

6 



Massachusetts . 

28 

'4 

3 

' 'i 

10 

5 

4 

1 

Michigan . 

26 

26 







Minnesota . 

14 

3 


3 

7 


1 


Mississippi ... 

18 



2 


"l5 

1 


Missouri . 

32 

14 

1 

10 

' ' 9 

1 

2 

I 

N ebraska . 

10 

2 

5 


3 



Nevada . 

6 

4 

2 

» 





New Hampshire . . 

8 




8 




New Jersey . 

18 


5 

2 

4 

1 


6 

New York . 

72 

5 

1 


58 

1 

6 


North Carolina . 

22 

9 



2 

11 



Ohio . 

46 





46 



Oregon . 

6 

• 


4 

1 

1 


Pennsylvania . 

60 




7 

"53 



Rhode Island . 

8 


8 





South Carolina . 

18 

10 

. . . 1 


2 

6 



Tennessee . 

24 

10 

1 


2 

5 

4 


Texas ... 

26 

9 

11 

~3 

2 

7 


1 

Vermont . 

8 



8 




Virginia . 

24 

3 

3 i... 

_1 _ . 

6 

* « 

10 

2 


West Virginia . 

12 

2 

3 

9 

2 

3- 

Wisconsin . 

9 9 



2 

20 



Arizona . 

2 

2 






Dakota . 

10 


. 

3 

1 

5 

1 



District of Columbia. 

2 






9j 


Idaho . 

2 


1 

1 





Montana . 

2 


1 

1 



1 

New Mexico . 

2 

1 



1 

1 

Utah . 

2 


2J 




. 1 

Washington .*. 

6 

3 


9 

1 


j 

Wyoming . 

9 





2 

• 1 

Totals . 

—1 — 
8321143 

. 

— 

99 

87 

212 

224 

48 

. 

14 




































































































































181 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


The Presiding Officer. The majority not having voted for any candi¬ 
date, the Clerk will again call the roll. 

Mr. Foster of Ohio. Mr. President— 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Ohio, Gov. Foster. 

Mr. Foster. I move you, sir—[Disorder.] 

The Presiding Officer. Gentlemen of the convention will please be in 
order. 

Mr. Foster. I move you, sir, that the convention now take a recess until 
4 o’clock. [Cries of “No, no. ’] 

Mr. Duffield of Michigan. Mr. President— 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Michigan. 

Mr. Duffield. I second the motion for a recess until 4 o’clock. 

The Presiding Officer. It has been moved and seconded that the con¬ 
vention take a recess until 4 o’clock this afternoon. 

A Delegate. Let us have a vote by States. 

The Presiding Officer. Is the convention ready for the question? 
[Confusion and disorder.] No vote will be had until order is restored, and 
until delegates have the privilege of demanding the call of the roll if they 
desire it. It can be had in the proper way. [Cries of “Call the roll.”] The 
roll call has not been properly demanded. 

Mr. Sewell of New Jersey. On behalf of the New Jersey delegation I 
demand a call of the States. 

The Presiding Officer. Does the gentleman demand it on behalf of his 
State 

Mr. Sewell. Yes, sir. 

The Presiding Officer. The State of New Jersey demands a roll call 
by States. Is that demand seconded? 

Mr. W. P. Hubbard of West Virginia. West Virginia seconds the call 
of the roll by States. 

Mr. Green of Nebraska. Nebraska seconds the call. 

The Presiding Officer. The demand has been seconded by the proper 
number of States, and the roll will be called. The question is whether the 
convention shall now take a recess until 4 o’clock. 

Reading Clerk Stone proceeded to call the roll. 

When Florida was reached, there was much disorder. 

The Presiding Officer. The Clerk will not proceed with the calling of 
the roll until order is restored. The delegates will take their seats. The 
Sergeant-at-Arms will proceed into the aisles and see that the delegates 
take their seats. No further business will be done until this order is ob¬ 
served. [After a pause.] The Clerk will proceed with the call. 

Reading Clerk Stone called to Missouri, when the call was suspended, 
owing to the confusion, the vote being as follows: 


States and Territories. 

Alabama . 

Arkansas . 

California . 

Colorado . 

Connecticut . 


Votes. Ayes. Noes. 


20 

19 

1 

14 

14 

. . 

16 

16 

. . 

6 

6 

# . 

12 

12 



States and Territories. 

Delaware . 

Florida . 

Georgia . 

Illinois . 

Indiana . 


Votes. Ayes. Noes. 

... 65 .. 

... 88 .. 
...24 23 

...44 33 11 

...30 28 2 













182 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


States and Territories. 

Votes. 

Ayes. Noes. 

States and Territories. 

Votes. 

Ayes 

Noes- 

Iowa . 

. 26 

26 .. 

Massachusetts . 

,..28 

22 

6 

Kansas . 

. 18 

18 .. 

Michigan . 

,..26 

26 

.. 

Kentucky . 

.26 

17 9 

Minnesota. 

...14 

13 

1 

Louisiana . 


16 

Mississippi . 

...18 

18 

.. 

Maine . 

.12 

12 

Missouri .... 

,..32 

26 

5 

Maryland . 

. 16 

14 2 





The Presiding Officer. 

It is impossible for the Clerk to 

hear 

the 

re- 


sponses, and if this convention proposes to adjourn at all, it will first have 
to come to order. The Chair appeals to the delegates to take their seats. 
The confusion is rather upon the floor of the convention by the delegates 
themselves, than in the galleries. If the Sergeant-at-Arms will do their 
duty, as I have ordered them to do, and clear the aisles, we can proceed. 

Mr. Sewell of New Jersey. Mr. President — 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from New Jersey. 

Mr. Sewell. As it is quite apparent that the majority of this convention 
desires to adjourn at present, I ask leave to withdraw the demand for the 
call of the roll. 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from New Jersey asks unani¬ 
mous consent to withdraw the demand for the call of the roll. Is there 
any objection [After a pause.] The Chair hears none. The question now 
is, will this convention take a recess until 4 o’clock. 

The motion was agreed to, and at 12 :oi p. m. the convention took a recess 
until the hour stated. 


EVENING SESSION. 

The convention met pursuant to adjournment, and was called to order at 
4:10 P. M. 

The President. The convention will come to order. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. Alabama. 

The President. Wait a moment. The Sergeant-at-Arms will see that 
gentleman take their seats. 

Sergeant-at-Arms Fitz Simons. The Chair requests that the gentlemen 
of the convention take their seats. 

The President. And that the audience keep quiet during roll call. 

Sergeant-at-Arms Fitz Simons. That the galleries and the guests keep 
absolute quiet while the roll is being called. 

Mr. King of Maryland. I move that this convention adjourn without 
ballot until 11 o’clock Monday morning. [Cries of “No.”] 

The President. It is moved that this convention adjourn until Mon¬ 
day morning at 11 o’clock. 

Mr. King. Without ballot. 

Mr. Spaulding of Michigan. Is that motion seconded? 















REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 183 

1 he President. It does not require a second, but the Clerk will call the 
roll. The Chair will not assume the responsibility of adjourning this conven¬ 
tion at any time after balloting begins. If the convention desires, it can 
take a vote by division, and then it can be seen how the vote stands. 

Mr. Foraker of Ohio. Ohio calls for a vote by ballot on this motion. 

The President. There can be a call of States. What States demand it? 

A Delegate from Kansas. Kansas as well as Ohio. 

Mr. Henderson of Iowa. Is this motion to adjourn to Monday morning 
at ii o’clock? 

The President. It is. 

Mr. Henderson. Iowa also seconds the demand. 

The President. The Clerk will call the roll. The question is: Shall 
this convention now adjourn until Monday morning at n o’clock? [Cries 
of No, no, and Yes, yes.’ ] Those in favor of adjourning when the Clerk 
calls their State, will say aye; those opposed to adjourning will say no. The 
Clerk will call the roll on the question of adjournment. 

Reading Clerk Lanning called Alabama again. [Disorder.] 

The President. The Sergeant-at-Arms will see that gentlemen take their 
seats. 

Sergeant-at-Arms Fitz Simons. The Chair directs that gentlemen take 
their seats while the roll is being called. 

When Illinois was called: 

Mr. Chas. B. Farwell of Illinois. Illinois asks to be passed for a mo¬ 
ment. 

At the conclusion of the call, Illinois was called again. 

Mr. Farwell. Ayes, 37; noes, 7. 

Mr. Warner of Alabama. I desire to ask if the Chair has any informa¬ 
tion as to railroad tickets which expire today—whether they will be good any 
longer. 

A Delegate. I desire the Chair to state whether railroad tickets which 
expire to-day will be extended. 

The President. The National Committee will attend to that. [Confu¬ 
sion and disorder.] 

Sergeant-at-Arms Fitz Simons. The galleries will be in order for an 
announcement. The Chair desires me to announce that the last coupon on 
the fifth day’s ticket will serve for entrance and secure seats Monday morn¬ 
ing if an adjournment is obtained. Delegates’ tickets will be honored as 
usual. All proper passes remain good until the end of the sessions. The 
National Committee will attend to the extension of the railroad tickets. 

Mr. Haymond of California. Mr. President — 

Secretary Clisbee. Let me say to the convention that all tickets issued by 
the railroad companies will be honored until the day of the adjournment of 
the convention and one day after, by order of the Central Traffic Association. 

Mr. Haymond. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from California. 

Mr. Haymond. Upon this side of the house we all voted for an adjourn¬ 
ment, supposing we did it at the request of New York— 


184 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The President. All debate is out of order. Announce the vote. 


Reading Clerk Lanning did so as follows. Ayes, 492; noes, 320. 


The vote in 

detail was 

I 






States and Territories. 

Votes. 

Ayes. 

Noes. 

States and Territories. 

Votes. 

Ayes. 

Noes. 

A labama. 

. 20 

16 

4 

v w Yo’k . 

... 72 


72 

Arkansas . 

. 14 

14 


North Carolina . 

...22 

i2 

10 

California ..'. 

. 16 

16 


Ohio . 

... 46 

38 

8 

Colorado . 

. 6 

6 

, # 

Oregon . 

... 6 

. . 

6 

Connecticut . 

. 12 

6 

5 

Pennyslvania . 

... 60 

55 

5 

Delaware . 

. 6 

2 

4 

Rhode Island . 

... 8 

6 

•/ 

id 

Florida . 

. 8 

8 

, # 

South Carolina . 

... 18 

18 

. . 

Georgia . 

. 24 

22 

1 

Tennessee. 

...24 

17 

4 

Illinois . 

. 44 

37 

7 

Texas . 

...26 

26 

. . 

Indiana . 

. 30 

# # 

30 

Vermont . 

... 8 

. , 

8 

Iowa . 

. 26 

26 

, . 

Virginia . 

...24 

10 

14 

Kansas . 

. 18 

18 

, , 

West Virginia . 

... 12 

1 

9 

Kentucky . 

. 26 

4 

16 

Wisconsin . 

.. . 22 

4 

18 

Louisiana . 

. 16 

16 


Arizona . 

.. . 2 

2 

# . 

Maine . 

. 12 

12 

, , 

Dakota . 

. . . 10 

.. 

10 

Maryland . 

. 16 

14 

2 

District of Columbia.. 

. . . 2 

2 

, . 

Massachusetts .. 

. 28 

14 

12 

Idaho . 

. . . 2 

,, 

2 

Michigan . 

. 26 

, , 

26 

Montana . 

9 

2 

. . 

Minnesota . 

. 14 


14 

New Mexico . 

9 

m # 

2 

Mississippi . 

. 18 

ii 

3 

Utah . 

2 

2 


Missouri . 

. 32 

15 

13 

Washington Territory. 

... 6 

2 

4 

Nebraska . 

. 10 

10 

, , 

Wyoming . 

9 

,. 

2 

Nevada . 

. 6 

6 






New Hampshire . 

. 8 

1 

7 

Total . 

.. 832 

492 

320 

New Jersey. 

. 18 

18 







The President. I declare the convention adjourned until 11 o’clock Mon¬ 
day morning. 

So at 4:26 p. m. the convention adjourned until 11 o’clock a. m. Monday, 
June 25, 1888. 






















































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


185 


SIXTH DAY. 

Monday, June, 25, 1888. 

The convention met pursuant to adjournment, and was called to order 
at 11 :o7 a. m. 

The President. The convention will come to order. [After a pause.] 
The convention will listen to a prayer by the Rev. Dr. Arthur Edwards of 
Chicago. 


PRAYER BY THE REV. DR. ARTHUR EDWARDS. 

Dr. Edwards offered prayer as follows: 

Let us pray. O Lord, Our Heavenly Father, we worship Thee this 
morning that in Thy tenderness Thou hast performed again the miracle of 
waking this world, and waking us from sleep and renewing to us the blessings 
of life; and therefore this morning instinctively we turn to Thee in adora¬ 
tion and worship for all the good that has come into our lives. We thank 
Thee, our Father, that Thou hast sent us into this world upon a divine 
errand; that we may be conscious of our discipleship; that we may know 
that we are Thy children, and that, if we have wandered from Thee, by simply 
coming back and calling thee Father, Thou wilt fold us in Thine arms and 
give us Thine eternal blessing. We ask Thee to forgive us our sins; to forget 
our wanderings; to bring us back to full allegiance; and may we be conscious 
that Thy smile is upon us this morning. We ask Thy blessing upon this 
convention. Be in the heart of every delegate. Be in the heart, of every 
visitor, and let Thy spirit go backward to the homes of these delegates, and 
may the lives and the health of their families be precious in Thy sight. We 
pray Thee, our Father, too, that Thy richest blessing may be upon the Presi¬ 
dent and all the officers of this convention. May Thy spirit be in the hearts 
of Kings, of Emperors, and Presidents, and be in the Cabinet of the Nation, 
and so may we worshiping Thee, and being loyal to Thy truth, be lifted 
upward, and may this lower kingdom assimilate more and more to the upper 
and better kingdom toward which, we trust, we are all traveling to-day. Be 
in the business of the assembly this day. And be Thou greater than human 
wisdom. Be Thou strength to the weak. May we all be guided by Thy 
spirit, and may we feel that being Thy servants we are entitled to Thy 
blessing, and having that blessing may we be exalted in every moment of this 
day. And when our life work is done, may we in the comfort of God and 
of His Son be brought with great confidence into that upper and greater 
convention, and may we look upon God s face in peace, and there will we 
worship Thee forever and ever. Amen. 

railroad tickets. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: You will listen to two 
dispatches, or two letters, relating to the transportation of delegates home, in 
which we are all interested. 


186 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Reading Clerk Stone read the following letter: 

Chicago, June 23, 1888.— The Hon. B. F. Jones, Chairman Republican 
National Committee, Chicago —Dear Sir: In consequence of the convention 
continuing in session beyond Saturday, June 23, a majority of the Chicago 
lines, members of the Central Traffic Association and Chicago East Bound 
Passenger Committee, have agreed to extend the National Republican Con¬ 
vention tickets one day after the adjournment of your National Convention. 
This work will be done at the principal offices of the various lines leading 
East and South from Chicago. Kindly give this information to the conven¬ 
tion, that tickets may be extended before parties take the train, as tickets that 
expire on the 23d inst. will not be honored unless this extension is made 
by the proper officer of the line over which the ticket reads. Very respect¬ 
fully, George H. Daniels, 

Vice-Chairman. 

The President. There is another communication on the same subject. 

Reading Clerk Stone read the communication as follows: 

Office of Chicago & Alton Railway Company, Chicago, June 25.— 
Chairman of the Republican National Convention — Dear Sir: I have the 
pleasure to advise you that this line has instructed its conductors that tickets 
to Chicago and return sold on account of the Republican National Conven¬ 
tion must be honored to and including one day following the date of adjourn¬ 
ment of your convention. General passenger and ticket agents of connect¬ 
ing lines have also been requested to make similar provisions for their cou¬ 
pons or other tickets to all points West and Southwest. For further infor¬ 
mation those holding tickets over this line are respectfully requested to call 
at the city ticket office of the Chicago and Alton Railway Company, 89 South 
Clark street. You will kindly give this such publicity as in your good judg¬ 
ment may seem necessary. Yours truly, 

James C. Charlton. 

Mr. D. F. Houston of Virginia. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Virginia. 

Mr. Houston. I desire to offer a resolution regulating the further bal¬ 
loting of this convention, and ask for its immediate consideration. 

The President. Will the gentleman state the nature of the resolution? 

Mr. Houston. I will read it: 

That in the result of a ballot no vote shall be counted for a candidate who 
has not been regularly placed in nomination before such ballot is commenced. 
[Cries of “No.”] 

The President. The resolution is out of order. 

TELEGRAMS FROM JAMES G. BLAINE. 

Mr. Boutelle of Maine. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Maine. 

Mr. Boutelle. Mr. President — 

Mr. Haymond of California. I rise to a point of order. 

The President. The gentleman from California will state his point of 
order. 

Mr. Haymond. My point of order is that nothing is in order now except 
a call of the roll, and if that is not in order I want to make a speech for 
Mr. Blaine when he is being betrayed in the camp of his friends. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


187 


The President. The point of order made by the gentleman from Cali¬ 
fornia is well taken, but it was understood by the Chair that the gentleman 
from Maine [Mr. Boutelle], rose to a question of privilege of the same nature 
as that to which the gentleman from New York [Mr. Depew], and the gen¬ 
tleman from Ohio [Mr. McKinley], rose day before yesterday, and there¬ 
fore, the Chair took the liberty to recognize the gentleman from Maine [Mr. 
Boutelle], who will now state his question of privilege. 

Mr. Boutelle. Mr. President: I find myself somewhat embarrassed in 
being thrown even into a semblance of antagonism to the representatives of 
that delegation from the great Pacific slope, who have come here manifest¬ 
ing such a devotion to a chieftain whose banner I have followed with pride 
and affection, lo! these many years. I would like were the occasion appro¬ 
priate, and did I feel it proper in view of the courtesy to which I am in¬ 
debted for an appearance here at all, to preface the announcement that I 
am to make, by some explanatory remarks. I shall not attempt to do so. 
No one in this great convention, no one in this magnificent auditory, has 
any doubt as to where the affection, the devotion, and the allegiance of the 
Republicans of Maine have been and always will be. No delegate here will 
doubt the regret with which I discharge the duty imposed upon me; but, 
Mr. President, and gentlemen of the convention, I am under a restraint 
which I did not feel at liberty to ignore, and without attempting to give 
construction or interpretation of my own to the language of one greater than 
myself by far, I discharge my humble duty as the representative of the 
Maine delegation by reading to you without preface or comment, the follow¬ 
ing dispatches which I have received. [Disorder.] 

The President. The Sergeant-at-Arms will be compelled to keep order 
in the galleries to-day. 

Mr. Boutelle. [Reading.] Edinburg— 

The President. One moment. Unless the galleries, and especially back 
of the Chair, keep more quiet to-day, when important business will be done 
by the convention, some step will have to be taken of a more serious char¬ 
acter than a request to secure order. 

Mr. Boutelle. I read to the convention for information, as I have re¬ 
ceived Ihem. these dispatches: 

Edinburg, June 24 .— To Boutelle and Manley, Maine Delegation, Chi¬ 
cago: Earnestly request all friends to respect my Paris letter. Blaine. 

That dispatch was received last night. This morning I received the fol¬ 
lowing : 

Edinburg June 25 .— To Boutelle and Manley, Maine Delegation Chi¬ 
cago: I think I have the right to ask my friends to respect my wishes and 
refrain from voting for me. Please make this and former dispatch public, 
promptly. James G. Blaine. 

BALLOTING FOR PRESIDENT RESUMED. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: The next and the reg¬ 
ular order of business will be the calling of the roll by States for the selec¬ 
tion of a nominee for President. Mr. Clerk, you will call the roll. 

Reading Clerk Stone. Alabama 20 votes. [Disorder and confusion.] 

The President. Mr. Sergeant-at-Arms, send deputies through the aisles 
to see that they are kept clear, and that the delegates take their seats and 
keep quiet. 


188 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Sergeant-at-Arms Fitz Simons [To his deputies]. Pass through the 
aisles and request the delegates to be seated. Unless the galleries remain 
quiet they will be cleared. 

The President. And gentlemen back of the platform will have to go 
out unless they keep quiet. The Clerk will call the roll. 

Reading Clerk Stone proceeded to do so. 

When Ohio was called: 

Mr. Foraker of Ohio. Sherman 46. 

A Delegate from Ohio. I challenge the vote of Ohio, and demand a 

poll. 

The President. Is the gentleman satisfied of the incorrectness of the an¬ 
nouncement ? 

The Delegate. I am. 

The President. The gentleman will give his name. [No response.] 
The gentleman asking for the call of the roll of the State of Ohio will give 
his name. [No response.] If the gentleman declines to give his name we 
will pass to the next State. [No response.] The Chair will order the call¬ 
ing of the roll dispensed with unless the gentleman calling for it gives his 
name. 

The Delegate. Luckey. [Laughter.] 

The President. Mr. Luckey of Ohio demands a call of the roll. The 
Clerk will call the roll. 

When the name of Mr. McKinley was called, there was much disorder. 

The President. This convention is going to try and do some business 
to-day, and unless the galleries keep quiet the Chair will be compelled, of 
course unless advised otherwise by the convention, to clear the galleries, and 
do business with no one but the delegates, officers and reoorters present. 

When the name of J. E. Lowes was called: 

Mr. Foraker. He is absent. Call his alternate, Mr. Widny. 

Reading Clerk Stone. John W. Widny. 

Mr. Widny. Sherman. 

The result of the poll was as follows: 

Sherman —J. B. Foraker, Wm. McKinley, Jr., Charles Foster, Benjamin 
Butterworth, T. W. Graydon, Howard Ferris, Frank Tucker, Amos Smith, 
Jr., John W. Widny, O. B. Brown, George P. Waldorf, A. M. Kuhn, W. H. 
Gibson, E. J. Totten, I. N. Alexander, H. A. Hamilton, John Little, James 
B. Swing, John Foos, Festus Walters, H. M. Carper, R. L. Woodburn, Clar¬ 
ence Brown, E. S. Wilson, S. M. Brandyberry, A. W. Doan, Marcus Boggs, 
Jared P. Bliss, John W. Jones, Henry C. Hedges, S. S. Warner, Charles L. 
Kurtz, W. W. Merrick, M. Churchill, Samuel J. Davis, John A. Bingham, 
Robert Sherrard, Jr., R. N. Chamberlin, T. R. Morgan, Sr., William Grinnell, 
W. H. Johnson, M. L. Smyser, Cornelius J. Manix, Myron T. Herrick, M. A. 
Hanna—45. 

Harrison —J. B. Luckey—1. 

When Tennessee was called: 

Mr. Maney. Sherman 8, Allison T . Harrison 2, Alger 6, Blaine 9. 


189 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 

Mr. Brogan of Tennessee. Too manv votes by two. 

Mr. A. M. Hughes, Jr., of Tennessee. Mr. President: I challenge the 
correctness of that vote, and call for a poll. 

The President. Mr. Hughes of Tennessee demands the call of the roll. 
The Clerk will call the roll of the State of Tennessee. 

The result of the poll was as follows: 

Sherman —L. C. Houk, G. W. Hill, Eugene S. Priest, R. S. Montgomery, 
J. B. Bosley, A. M. Hughes, Jr., John E. McCall, Isham F. Norris—8. 

Blaine—George Maney, A. A. Taylor, Newton Hacker, W. W. Woodruff, 
C. E. Stanley, S. N. Williams, W. J. Lyle, G. W. Winstead—8. 

Alger —Samuel A. McElwee, W. N. Hoge, C. Beatty, H. L. W. Cheatham, 
W. H. H. Butler, Thomas J. Brogan—6. 

Allison —R. R. Butler—i. 

Harrison —J. C. Dougherty—i. 

When Virginia was called: 

Mr. Wise of Virginia. Allison 5, Harrison 6, Alger 3. Ten gentlemen 
decline to give their votes, and call for the roll. 

The President. Does the gentleman from Virginia, Mr. Wise, ask for 
the call of the roll of the State of Virginia? 

Mr. Wise. I do not call for it, but the other ten delegates refuse to give 
me their votes, saying that they would. 

The President. Will some gentleman— 

Mr. Allen of Virginia. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Virginia. 

Mr. Allen. In view of the differences existing in the Virginia delega¬ 
tion—[Cries of “Regular Order.”] 

The President. The question is, does the gentleman ask for the call of 
the roll? 

Mr. Allen. I do, and I wish merely to explain the reason for doing so. 

The President. That is out of order. The Clerk will call the roll of the 
State of Virginia. 

There was no response to the name of H. W. Williams. 

Mr. Wise. Call his alternate, Mr. Bryant. 

Reading Clerk Stone. J. W. C. Bryant. 

Mr. Bryant. Harrison. 

The result of the vote was as follows: 

Sherman —William Mahone, John G. Watts, S. Brown Allen, A. W. Har¬ 
ris, O. D. Foster, F. D. Lee, Charles Gee, John M. Langston M. B. Wood, 
W. A. French—10. 

Harrison —Patrick O’Connor, Morgan Treat, D. F. Houston, Y. T. 
Brown, J. A. Frazier, J. W. C. Bryant—6. 

Allison —Harry Libby, John S. Wise, H. H. Riddleberger, John F. Lewis, 
O. E. Hine—5. 

Alger —Winfield Scott, J. H. Pedigo, George W. Jackson—3. 

At the conclusion of the call of States: 

The President. The convention will listen to the announcement of the 
vote by the Clerk. 



190 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

Reading Clerk Stone announced the result as follows: 

Whole number . 830 

Necessary to a choice. 416 

Sherman . 244 

Harrison. 1 . 231 

Alger . 137 

Gresham . 91 

Allison . 73 

Blaine . 40 

McKinley . 12 

Fred. Grant . '* 1 

Foraker . 1 


THE SIXTH BALLOT. 


The ballot in detail was as follows: 


States and Territories 


Alabama . 

Arkansas . 

California . 

Colorado . 

Connecticut . 

Delaware . 

Florida . 

Georgia . 

Illinois . 

Indiana . 

Iowa . 

Kansas . 

Kentucky . 

Louisiana . 

Maine . 

Maryland . 

Massachusetts . 

Michigan . 

Minnesota . 

Mississippi . 

Missouri . 

Nebraska . 

Nevada . 

New Hampshire .... 

New Jersey . 

New York . 

North Carolina .... 

Ohio . 

Oregon . 

Pennsylvania . 

Rhode Island . 

South Carolina .... 

Tennessee . 

Texas . 

Vermont . 

Virginia . 

West Virginia . 

Wisconsin . 

Arizona . 

Dakota . 

District of Columbia 

Idaho . 

Montana . 

New Mexico. 

Utah . 

Washington . 

Wyoming . 


Votes 

Alger 

Allison 

Gresham 

Harrison 

Sherman 

Blaine 

McKinley 

Grant 

Foraker 

. 20 

6 



1 

12 

1 




. 14 

14 









. 16 






16 




6 




5 


1 




. 12 

9 

4 



6 





6 



1 

5 






8 

5 



1 

1 





. 24 



1 

2 

19 



l|... 

44 



41 

3 




. . . 1 . _ . 

. 30 



1 

29 






26 


26 








18 

2 

3 

3 

6 

1 

3 




26 

6 


2 

7 

9 

1 

1 



16 

3 

2 

2 


9 





12 

2 

i 

2 

1 

3 


2j 


1 

16 


1 


6 

6 

3 




28 

8 

2-1 

1 

5 

11 


1 



26 

26 









14 

3 


5 

6 






18 



3 


14 

1 




32 

15 

1 

11 

2 

2 


1 



10 

2J 

5 



3 





1 6 

5| 



... 1 


11 




1 8 


1 


6| 

1 





1 18 



1 

141 



3 



| 72 

. . . | 



721 






9.9 

9| 

.. . | 

...1 

21 

11 





46 

• • • 1 

. . . | 


lj 

45 


. . i 



6) 



5 



1 




1 60 

.. .| 

I 


6| 

54 



. . . 1 


1 8| 


8| 

... | 

. . . 



. . . | 



I 18 

ii 

.. . 1 


1| 

6| 





1 241 

6 

1| 


1| 

8| 

8 

j 



26| 

3 

8| 

31 

1| 

7| 

1| 

3| 



1 8| 


... | 

... 1 

81 

.. | 

. .. 1 




941 

3 

51 

.. .1 

6| 

101 


j 



1 12 f 

1 

. . .| 

ii 

2| 

5 

2-1 

11 



1 22| 


. . .| 

ii 

211 


... | 

. . . 1 



1 21 

2J 

. . .1 


. . .| 

. .1 


. . . 1 . 


1 101 


. . . |. . .| 

101 

• • 1 

| 

... i... 


1 2| 

1 

... i... i 

. . .1 

. .1 

1| 



1 2| 


.. .1 

2| 

. ..(... j 

... | 

] 


1 2| 


i| 

1| 


.. .| 

... i... 


1 2| 

i 

... I 

.. | 

. . . | 

l| 

.. . I 

1 


2 


21 

• • -1 

. . .| 

• • 1 

! 



1 6| 

i 

.. .1 

4! 

1| 

. .1 

... ! 


1 2| 


2| 

. .| 

. . . | 

• • 1 

... i 












— — 


I—[—|—|—|—|—|—,— j—|— 

183211371 73| 91|231 |244j 401 12! I 1 1 


Totals 

















































































































































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


191 


The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: No candidate having 
received a majority of the votes of this convention, the Clerk will call the roll. 

Reading Clerk Ballard. Alabama 20 votes. [Disorder.] 

The President. Gentlemen will come to order. 

During the announcement of the vote of Alabama there was great con¬ 
fusion. 

The President. [To the Reading Clerk.] Wait a minute. May not 
the Chair ask the delegates to please be seated? [After a pause.] Let the 
delegates be seated. We will not proceed until the convention is in order. 
[After a pause.] Call the roll. 

When California was called: 

Mr. Haymond of California. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from California. 

Mr. Haymond. Is this the roll call? 

The President. Yes. 

Mr. Haymond. The State of California casts sixteen votes for the grand¬ 
son of Tippecanoe, Benjamin Harrison. 

Mr. Gage of California. I don’t vote for Harrison. There is a mistake 
in the vote. I demand a call of the roll of the State. 

The President. The gentleman from California demands a call of the 
roll of that State. The Clerk will call the roll. 

When the name of John F. Swift was called there was no response, and 
his alternate, Nathan W. Spaulding, voted for Mr. Harrison. 

There was no response to the name of Horace W. Byington. 

Reading Clerk Ballard. William H. Pratt. [The alternate.] 

Mr. Pratt. William B. Harrison. [Laughter.] 

Reading Clerk Ballard. You mean William H. Harrison. [Laughter.] 

I mean that you mean Benjamin Harrison. 

Mr. Pratt. Yes. 

The result of the poll was as follows: 

Harrison —M. M. Estee, Nathan W. Spaulding, Creed Haymond, William 
H. Pratt, John F. Ellison, David E. Knight, A. W. Simpson, E. D. Robbins, 
Eli Dennison, William H. Dimond, Charles F. Crocker, Michael H. De 
Young, F. C. Franck, H. Z. Osborne, Paris Kilburn— 15 . 

Alger —Henry T. Gage— 1 . 

When Pennsylvania was called: 

Mr. Quay of Pennsylvania. Harrison 3, Sherman 57. 

Mr. Walters of Pennsylvania. I ask for a poll of the delegation. 

The President. The gentleman asks for a poll of the vote. Does the 
gentleman doubt the correctness of the announcement? 

Mr. Walters I do. 

The President. Mr. Clerk, call the roll of the State of Pennsylvania. 

When the name of Hamilton Disston was called, there was no response. 

Reading Clerk Ballard. Jacob Wildemore. [The alternate.] 

Mr. Wildemore. Sherman. 

There was no response to the name of J. Merrill Linn. 

Mr. Quay. Mr. Linn is not here. Call his alternate. 


192 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Reading Clerk Ballard. Rufus Elder. 

Mr. Elder. Sherman. 

When the response of Mr. William Kile was made, Reading Clerk Bal¬ 
lard “called back” Harrison. 

At the conclusion of the call: 

Mr. Kile. I wish to have my vote recorded for John Sherman. 

The President. What is the name? 

Mr. Kile. Kile of Pennsylvania. 

The President. For whom do you vote? • 

Mr. Kile. Sherman. 

The President. For whom did you vote? If you voted at all you have 
no right to make a change. 

Secretary Clisbee. It was a mistake on the part of the Clerk. Mr. Kile’s 
vote was given to Mr. Harrison. 

The result of the poll was as follows: 

Sherman —M. S. Quay, D. H. Hastings, H. W. Oliver, William R. Leeds, 
H. H... Bingham, Edwin S. Stuart, David H. Lane, Jacob Wildemore, Henry 
Clay, John Hunter, James McManes, Charles A. Porter, David Martin, B. 
F. Gilkeson, Joseph Bosler, Frank Reeder, Thomas C. Walton, Franklin H. 
Hersh, Augustus M. High, Francis Shroder, S. M. Seldomridge, Joseph A. 
Scranton, Edward P. Kingsbury, Edwin S. Osborne, L. C. Darte, D. D. 
Phillips, W. J. Whitehouse, S. J. M. McCarrell, E. M. Woomer, William 
N. Reynolds, Thomas B Boyd, Hugh Young, William K. Jones, Ellery P. 
Ingham, D. A. Beckley, Rufus Elder, Samuel S. Woods, George S. Schmidt, 
Charles H. Mullin, William S. Hammond, George T. Swank, William M. 
Henry, C. M. Watson, Thomas M. Bayne, W. C. Thompson, William Kile, 
William B. Roberts, S. A. Davenport, H. H. Cumings, J. W. Cochran, J. H. 
Hagerty—51. 

Harrison —Thomas W. South, Isaac Johnson, Louis R. Walters, C. L. 
Magee, William Flinn, Peter Walter, Jr., George M. Von Bonnhorst, John 
P. Moore, Archibald B. Kelly—9. 

The President. Listen to the announcement of the vote of Pennsylvania. 
Reading Clerk Ballard. Harrison 9, Sherman 51. 

At the conclusion of the call of States there was disorder. 

The President. The convention will come to order to hear jthe announce¬ 
ment of the vote. Gentlemen will please be seated. 

Reading Clerk Ballard announced the result as follows: 


Whole number . 831 

Necessary to a choice. 4 I( > 

Harrison . 279 

Sherman .23a 

Alger . 120 

Gresham . 9 1 

Allison . 76 

McKinley . 16 

Blaine . 15 

Lincoln . 2- 

Foraker . 1 

Creed Haymond . 1 














REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


193 


THE SEVENTH BALLOT. 

The ballot in detail was as follows: 


States and Territories 

Votes 

Alger 

Allison 

Gresham 

Harkison 

Sherman 

Blaine 

McKinley 

A 

d 

O 

U 

A 

M 

hT 

Foraker 

Q 

A 

O 

S 

>< 

< 

X 

Alabama .t 

20 

6 



1 

12 

1 





Arkansas . 

14 

14 










California . 

16 

1 



15 







Colorado . 

6 


6 








flonnp.etiont. . 

12 

' ' 2 



4 

5 


1 




Dalawara . 

6 



1 

5 







THorida. 

8 

3 



4 

1 






Gporgia. . 

24 

1 


1 

3 

17 



1 



Illinois . 

44 

1 


40 

3 







Tnd ia na. 

30 



1 

29 







Iowa . 

26 


26 




• 





Kansas . 

18 

1 

3 


12 

1 


1 




TCpntiiokv . 

26 

3 


2 

10 

9 

1 

1 




T.miisiana . 

16 

3 

2 

2 


9 






Maine . 

12 

1 

2 

2 

2 

1 

... 

3 

... 

1 

... 

ATar viand . 

16 




9 

6 

1 





ATa ssa pVoisptts . . 

2S 

2 

3 

1 

9 

11 


1 

1 



ATipViie ,- an . 

26 

26 










A/Tinnpsota . 

14 

2 


4 

8 







ATississinni . 

18 



3 


14 

1 





A/Iissonri . 

32 

14 


12 

3 

2 


1 




^Jphrnska . 

10 

2 

5 


2 

1 






ATvn fin . 

6 


6 









AT T-T^ mnqhirp . 

8 




8 







Npw .Tprgpv . 

18 

1 


1 

10 

1 


5 





72 




72 







Morth Carolina 

99 . 

7 



3 

12 






Ohio . , . r , t - t . 

46 




1 

45 






Orpprin . 

6 



6 









60 




9 

51 






TqI^ nri . 

8 


6 


9 








18 

11 



1 

6 







24 

9 

1 


3 

5 

6 





Toxa.s , , , , t . 

26 

2 

8 

1 

3 

7 

2 

2 



1 


8 




8 








24 

3 

5 


6 

10 







12 



5 

3 

1 

2 

1 





22 



2 

20 








2 

2 











10 




10' 








2 

1 





1 






2 



2 









2 


1 

1 









2 

1 




1 






TTtoVi . 

2 


2 










6 

1 


4 

1 








2 





2 


















Totals . 

832 

120 

76 

91 

279 

230 

15 

16 

2 

1 

1 


The President. No candidate having received a majority of the votes of 
this convention, the Clerk will again call the roll. 

Mr. Henderson of Iowa. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Iowa. 

Mr. Henderson. I rise to a question of privilege. I desire to thank 
the friends in this convention who have shown their confidence in the char¬ 
acter and fitness of William B. Allison for the Presidency, and now, with 
the authority of that gentleman, I withdraw his name from the further con¬ 
sideration of this convention. 





























































































































































194 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The President. The name of the Hon. William B. Allison of Iowa is 
withdrawn. [Disorder.] The convention will please come to order. 

Several Delegates. Call the roll. 

The President. Mr. Clerk, call the roll. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. Alabama 20 votes. 

Mr. Spooner of Wisconsin. Mr. President — 

h 

The President. Senator Spooner of Wisconsin. 

Mr. Spooner. I ask that the roll call be deferred until there is order. 

The President. The Chair has already directed that. We cannot pro¬ 
ceed with business until the convention comes to order. Mr. Sergeant-at- 
Arms, will you please send your assistants through the aisles and ask the. 
members of the convention to be seated. In the last moments of this conven¬ 
tion there must be better order. 

Sergeant at-Arms Fitz Simons. The assistant Sergeants-at-Arms will 
pass through the aisles and request the delegates to take their seats. And 
there must be better order on the platform, or it will be cleared. Every man 
not in a seat will have to leave the platform if better order is not preserved. 

Mr. Jackson of Alabama. There are so many outsiders among us that 
we cannot take a vote. Pass Alabama until we can take a vote. Send a 
Sergeant-at-Arms here. 

The President. The Sergeant-at-Arms will send a deputy to the Ala¬ 
bama delegation to keep outsiders away so that they may give their vote. 
They make that request. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. Alabama 20 votes. 

Mr. Jackson. We are not ready. 

The President. Alabama wants more time. The convention will come 
to order. 

Mr. Jackson. Alger 9, Sherman 6, Blaine 2, Harrison 3. 

Mr. Warner of Alabama. Mr. President — 

The President. Ihe gentleman from Alabama. 

Mr. Warner. I challenge the correctness of the count, and ask for the 
roll call. 

Reading Clerk Lanning called the roll, and the vote was as follows: 

Alger —James D Hardy, John W. Jones, Prelate D. Parker, Frank H. 
Threet, Leander J. Bryan, Isaac N. Carter, Elbert W. Locke, Stephen Childs, 
Coly N. Finlay, Henry C. Binford—10. 

Sherman —Albert Boyd, Alfred H. Hendricks, Daniel N. Cooper, Willard 
Warner, George W. Parsons—5. 

Harrison —William Youngblood, William M. Robertson, James Jackson 

— 3 - 

Blaine —Benjamin M. Long, Lewis E. Parsons, Jr.—2. 

When Arkansas was called there was great disorder. 

The President. We will not proceed with the roll call further until the 
delegates take their seats, and perfect order prevails. 

Mr. Foley of Nevada. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Nevada. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 195 

Mr. Foley. I would like to know what we have officers here for if they 
dont clear the aisles. I heard the Chair ask the Sergeant-at-Arms to have 
his assistants clear the aisles. Why has he not had that order obeyed? 

The President. It is supposed the order is being executed. Proceed 
with the call of the roll. 

When Connecticut was called, there was more disorder. 

The President. Mr. Sergeant-at-Arms, you will keep order. 

When Illinois was called: 

Mr. Farwell of Illinois. Illinois asks to be passed for a moment. [Cries 
of “No,” “No.”] 

The President. If there is no objection [Cries of “No.”] It can only 
be done by unanimous consent, and there is objection. 

A Delegate. The objection is withdrawn. 

Mr. Farwell. Mr. President — 

The President. Senator Farwell of Illinois. » 

Mr. Farwell. Harrison 4, Gresham 40. 

When Kansas was called: 

Mr. Osborne of Kansas. McKinley 1, Sherman 1, Harrison 16. 

Mr. W. W. Watson of Kansas. I challenge the vote. 

The President. Are you dissatisfied with the count? 

Mr. Watson. I am. 

The President. The Clerk will call the roll of the State of Kansas. 

The result of the poll was as follows: 

Harrison —Albert Griffin, Thomas A. Osborn, James R. Hallowell, J. C. 
Strang, Cyrus Leland, Jr., James M. Graybill, Henry L. Alden, W. A. John¬ 
son, J. D. Barker, W. W. Scott, Alvah Sheldon, B. H. McEckron, W. W. 
Watson, M. H. Johnson, A. H. Heber, C. C. Curtis—16. 

McKinley —W. M. Jenkins—1. 

Alger —H. D. Baker—1. 

When Kentucky was called : 

Mr. Willson, of Kentucky. Sherman 8, Harrison 14, Alger 1, Gresham 
2, Blaine 1. 

Mr. Denny of Kentucky. I challenge the correctness of the vote, and ask 
to have the roll called. 

The President. Mr. Denny asks that the roll of that State be called. He 
challenges the vote. The Clerk will call the roll of the State of Kentucky. 

There was no response to the name of W. S. Taylor. 

Mr. Willson. W. S. Taylor is absent. His alternate is I.,H. Gray. 

Reading Clerk Lanning called the name of Mr. Gray, but there was no 
response. He then called E. Scott Brown, the other alternate. 

Mr. Brown. Harrison. 

When the name of Andrew Thomson was called: 

Mr. Willson. His alternate, John W. Sayers, is present. 
k Reading Clerk Lanning. John W. Sayers. 

Mr. Sayers. Harrison. 

When the name of W. P. Hampton was called: 


196 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Willson. He is not here. His alternate, John J. Johnson, will vote. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. John J. Johnson. 

Mr. Johnson. Sherman. 

When the name of John P. Ernst was called: 

Mr. Willson. He is absent. His alternate, D. B. Wallace, is present. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. D. B. Wallace. 

Mr. Wallace. Sherman. 

When the name of E. A. Hobson was called, there was disorder. 

The President. .. [To the Reading Clerk.] Wait. We will not proceed 
until there is better order in the aisles. The Chair thinks the employes of the 
convention, with some of its members, make more noise than those in the 
gallery. And if the gentleman that is dispensing food there [Referring to a 
man who was distributing sandwiches] will remove that immediately the Chair 
will be obliged. You will take that out of the hall immediately. Mr. Ser- 
geant-at-Arms, you will see that it is removed. Now, we will attend to the 
business, of the convention. 

The result of the poll was as follows: 

Harrison —George Denny, George W. Jolly, Edward W. Glass, E. U. 
Fordyce, William Cassius Goodloe, Louis Lebus, John Bennett, Logan Mc¬ 
Kee, W. A. Warford, John W. Langley, E. A. Hobson, W. W. Jones, E. Scott 
Brown, John W. Sayers, Charles M. Pendleton—15. 

Sherman —George M. Thomas, A. E. Willson, John M. Wilson, D. B. 
Wallace, W. W. Patterson, G. L. Kirkpatrick, John J. Johnson—7. 

Gresham —John W. Lewis, N. S. Allison—2. 

Alger —William O. Bradley—1. 

Blaine —W. J. Deboe—1. 

When North Carolina was called: 

Mr. James H. Harris of North Carolina. Harrison 7, Alger 4, Sherman 
it. 

Mr. Pearson of North Carolina. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from North Carolina. 

Mr. Pearson. I demand a roll call of the State upon the ground that I 
question the accuracy of the vote. 

The President. The Clerk will call the roll. [Disorder.] Before the 
Clerk proceeds to call the roll of North Carolina the Chair wishes to state 
that members of the convention on the exterior boundaries of the seats 
occupied by the delegates complain of the people around them being con¬ 
stantly engaged in conversation. The Chair will be compelled to direct the 
Sergeant-at-Arms to remove all such persons from the building unless they 
cease talking, so that those members sitting near the audience can hear what 
is going on. The Clerk will call the roll. 

The roll call resulted as follows: 

Sherman —John C. Darcey, Hugh Cole, R. L. Parrott, O. J. Spears, 
George T. Wassom, J. C. L. Harris, D. L. Russell, J. W. Gordon, J. J. Mott, 
T. J. Dula, D. C. Pearson—11. 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 197 

V 

Harrison —Thomas N. Cooper, James H. Harris, Elihu A. White, J. H. 
Williamson, J. A. Hoskins, G. M. Bulla, J. Wylie Shook, G. W. Crawford—8. 
Alger— C. M. Bernard, L. G. Estes, W. A. Pattillo—3. 

When Rhode Island was called, there was disorder. 

1 he President. Gentlemen will be seated. We will conclude the roll 
call before you express your joy or dissent. 

When South Carolina was called: 

Mr. Meyers of South Carolina. Sherman 4, Harrison 4, Alger 10. 

Mr. E. H. Deas of South Carolina. I challenge the vote of South Caro¬ 
lina, and ask for the calling of the roll of the delegation. 

The President. Mr. Deas of South Carolina demands the call of the roll 
of the State. The Clerk will call the roll of South Carolina. 

When the name of F. L. Hicks was called, there was disorder. 

Ihe President. The call of the roll will not be proceeded with until 
there is order. There is disorder all around the platform, including, I am 
sorry to say, among the press representatives. 

The poll resulted as follows: 

Alger —E. M. Brayton, W. F. Meyers, Fred Nix, Tr., Paris Simpkins, 
P. F. Oliver, F. A. Saxton, C. C. Levy, Z. E. Walker, T. J. Tuomey, G. E. 
Herriott—10. 

Harrison —Robert Smalls, E. A. Webster, J. M. Freeman, F. L. Hicks—4. 
Sherman —W. N. Taft, J. R. Tolbert, E. H. Deas, T. B. Johnston—4. 
When Tennessee was called: 

Mr. Maney of Tennessee. Alger 7, Harrison 16. [Disorder.] 

Mr. Houk of Tennessee. Mr. President — 

The Ppesidfnt. The Chair hears the gentleman. Will he wait one 
moment- [After a pause.] The gentleman from Tennessee. 

Mr. PIouk. I challenge the accuracy of that count, and demand a roll 

call. 

The President. The Clerk will call the roll of the State of Tennessee. 
When the name of W. W. Woodruff was called there was disorder. 

The President. The roll call will not be proceeded with until gentlemen 
arc seated and better order is maintained. The Sergeant-at-Arms will see that 
this order is carried out. 

There was no response when the name of G. W. Winstead was called: 
Mr. Maney. He is not present. 

The result of the poll was as follows: 

Harrison —L. C. Houk, Sam L. McElwee, A. A. Taylor, R. R. Butler, 
Newton Hacker, W. W. Woodruff, G. W. Hill, W. N. Hoge, C. E. Stanley, 
Eugene S. Priest, R. S. Montgomery, J. C. Dougherty, J. B. Bosley, A. M. 
Hughes, Jr., W. H. H. Butler, S. N. Williams, John E. McCall, W. J. Lyle, 
Thomas J. Brogan, Isham F. Norris—20. 

Alger —George Maney, C. Beatty, H. L. W. Cheatham—3. 

When Virginia was called: 

Mr. Wise or Virginia. Harrison 15, Sherman 9. 


198 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Allen of Virginia. I ask for the call of the roll. 

The President. Does the geutleman question the accuracy of the count? 

Mr. Allen. I do, sir. I question the count. 

The President. The Clerk will call the roll. 

When the name of H. H. Riddleberger was called: 

Mr. Wise. His alternate, Mr. Lawson, is present, and will cast his vote. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. A. M. Lawson. 

Mr. Lawson. Harrison. 

When the name of H. W. Williams was called: 

Mr. Wise. He is absent. Mr. Bryant is his alternate. 

Reading Clerk Lanning. J. W. C. Bryant. 

Mr. Bryant. Harrison. 

The result of the poll was as follows: 

Harrison —Harry Libby, Patrick O’Connor, John S. Wise, Morgan Treat, 
Winfield Scott, J. H. Pedigo, D. F. Houston, G. W. Jackson, A. M. Lawson, 
John F. Lewis, O. E. Hine, Y. T. Brown, M. B. Wood, J. A. Frazier, J. W. 
C. Bryant—15. 

Sherman —William Mahone, John G. Watts, S. Brown Allen, A. W. 
Harris, O. D. Foster, F. D. Lee, Charles Gee, John M. Langston, W. A. 
French—9. 

At the conclusion of the roll call there was great disorder. 

The President, Will the convention permit the announcement of the 
vote? [Continued disorder.] Will the convention permit the announcement 
of the vote? [After a pause.] Will the convention listen to the recall of the 
vote? That is, merely a statement of the vote of each State, so that there 
may be no mistake—a verification of the vote, which has been the universal 
practice in the past, and will not be deviated from now. The Clerk will call 
the roll of States and the vote of each State. 

Reading Clerk Lanning did so. 

The President. Listen, gentlemen, to the announcement of the totals. 

Reading Clerk Lanning announced the result as follows: 


Whole number . 

Necessary to a choice 

Harrison . 

Sherman . 

Alger . 

Gresham . 

Blaine . 

McKinley . 


830 

416 

544 

118 

100 

59 

5 

4 










REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


199 


THE EIGHTH BALLOT. 

1 he ballot in detail was as follows: 


States and Territories 


Alabama . 

Arkansas . 

California . 

Colorado . 

Connecticut . 

Delaware . 

Florida . 

Georgia .— 

Illinois . 

Indiana . 

Iowa . 

Kansas . 

Kentucky . 

Louisiana . 

Maine . 

Maryland .. 

Massachusetts . 

Michigan . 

Minnesota . 

Mississippi . 

Missouri . 

Nebraska . 

Nevada . 

New Hampshire 

New' Jersey . 

New York . 

North Carolina . 

Ohio . 

Oregon . 

Pennsylvania . 

Rhode Island. 

South Carolina. 

Tennessee . 

Texas . 

Vermont . 

Virginia . 

West Virginia . 

Wisconsin . 

Arizona . 

Dakota. 

District of Columbia 

Idaho . 

Montana . 

New Mexico . 

Utah . 

Washington . 

Wyoming . 

Total . 


BENJAMIN HARRISON DECLARED THE 


20 

14 

16 

6 

12 

6 

8 

24 

44 

30 

26 

18 

26 

16 

12 

16 

28 

26 

14 

18 

32 

10 

6 

8 

18 

72 

22 

46 

6 

60 

8 

18 

24 

26 

8 

24 

12 

22 

2 

10 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

6 

2 


10 

14 


1 

26 

1 

is 

1 

2 


10 

3 


1 

40 

1 


15 
6 

12 

6 

2 

10 

4 
29 
22 

16 
15 

9 

5 

11 

25 


13 

4 

7 

9 
4 

8 

18 

72 

8 

1 

6 

59 

8 

4 

20 

26 

8 

15 

12 

22 

2 

10 

2 

' 2 
2 
2 
2 
6 
2 


11 

45 


1832 100 | 59 544 118 | 5 4 


NOMINEE FOR PRESIDENT. 


The President. Benjamin Harrison having received a majority of all 
the votes of this convention, shall his nomination be made unanimous? 

Mr. Foraker of Ohio. Mr. President— 

The President. The gentleman from Ohio. 

Mr. Foraker. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention • The 
delegation from Ohio came here all Sherman men. They are now all Harri¬ 
son men. [Applause.] It is easier for us to be so when we remember that 
Gen. Harrison had the good sense to be born in Ohio. [Laughter and ap- 


























































































































































200 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


plause.] I am directed by the unanimous vote of the Ohio deelgation to 
move, on behalf of the State of Ohio, that the nomination of Gen. Benjamin 
Harrison be made unanimous. 

Mr. Horr of Michigan. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Michigan. 

Mr. Horr. . .Gentlemen of the Convention, I came here hoping that this 
convention would nominate one of Michigan’s sons for the Presidency. It 
has failed to do so. If you want to know how we in Michigan will stand 
by Gen. Harrison, just think how we have stood by Gen. Alger. [Applause.] 
I belong to the class of people, perhaps the number is few, who do not 
think they know everything. [Laughter.] I accept, and so does the entire 
delegation from Michigan, the result of this ballot, and I hope that we shall 
all go home feeling that we can already see the hand of Providence in it 
from the start. [Applause.] We came here hoping to place a soldier at the 
head of the ticket. We have done it. [Applause.] Now let us go home and 
ratify the action of this convention and, in order to do that Michigan unan¬ 
imously supports the motion to make this a unanimous vote. 

Mr. Farwell of Illinois. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Illinois. [Disorder.] Gentlemen 
will come to order. 

Mr. Farwell. I do not intend to make a speech; we have had speeches 
enough already. Illinois will give her electoral vote to Gen. Harrison, and 
directs me to second the motion to make his nomination unanimous. [Ap¬ 
plause.] 

Mr. Depew of New York. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Depew of New York. 

Mr. Depew. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: As the 
only Presidential candidate present in the convention I vote to make this nom- 
nation unanimous. [Cheers.] I knew when I came here that Ohio would 
carry away this prize. [Laughter and cheers.] I was perfectly willing ta ac¬ 
cede to it, because, in the experience of National elections, when an Ohio man 
is nominated he always wins. [Cheers.] This convention will adjourn in a 
different temper from any that has been held in a quarter of a century. No 
candidate before the convention expected to. succeed, and no one is disap¬ 
pointed. [Cheers and laughter.] We go away without any heartburnings, but 
full of enthusiasm as we came here, for whatever the result might be. New 
York is the cosmopolitan State of this Union, and men from every other 
State, as soon as they get too big for their own commonwealths, come to 
New York [Laughter], and when New York finds a man too large for his 
own commonwealth, and who wont move, she adopts him [Laughter], and 
New York adopted Benjamin Harrison, voted for him solid, and you agreed 
to her view. The voice of New York and the voice of this convention will 
be the voice of the American people next November. [Cheers.] You don’t 
want a long speech. You don’t want a statement of principles. You don’t 
want anything except to feel in unity and in sympathy with any enthusiasm 
going from this convention and responding to every part of the country 
which, like the beat and throbs of the heart, sending blood everywhere, shall 
come back again in one of the old-time victories for Republicanism, for Re¬ 
publican principles, for the salvation of the industrial interests of this country, 
headed by a soldier—Gen. Harrison. [Cheers.] 

Mr. Hastings of Pennsylvania. Mr. President — 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: Gen. Hastings of Penn¬ 
sylvania. 

Mr. Hastings. Mr. President and Gentlemen: Pennsylvania instructs 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 201 

me to congratulate you because you lit on your feet. [Laughter and applause.] 
ennsylvania is not a doubtful State. Pennsylvania had 100,000 majority for 
any candidate. [Applause.] Gen. Harrison has now 100,000 majority in 
Pennsylvania. [Loud applause.] 

The President. Shall the nomination— [Disorder, and cries of “Hen¬ 
derson.”] 

Mr. Henderson of Iowa. Mr. President —• 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: Gen. Henderson of 
Iowa. 

Mr. Henderson. Gentlemen of the Convention: I am full of sorrow, 
not because the man of my first choice has not been nominated in this con¬ 
vention, but because the assembled wisdom here has nominated a man against 
whom the Democracy cannot say one single word. [Loud applause.] My 
heart is full of pity for the quill drivers in the Democratic sanctums. [Loud 
applause.] No nomination could have been made by these patriots which 
would find a warmer response in the hearts of the American people. [Ap- 
plause.] Gen. Harrison stands before you a citizen of incorruptible life and 
of gigantic intellect [applause]—a man against whose character no words of 
calumny dare be uttered; and my first thought was: “What can the Democ¬ 
racy say against him?” A soldier, a statesman, simple-minded as a child, 
and tender-hearted as a mother. [Loud applause.]. That is the kind of a 
leader for the American people. That is the kind of a standard-bearer to 
reach the voters on the mountain top and in the valley—in New York, and in 
the cabin of the black man of the South, or Where labor lives. [Loud ap¬ 
plause.] Iowa directs me to say that as we withdrew our candidate, so do 
we promptly respond to the wise choice of this convention. And Iowa this 
fall, I need not tell you, will stand where she has always stood—holding the 
Republican banner in the vanguard of freedom and of truth. [Loud ap¬ 
plause.] 

Mr. Boutelle of Maine. Mr. President— 

The President. The gentleman from Maine. 

Mr. Boutelle. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: Al¬ 
though the State of Maine has had no rival candidate before this convention, 
the circumstances under which we have assembled seem to render it proper 
that I should say one word for my State upon this occasion. I desire to say 
that, throughout the deliberations of this great body, the small delegation 
from my State have endeavored to discharge the responsibilities resting upon 
them in the delicate and somewhat embarrassing position in which they were 
placed, not only with fidelity to their convictions, but with such absolute im¬ 
partiality to all the gentlemen whose friends and constituents have so often 
honored our State as was compatible with individual preferences among the 
delegation. We came here impressed with the feeling that there might be 
attributed to the vote of Maine in any particular direction a significance 
beyond the mere numerical strength of our delegation; and we felt that we 
had no right to put ourselves in a position which might even by implication 
seem to indicate the desire of any one save the constituents who sent us 
here. How well we have succeeded it is for the convention to say. Now, 
Mr. President, the solution of this great problem having been so satisfactorily 
reached, I feel a great pleasure in giving assurance, if assurance could be 
necessary, of the heartiness, the cordiality, and the enthusiasm with which 
the people of the State of Maine will ratify and second the nomination of 
Benjamin Harrison of Indiana [Cheers and applause] ; and I will say further 
to you, what is more practical, that in the Star of the East, where for twenty- 
five years the burden of battle has first rested upon us, and where our people 
at every Presidential election have borne the standard of battle first to the 


202 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


front, and first planted it upon the ramparts of victory, we will this year of 
our Lord emulate the history of our past, and to the people of this country 
we will send out such a message as will recall the refrain of that olden day 
when another Harrison was in the field, and the country from one end to the 
other was calling out: 

O, have you heard the news from Maine, 

How she went hell-bent 
For Governor Kent, 

And Tippecanoe and Tyler, too? 

[Cheers and applause.] 

And in the canvass, while that glorious refrain is rolling over the coun¬ 
try, I pledge you, Mr. President and gentlemen of this convention, that in 
the forefront of the battle shall be found gleaming, as in every critical fight 
of the Republican party, the white plume of our Henry of Navarre [Cheers 
and applause], James G. Blaine. 

Mr. Haymond of California. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from California, Col. Haymond. 

A Delegate from New York. Three cheers for California. [Cheers.] 
Mr. Haymond. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: While 
my heart is overflowing with happiness that we have made a nomination in 
harmony, yet before I speak of that I should not forget to pay a tribute to 
the ladies of Chicago. They were pleased to send to t-his lonely California 
delegation a beautiful tribute of flowers; flowers as bright as their own dear 
eyes, and as pure [Laughter and applause] as their loyal hearts. There was a 
difference of opinion in this convention as to whether a soldier or a statesman 
should lead this grand party to its grandest victory. We have solved that 
problem, and have given you a man who combines the wisdom of a statesman 
with the courage and gallantry of a soldier. [Cheers and applause.] No 
man can hear his name mentioned without the thought rushing upon him that 
we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are endowed by their 
Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are the rights to life, 
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. [Applause.] His great grandfather 
signed that magnificent Declaration, and this Republican party gave a million 
of soldiers and their blood to consecrate it, and at last set these words in the 
Constitution of the United States, as assigned to all; that if in this broad land 
any man invade any of those rights, whether belonging to the humblest or to 
the highest, 60,000,000 of the grandest race of people that this world has ever 
seen, will spring to their defence. Whenever the name of Harrison is men¬ 
tioned, the memories of the Thames and of Tippecanoe, of Resaca and Atlanta 
rush rapidly upon us. Now, I do not think there is much use of speechmaking 
in this campaign, much use of talking, to use the phrase of my friend Scott 
from Kansas City. The 35,000,000 or 45,000,000 of people in these United 
States have already started this campaign, and they are all loaded for bear. 
[Laughter and applause.] For the first time in the history of the Democratic 
party, it has adopted its true colors. I have heard gentlemen here attacking 
the Copperheads of the North. There was some excuse for the Copperheads. 
Let us do justice to everybody. The Democratic party for thirty years had 
said in its platform that a State had a right to secede at pleasure. There was 
some excuse even for a man born in the North who had been educated that 
way; but now, when they are marching again on the heights of Gettysburg, 
there is no excuse for any man [applause], and whenever one of those mod¬ 
ern dough-faced Democrats is compared to a Copperhead I am retained as 
attorney for the Copperhead and propose to bring a suit for slander. [Laugh¬ 
ter.] They have adopted their true flag. They have been honest at last. 
The red bandana—a flag which no virtuous woman ever loved, and under 
which no brave man ever fought [cheers]—is the proper badge in the cotton 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 203 


fields of the South. The poor old negroes, belonging to that helpless, unfor¬ 
tunate race, wrapped it around their heads, and from under it looked out 
wdh eyes— [The conclusion of the sentence Was lost amid cries of “Time ” 
and the disorder which prevailed.] It was a badge of servitude then, and it is 
a badge of servitude now. [Cheers.] They surrendered to the orders of Mr. 
Carlisle when they indorsed the Mills bill, and made an alliance with England 
agamst their country. [Cries of “Good, good,” and cheers.] The ninth day 
oi this month, in the city of San Francisco, we put a flag upon the bulletin 
board and labeled it The bandana of the Republican partv,” and that [ex¬ 
hibiting the Stars and Stripes] is the flag. [Cheers.] 

Mr. Davis of Minnesota. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Davis of Minnesota. 


Mr. Davis. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: The Ma¬ 
cedonian cry invoked by the distinguished gentleman from Ohio [Mr. For¬ 
mer] has been answered. From that wondrous flower-bed he planted here 
has sprung this new Mars, armed head and heel, to vindicate his grand senti- 
me pt- I he waves that wash this city’s gates are not more certain in their ebb 
and flow than shall be our victory under Harrison upon this platform. 
[Cheers.] My State’s motto is the North Star. Born amid storms and cy¬ 
clones, she shall bring you down in November, upon the same sighing breezes 
of the prairies that we invoke here, 50,000 strong, and when you shall have 
rolled up your majorities for him in other States, we shall step into line, and 
you shall not think that those breezes are the smallest size in the world. 
[Laughter and applause.] Minnesota bids me for her to second the motion 
to make this nomination unanimous. 


There were calls for Mr. Wise. 

The President. The convention will come to order. There is a dispatch 
the Chair wishes most respectfully to submit to the convention. The Clerk 
will read it. 


Reading Clerk Stone read the dispatch, as follows: 

Detroit, Mich., June 25 . — The Hon. Morris M. Estee Chairman of the 
Republican National Convention: Please convey to the delegates who have so 
loyally supported my candidacy my heartfelt thanks. No State or man will 
give the gallant gentleman who has won the fight heartier support than Mich¬ 
igan and myself. “He’s all right.” Russell A. Alger. 


Mr. Wise of Virginia. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Wise of Virginia. [Disorder.] Gentlemen of the 
Convention: Will you please be quiet? This is a love feast, and all are going 
to have a show. [Applause.] 

Mr. Wise. Mr. President and Gentlemen: It would be strange indeed 
if Virginia were silent when the name of Harrison was in the forefront. I 
have heard the distinguished representative of Ohio speak of his being born 
there, and heard him claimed by Indiana, but it was Virginia that reclaimed 
Ohio under the name of Harrison, and founded Kaskaskia and Vincennes, 
still under the name of Harrison, in Indiana. [Laughter.] Two hundred 
and fifty years ago that rich and glorious blood was planted on Virginia’s 
shore, and spreading out has enriched wherever it has gone. In every State 
the name is type and synonym of gentleman. [Applause.] All through this 
broad land, whether for North or for South, wherever the Harrison sword 
was drawn, valor was its side, and bravery pressed it forward. Many a gal¬ 
lant Union soldier here has slept beside the deep streams of old Virginia, in 
days gone by, and he well remembers that her broad acres were patented 
to the Harrisons. On the battlefield, when the Northern soldier’s fevered 
brow was cooled by the hand of woman, many a time and oft the tear that 


204 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


feel upon him in that strange land fell from the eye of a gentle, tender Harri¬ 
son ; and when we carry that name back to Virginia, not all the narrowness, 
not all the bigotry, not all the old and dead passions of the past can keep the 
people from electing Harrison there. [Applause.] A word more, and I am 
done. Four weeks are gone, and the Democratic press has been putting up 
the horse that was to run this race. They have had him broad of back, long 
of fetlock, coarse in blood, to match the party which was presenting him. 
[Laughter.] The horse that was to be led forth by our party had been blank¬ 
eted, curiosity had been excited to see him, and now, when his coverings are 
stripped, he stands with gleaming eye and pointed ear, with curving neck and 
rounded barrel, with bending pastern and cupped hoof, and every indication 
that they shall have their race, and the Virginia thorough-bred shall be pitted 
against the Conestoga. [Laughter and applause.] 

There were calls for Mr. Mahone, and he came to the platform. 

The President. Senator Mahone of Virginia. 

Mr. Mahone. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I feel 
that I need not assure any Republican within the broad limits of our country 
that I am always for the nominee [Great applause], and while, gentlemen of 
the convention, I came here, like many of you, preferring one of our dis¬ 
tinguished statesmen above all others, yet, with a heart full of friendship for 
the field, with no objection to any of the candidates before this convention, I 
have not seen fit to abandon my colors until the question was settled [Ap¬ 
plause] ; and now, having been concluded, as it has been, by a decisive ma¬ 
jority of the representatives of the Republicans of this Nation, I join heartily, 
as Ohio has done, in seconding the proposition which has been made to make 
this nomination unanimous. [Applause.] And I would hope that I need not 
give assurance to this people, that whatever effort I can make to promote 
Republican success, and to promote Republican development in the old State 
of Virginia, will be most earnestly done. [Great applause.] 

Mr. Redfield Proctor of Vermont. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Vermont. 

Mr. Proctor. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: Ver¬ 
mont being the only State which cast her vote solidly for General Harrison 
from the first, returns her sincere thanks to the forty-five outlying States and 
Territories for coming to her position. [Laughter and cheers.] She is a safe 
State for Republicans to turn to for inspiration, for her Republicanism is as 
strong and steadfast as her everlasting hills. [Cheers.] She opens the fall 
campaign by her State election the ist of September, and she pledges a Re¬ 
publican majority of 30,000 as the opening gun of the Presidential campaign. 
[Cheers.] 

There were calls for Mr. Lynch, and he came to the platform. 

The President. The Chair takes pleasure in presenting to the convention 
Mr. Lynch of Mississippi. 

Mr. Lynch. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I am 
instructed by my delegation to second the nomination, or rather to second the 
motion to make the nomination of General Harrison unanimous. We came 
here from the South not so much to procure the nomination of any particular 
man, as to contribute our votes and influence to promote the success of the 
Republican party. [Cries of “Good.”] We are with you for the protection 
of American labor. We want you to be with us in the protection of human 
life. [Cheers.] We are with you for the protection of American capital. 
We want you to be with us for the protection of the sanctity and the purity of 
the ballot. [Cheers.] We are with you for the protection of American homes. 
We want you to be with us in the advocacy of a system of public education 
which will lift the pall of ignorance from the Southern land, and spread the 


205 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 

bright light of intelligence over that section of our country. [Cheers.] We 
are with you for whatever you may want to promote the welfare of our peo¬ 
ple, and to advance the material interests of our country. [Cheers.] We 
want you to be with us in the enforcement of the laws for the protection of the 
lights and privileges of American citizens from one end of this country to the 
other. [Applause.] Gentlemen, are you with 11s in this? [Cries of “Yes,” “Yes,” 
and applause.] Ihen give us Benjamin Harrison, and the Republican party 
will be victorious in November, and we will all be happy. [Loud applause.] 
Mr. Thurston of Nebraska. Mr. President— 

The President. Judge Thurston of Nebraska. 

Mr. Thurston. Gentlemen of the Conve^ition: Your wisdom has found 
the Douglas for our Bruce. Knightlier than he of old, he won his spurs upon 
the battlefields of the Republic for country and humanity. He will be elected 
[Applause] because the American people believe and know that under his ad¬ 
ministration our affairs will be so managed that American industry and Amer¬ 
ican prosperity will be upheld and sustained. [Loud applause.] He will be 
elected because the Republican party knows and the country knows that under 
his administration every American citizen, on land and sea, at home and 
abroad, in the North and the South, will be protected in the exercise of his 
every political right by the full power of the National administration. [Cries 
of “Good,” “good,” and applause.] He will be elected because the American 
people are tired of avoirdupois and cussedness [Laughter], and are ready for 
loyalty and statesmanship. He will blazon upon his unspotted shield the 
great white cross of hope, and, following it under the Stars and Stripes, will 
make the new crusade to that Jerusalem of victory where the old bandana 
never has been and never will be seen. [Applause.] Out in the West the 
name of Harrison will set a spark and light the prairie into one of those 
great flames, beneath whose glory and whose heat there will be burned up not 
only the present Democratic crop, but the whole future seed. [Applause and 
Laughter.] 

Mr. Jas. H. Harris of North Carolina. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from North Carolina, Mr. Harris. 

Mr. Harris. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I stand 
here one of the representatives of North Carolina who thought that the great 
services of John Sherman for the past thirty years entitled him to this nomi¬ 
nation. I stand here representing the men who voted for him through every 
ballot of this convention, to say to you that North Carolina intends to break 
the solid South for Benjamin Harrison. We have already said to our people 
that this campaign shall be, as was the one in that state in 1840, a log cabin 
and a hard cider campaign. You may not believe it, but the name of Harrison 
is a tower of strength in North Carolina. You may not believe that we can 
give the eleven electoral votes of our State to this nominee, but I tell you that 
there is a revolution there. The platform we have adopted, which pledges the 
Republican party to repeal the internal revenue system, with Harrison as our 
candidate, will give him the eleven electoral votes of that State. There will 
be no more solid South after this election; I tell you that there will be no 
solid South, but with Harrison and this platform, which pledges him to se¬ 
cure to every man in the South an honest ballot, and make that ballot the free 
executed will of this Republic, and, under the constitution, to maintain and 
preserve the Republican form of government in these States, the South will 
rise up and march with you to victory for Harrison. [Cheers and applause.] 
Mr. John A. Williams of Arkansas. Mr. President — 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention, Mr. Williams of Arkan¬ 
sas. 

Mr. Williams. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: Ar¬ 
kansas came not here to talk, but she came to bury Caesar, aye, to aid the 


206 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Democratic party to bury the self-constituted Caesar next November. 
[Cheers.] I think that you have in this convention started to do it most ef¬ 
fectually by the nomination of that soldier and statesman, Benjamin Harrison 
cf Indiana. And I want to say a word as an humble citizen of this Christian 
Nation—Christian with a big C and Nation with a big N [Cheers]—that we 
have it in Holy Writ that it must needs be that offences shall come, otherwise 
you never could have accounted for the election of Grover Cleveland four 
years ago [Laughter and cheers.] But coupled with that, gentlemen of the 
convention and people of America, is the other promise that woe unto him 
by whom those offences shall come. [Cheers and laughter.] And woe be 
unto Cleveland that he has by his vetoes and free trade message laid violent 
hands upon the Ark of the Covenant of the people of America—protection to 
American industries and fealty to the soldiers that saved the Nation in her 
hours of peril. rCheers.] Arkansas from the Sunny South sends greeting to 
Indiana and to New York and the other doubtful States, and says that she 
will endeavor to hold up your hands while you are electing Benjamin Harri¬ 
son with the aid of the other loyal States of the North. I do not know that 
we can promise you any electoral votes from our State, but we will do the 
best we can. Arkansas bids me, through her delegation, to cordially and 
earnestly second the motion to make unanimous the nomination of Benjamin 
Harrison of Indiana. [Applause.] 

Mr. Bradley of Kentucky. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Kentucky. 

Mr. Bradley. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I am 
one of those who went down to honorable defeat under the banner of that 
fearless soldier and gentleman from the State of Michigan. [Cries of “Good,” 
and “He’s all right.”] But I am here on the part of the Kentucky delegation 
to second the nomination of that equally fearless soldier from the State of 
Indiana. [Cheers.] In the past, when the red man was devastating that fair 
land, the noble sons of Kentucky went to Indiana, and left their blood upon 
the fields of honor, for the redemption and salvation of her,people, and now, 
in Kentucky, with a depleted Democratic treasury, and its Treasurer a fugi¬ 
tive in Canada, we promise you that she will again go to the aid of Indiana. 
[Applause.] We enter this fight under the gallant leadership of Benjamin 
Harrison, not under the motto of the Cobden Club “Long live the Queen,” 
but under that nobler motto of Republicanism, “Long live America.” [Cheers.] 
We prefer to stand under this banner and make our fight for protection rather 
than be found under the cowardly flag of England, which waves in ruffianly 
triumph over the burning homes of desolated Ireland. [Applause.] We ask 
not, we care not, for the good opinion of the crowned head at Westminster, 
but we ask rather the good opinion of the uncrowned kings of America, who 
make their daily bread by the music of the hammer, the anvil, and the saw. 
[Applause.] We go into this canvass with Harrison and with the broad word 
of protection upon our banner—protection to American industries, protec¬ 
tion to the persecuted people of the South, protection to the poor children who 
to-day in the South are laboring in ignorance, and protection to the grand sol¬ 
diers who shed their blood upon the fields of battle that this Nation might 
live. [Applause.] In the name of Abraham Lincoln [Applause], in the name 
of Henry Clay [Applause], whom Kentucky and this nation are proud to 
honor, I second the motion to make this nomination unanimous. [Applause.] 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention, shall the nomination of 
General Benjamin Harrison—[Disorder and confusion.] No further business 
will be done until the announcement of this question. [Cries of “Question.”] 
Shall the nomination of General Benjamin Harrison as a candidate for Presi¬ 
dent of the United States be made unanimous? 

A Delegate. A rising vote. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 207 

THE NOMINATION MADE UNANIMOUS. 

The question was again stated, and all the delegates arose. 

The President. I declare Benjamin Harrison to be the unanimous nom¬ 
inee of the National Republican Convention for the position of President of 
the United States. The regular order of business is the presentation of the 
names of candidates for Vice-President of the United States, and the roll of 
States will be called by the Clerk for that purpose. 

A Delegate. Call the roll. 

Mr. Thompson of Indiana. Mr. President: I think it very desirable that 
we shall close the proceedings of this convention during the day, and in order 
that we may be able to do so I move that this convention take a recess until 
5 o’clock. [Cries of “No,” “No.”] 

The President. It has been moved that this convention take a recess 
until 5 o’clock. [Cries of “No, no.”] Does that motion receive a second? 
[No response was heard.] It does not receive a second, and is not, there¬ 
fore, before the convention. The Clerk will call the roll of States. 

Reading Clerk Martin. Alabama. 

A Delegate. It was seconded by half a dozen gentlemen. 

Mr. Hubbard of West Virginia. Mr. President: I rise to a question of 
privilege. 

The President. Mr. Hubbard of West Virginia will state his question 
of privilege. 

Mr. Hubbard. It is that I seconded on behalf of the State of West Vir¬ 
ginia the motion for a recess until 5 o’clock. I arose for that purpose, but 
was unable to obtain the ear of the Chair before the call of the roll began. 

The President. It required a second from two States, even if the Chair 
had been able to hear the gentleman. Call the roll. 

Reading Clerk Martin. Arkansas. 

The Presiding Officer (Mr. Hastings of Pennsylvania in the Chair.) 
No further business is in order excepting the calling of the roll. 

Mr. Hubbard. I rise to a question of order. My point is that two States 
are not required to second the motion for a recess. [Cries of “No, no.”] 

Mr. Houk of Tennessee. Three States have seconded it. 

The Presiding Officer. The point is not well taken. The Clerk will pro¬ 
ceed with the call of the roll. [Disorder.] The convention will be in order. 

Reading Clerk Martin. California. 

Mr. Houk.* Mr. President — 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Tennessee. 

Mr. Houk. There were four States that seconded the motion to take a 
recess [Disorder.] 

The Presiding Officer. The convention will be in order. 

Mr. Houk. Four States have seconded— 

The Presiding Officer. The Clerk will proceed with the roll. 

A Delegate. Mr. President—[Voices, “Call the roll.”] 

The Presiding Officer [To the Reading Clerk]. Go ahead. 

Reading Clerk Martin called down to Iowa. 


208 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Houk. I want to be heard on this question. 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Tennessee. 

Mr. Houk. I rise to a question of privilege. 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Tennessee. 

Mr. Houk. When the motion was made to take a recess five States sec¬ 
onded it—West Virginia, Tennessee— 

The Presiding Officer. The second was not heard by the Chair, and I 
am informed by the Clerks, was not heard by them. 

Mr. Houk. The States were not responsible for that. 

Reading Clerk Martin continued the call amid much disorder. 

A Delegate from Iowa. Mr. President: A motion has been made to 
take a recess, and has been seconded. That motion is not debatable and 
should be put. 

When Kentucky was called: 

Mr. Houk. The Clerk— 

The Presiding Officer. The Chair will recognize the gentleman from 
Tennessee, if he desires to make a motion to adjourn. 

Mr. Houk. I do make a motion to take a recess until 5 o’clock. [Cries 
of “No, no.”] 

The Presiding Officer. Is the motion seconded? 

Mr. Hubbard. On behalf of West Virginia I second the motion. 

Mr. Warner of Alabama. On behalf of the Alabama delegation I second 
the motion. 

The Presiding Officer. It has been moved and seconded that this con¬ 
vention do now take a recess until 5 o’clock this afternoon. 

The motion was put and not agreed to. 

The Presiding Officer. The Clerk will continue the call of the roll. 

When Kentucky was called again: 

Mr. Denny of Kentucky. Mr. President — 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Kentucky, Mr. Denny, 
has the floor. 

Mr. Denny. Mr. President and Gentlefmen of the Convention — 

Mr. A. B. White of West Virginia. One moment; a question of privi¬ 
lege. It is utterly impossible for West Virginia—she is a small State, but 
she proposes to give her six votes to the Republican President—it is impos¬ 
sible to know what is going on; and I move that the Sergeant-at-Arms remove 
from among the delegates the persons who are not entitled to a seat here. 
We cannot hear what is-going on. 

The Presiding Officer. The Chair is endeavoring to maintain order, 
and trusts that every delegate and every guest of this convention will be in 
order. 

Mr. White. Look at the order over here. [Laughter.] 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Kentucky will proceed. 

NAMING OF WILLIAM 0. BRADLEY FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. 

Mr. Denny. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: We 
came here to discharge a public duty, part of which duty has been well per- 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


209 


formed. Let us meet the remainder with equal wisdom. Let us remember 
that after the excitement of this vast concourse comes deliberation at the fire¬ 
sides of the people. Let us remember that the South has a vital interest 
in the work done here. Let us not forget that although the South in recent 
years has not given electoral votes to the Republican party, yet Southern 
Republicans by thousands have given their lives for Republican principles. 
Let us not forget that the States of the South did give electoral votes to the 
Republican party until deserted by that party of the North. Like the pris¬ 
oner confined in a room whose walls came closer together as the hours passed, 
the Republicans of the South have seen their political rights and privileges 
contracted day by day; but they have kept their faith, and looked forward 
with glad expectancy for the dawn of a brighter period. They believe that 
the time has now come for the nomination of a Southern Republican for 
Vice-President; that such a nomination would thrill with confidence the soul 
of every Republican south of Mason and Dixon’s line; that it would fruit¬ 
fully and correctly answer the heretofore Sphinx riddle of what can be done 
to break the solid South; that it would inspire the breasts of the young 
Republicans of the South with the hope that they are not always to be hew¬ 
ers of wood and drawers of water in the Republican ranks. Our young 
men of the South, upon whom rests the responsibility of government, have 
grown to manhood since the war, and are a little interested in these issues. 
They are concerned in those great economic questions which are for the im¬ 
provement of their section and to fill their coffers with gold. Thousands 
upon thousands of them are wavering in their allegiance to the Democratic 
party, to which they were bound only by chains of prejudice. A man to be 
nominated for Vice-President from the South should be a man of intellect; 
he should be a man of integrity—■ 

Mr. White. Mr. President: We want order. We cannot hear the 


gentleman speak. 

The Presiding Officer. The convention will be in order. The Ser- 
geant-at-Arms will preserve order at the entrance for delegates. We will 
not proceed further with the business of the convention until there is order. 
Gentlemen will take their seats and clear the aisles. The proceedings will 
not be continued until this is done. [After a pause.] The Chair is still 
waiting for gentlemen to take their seats. [After another pause.] Proceed, 


Mr. Denny. 

Mr. Denny. He should be a man who knows the wants anq rights of 
the people and dares to uphold them; one who knows that the necessities of 
the future demand the education of the coming generation; one who knows 
that the prosperity of the whole people depends upon the prosperity of the 
sons of labor; one who knows that the building and preserving of a home 
market is of more benefit and more profit to the people of these United 
States than all the mythical markets of the world; one who knows that only 
by maintaining the progressive principles of the Republican party can this 
country keep pace with advancing civilization. The man who possesses these 
splendid qualifications in their loftiest and best sense, is William O. Bradley 
of the State of Kentucky. Kentucky, in whose bosom was instilled the 
principle of protection to American industries, by the teachings of the im¬ 
mortal Clay, is wavering in her allegiance to the Democratic party. Last 
vear in the gubernatorial canvass, under the gallant and courageous leader¬ 
ship of William O. Bradley, the Democratic majority of fifty thousand was 
reduced to less than five thousand votes. Since that election the charges of 
corruption made by him have been clearly proven by the plundering of the 
common school fund and the robbery of the treasury. These last revela¬ 
tions are the weights which will break the weakened back of the Democracy 
in the State. When votes are cast in Kentucky by Republicans they are 


210 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


counted as they are cast. The spirit of loyalty and patriotism yet dwells 
in the breasts of her people. In 1861, when the crucial test came of whether 
Kentucky would stand by the Union, her undaunted sons gave 80,000 majority 
for the integrity of the country. When the call came to [cries of “Time” 
from the galleries] battle for the Union, 80,000 of her gallant children re¬ 
sponded with eager step, and their courage upon more than a hundred fields 
of carnage tells the splendid story of their patriotism in letters of blood. 
[Cries of “Time.”] Gentlemen, give the South a chance. You will want 
her in the coming election. We are entitled to be heard. The broken and 
smoking ruins of Fort Sumter witnessed the heroism of a Kentuckian 
(Major Anderson). The drooping spirit of the Nation was revived in 1862 
by the gallant deeds of the Kentuckians at the battle of Mill Spring on the 
Cumberland. The principle of protection implanted there long ago still lives, 
despite the star-eyed Goddess of Reform. The hearts of our people yet 
throb with love of country. The young men of the South and of Kentucky 
need only the encouragement of the great party of progress and of right to 
break away forever from their distasteful political affiliations. To offer 
them such encouragement the South—yea, the South—nominates for Vice- 
President of these United States William O. Bradley of Kentucky, who rep¬ 
resents in his own person the aggressiveness of the young Republicans of 
the South; who for the past twenty years has plunged bravely into every 
campaign, both State and National, and has helped the growth of the Repub¬ 
lican party in the State of Kentucky from 27,000 to 127,000 votes; who, 
when the South was threatened with a reduction of her representation in the 
National Convention four years ago, swept away every objection by the might 
of his logic and eloquence. The South is represented here now through his 
efforts. Gentlemen of the North and of the West, deal fairly by the South. 
With the same effort in Kentucky by the National Republican party that 
is put forth in the State of Indiana, Kentucky would spring from her Dem¬ 
ocratic moorings and be safely anchored in Republican waters. The Demo¬ 
cratic party is afraid to do right. Although the Southern States give it the 
majority of its electoral votes, it dare not place a Southern man on the 
National ticket. The Republican party, with the most magnificent courage 
of any party which ever has existed or ever will exist, has never been afraid 
to do right. [Cries of “Time.”] It was not afraid when it saved the Union. 
It was not afraid when it abolished slavery. It was not afraid when it made 
all men equal before the law. [Cries of “Time.”] 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman will not proceed until there is 
order. * 

Mr. Denny. If you want “time” you had better wait till I get through. 
I have witnessed attempts to cry down Southern men before, but they can¬ 
not be hollered down in the home of their friends. The question is, is it 
right to nominate a Southern man for Vice-President? If it is, then there 
should be neither doubt nor discussion concerning it. With William O. 
Bradley on the National ticket the Republican party in the coming cam¬ 
paign will carry the State of Kentucky; it will carry Tennessee; it will 
carry West Virginia; it will carry North Carolina; it will make Virginia 
still more doubtful. The solid South will live only as a faintly remembered 
dream, and as in the days of the old commander, who was his friend, the 
Southern States will again march in the ranks of the party of progress and 
protection. The charge of sectionalism will die with the setting of Novem¬ 
ber’s sun. In the name of Southern Republicans dead—dead for the cause they 
so dearly loved; in the name of Southern Republicans living, who from now 
until November’s chilly days will suffer and perchance some of them die 
that Republicanism may live, we urge the nomination of William O. Bradley 
for Vice-President of these United States. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 211 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. Denny] 
has placed in nomination the Hon. William O. Bradley for Vice-President. 
Does the Chair hear a second to that nomination? 

Mr. Albert Griffin of Kansas. Mr. President— 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Kansas. [Disorder.] The 
gentleman will suspend until the convention is in order. Delegates will be 
good enough to take their seats. 

Mr. Griffin. I assure you, gentlemen— 

The Presiding Officer. One moment. We will not proceed until the 
convention is in order. Gentlemen [indicating] in that corner will take their 
seats. If those policemen cannot have the guests take their seats the police¬ 
men ought to sit down. The gentleman will proceed. 

Mr. Griffin. I assure you, gentlemen of the convention, that I shall 
occupy only a few minutes of your time, but this subject is one of such im¬ 
portance that it should not be considered in the spirit which some members 
of the convention seem now to look upon it. You have nominated as the 
head of the ticket a man who does honor to his party and to the Nation. 
You have done thus far in your ticket that of which you have reason to be 
proud, and gone far toward making the North solid in this coming cam¬ 
paign. Ours is a government, theoretically, of the people, by the people, 
for the people, but unfortunately as a matter of fact in many cases it is a 
government of the people, by the bosses, for the bosses. If it had been in 
reality what it is in theory, the lower House of Congress would not to-day 
be controlled by a party which is never united upon any unsettled question, 
excepting when it is in the wrong. If our government was in reality what 
ic is theoretically, the rightful President of the United States would be in 
Washington instead of Scotland. Ever since i860 the greatest trouble this 
Nation has had to contend with, has grown out of the solid South. It was 
the solid South during those years of war that sent hundreds of thousands 
of Northern men down to fields of carnage and left so many homes desolate, 
and it has been since the South became solidified politically, that all our 
political dangers have arisen. I want to say to you, gentlemen, that from a 
careful study, and a thorough knowledge of the situation, I feel perfectly 
confident that the solid South is to-day ripe for a political revolution. It is 
true that in Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina—those States where the 
colored vote so largely predominates—there is no possibility of securing 
Republican electoral votes at this time, but there are six States that are con¬ 
trolled by white men—six States in which the white men are dissatisfied with 
the condition of affairs, and if this convention and the Republican National 
Committee act wisely we can certainly carry three of those States from the 
Democratic into the Republican column. Now, there is but one thing fur¬ 
ther that I wish to say, and it is, that the Southern people are a sensitive 
people. They realize the condition of political isolation that they are in. 
They realize the fact that the Democratic party, to which they give their 
votes, dare not present one of their names to the people of the Nation, and 
if the delegates of the Republican party, that has been denounced all over 
the South with such virulence—if this Republican convention has the cour¬ 
age to rise up and put upon its ticket a Southern man who has carried the 
war all through Kentucky, and raised the banner of Republicanism in the 
section where it was thought to be not without danger to do so, I say if you 
do that, you will find rallying to the Republican standard this year enough 
brave and gallant men of those States to shatter the solid South, and make it 
ununited forever and ever. I therefore second the nomination of William 
O. Bradley of Kentucky. 


212 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The Presiding Officer. Does the Chair hear a further second to the 
nomination of Mr. Bradley? 

Mr. Warner of Alabama. Mr. President — 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Alabama. 

Mr. Warner. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I have 
only a few words to say. This is a little larger question, I think, than per¬ 
haps most of the convention may at first glance think. In i860 I had the 
honor to vote here in this city for the nomination of Abraham Lincoln. To¬ 
day, in my judgment, we have nominated a worthy successor to Abraham 
Lincoln. The word which we gave to the country and the world by the 
nomination of Lincoln was, that slavery should go no farther. That pledge 
was redeemed, although we had to do it by battle. )Ne are going to make 
the Star-Spangled Banner the flag of our country, though to our disgrace it 
is true that in at least six States of the Union that flag has not had the power 
to give a man a ballot. I speak from twenty-three years of life in the 
State of Alabama, and I want to know of the Republicans of the North 
whether they are going to show that it is in the power of this great Republic 
to give a man a vote and get that vote counted as it is cast. I tell you that 
I know the politics of Alabama as well as you know the politics of any of 
your States. We can give to Benjamin Harrison a majority of 20,000 votes 
if you Reoublicans of the North can get them counted. Now I say to you 
that the great problem, greater even than the tariff—and I was raised a 
protectionist at the feet of Horace Greeley and Henry Clay—that a greater 
question than that is, can it be made possible for a party in opposition to 
the Democratic Confederates of the South to exist? There is the.problem 
in those States, and that problem is a greater one even than protection to 
home industries. Now, if we can break the solid South, we will achieve a 
greater victory than has ever been achieved, and I think if we were to 
put a worthy man like Mr. Bradley on the ticket, we should accomplish it. 

The Presiding Officer. Does the Chair hear a further second to the 
nomination of Mr. Bradley? 

Mr. Home of Tennessee. Mr. President — 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Tennessee. 

Mr. Houk. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I will 
detain you but a few moments, and in order that I may detain you only for 
those few moments, you must give me your attention and keep order. 

The Presiding Officer. The convention will be in order. Gentlemen 
will take their seats. 

Mr. Houk. It is true that Mr. Bradley comes from the solid South. 
But why is that South solid? It is not the fault of the Southern Repub¬ 
licans. It is not altogether the fault of the Democratic party. It is very 
largely the fault of you Northern Republicans, who have given us away 
on every occasion, first turning us over to the executive department of the 
government and the mercy of whatever might come. Why, not a Northern 
man has made a speech in the South for ten years that I know of, except 
John Sherman, who came to Tennessee and made one speech. I know some¬ 
thing about the South. I agree that in South Carolina, Louisiana, Alabama 
and Mississippi there are but poor opportunities to build up the Republican 
party and achieve a Republican victory. But in North Carolina, Virginia, 
West Virginia, Tennessee and Kentucky, I tell you, if you will turn your 
attention to it, there is missionary ground in all of those States, and their 
electoral votes may be had, not only in the future, but in the present—in 
this contest for Harrison and whoever may be nominated for Vice-Presi¬ 
dent. Now let us look at this a moment. I second the nomination of Mr. 
Bradley because he is a man who entered the field in Kentucky, solitary 



213 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 


a . lor V“: Not a Northern man came to his aid. Not a Southern man 

came to his aid, and but one to make a speech for him. He canvassed that 

■p, e ’ an «.- a - r 9 anvassin g it from one end to the other, he reduced the 
emocratm majority from 44,000 to less than 16,000. Is not such a man 
worthy to be honored? Again, you hear it said all around you that you can 
o nothing in the South. That is true. You will never do anything in the 
bouth until you give the South some attention. If you will turn your eyes 

there; send some of the sinews of war there instead of to these doubtful 

otates that you always lose, and send some of vour best speakers there, my 
word tor it, you can have the electoral votes of'old Virginia, West Virginia. 
Kentucky, Tennessee ^nd North Carolina. I promise not to talk long. I 
War Jj i° re J * d° not brieve I would be a Republican if I 

could help it. Why ? Because you Northern Republicans treat us so badly. 
You hardly give us self-respect. You pay more attention to the rebels than 
you do to us. Now, I appeal to you to reach out your hand across the line, 
take us by the hand, and at least give us the support of your moral force 
and some good speakers to make speeches in the South, and we will show 
t'-Ij a R e P u b^ can party. One word more. My own State, Tennessee, Mr. 
wum carr ’ e d by 43,000, and Mr. Cleveland by less than 9,000 majority. 
While the Democratic party in Tennessee gained 32,000 in eight years, the 
Republican party there gained 35,000 votes. Tell me is that not fighting 
ground? Now, all I have to say in conclusion is, do not treat us as you 
have treated us in the past. At least, give us your friendship. Come over 
across the line and make some speeches for us and encourage our people, 
and we will do the best we can. I hope you will give Mr. Bradley your votes. 

The Presiding Officer. Does the Chair hear a further second to the 
nomination of Mr. Bradley? 

Mr. R. D. Locke of Georgia. Mr. President — 


The Presiding Officer. Mr. Locke of Georgia has the floor. 

Mr. Locke. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: If you 
are friends of the South hear the South for her cause, and be silent that 
you may hear. To one accustomed to speaking only in the villages of the 
backwoods the very splendor of this presence is embarrassing. It matters 
not from what quarter the candidate for Vice-President comes since we have 
at the head of the ticket Benjamin Harrison of Indiana. The doubtful States 
of New York, Connecticut, New Jersey and the Pacific coast first adopted 
him, and I say on that account, and for what there is in the man and in the 
platform, you can afford to give us of the South the candidate for the Vice- 
Presidency. Several Southern delegations and parts of delegations from 
the South have requested me to ask that much of this convention. I desire 
to impress delegates from the North in this convention that the delegations 
from the South are not composed altogether of such men as some may sup¬ 
pose. You may believe that we have portions of colored delegations headed 
by white men from the North. But in that Georgia delegation we have ex- 
Confederate soldiers, and ex-Union soldiers, both native to Georgia, ex- 
Union soldiers born North, and colored men as true men as God Almighty 
ever created. I trust, gentlemen of the convention, that twenty years’ con¬ 
stant devotion to the party of constitutional liberty atones for the four years 
that I fought for constitutional slavery. The Democrats of the South tell 
you that they fought for constitutional liberty. I was a youthful soldier of 
the Confederacy, and I learned at my father’s fireside, and from his neigh¬ 
bors and from my schoolmates who went to the army with me, that we 
were fighting for constitutional slavery. And when the Democrats of the 
South claim it was constitutional liberty, they claim that for which they did 
not fight. As an ex-Confederate soldier I desire to ask this convention to 
permit me to vote for an ex-Union soldier of the South for Vice-President 
of the United States. The indictment drawn by this convention against the 


214 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Democratic party is as true as heaven itself, wherein we charge that the 
present administration and the Democratic majority in Congress owe their 
existence to suppressions of the ballot by criminal nullification of the con¬ 
stitution and laws of the United States. We know, and God is our witness, 
that Grover Cleveland is the beneficiary of frauds upon the ballot, and 
against bulldozing, bandana and ballot box tricks we pit the stars and stripes. 
[Waving a small United States flag.] Gentlemen of the convention, when the 
white-winged messenger of peace, hovering over this splendid scene, caught 
from the lips of this convention the name of Harrison, the next President 
of the United States, and carried it up to Lincoln, Garfield, Logan, and 
the great host of our leaders who have gone to their reward, he carried 
with it, fresh from the heart of every delegate, this sentiment: “Write me 
as one who loves his fellow man.” Republicans from the South, and espe¬ 
cially from Georgia, ask this convention to supplement that message by 
sending up to our sainted leaders the name of William O. Bradley of Ken¬ 
tucky. 

The Presiding Officer. Does the Chair hear a further second to the 
nomination of Mr. Bradley? 

Mr. John Atkinson of Michigan. Mr. President — 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from Michigan. 

Mr. Atkinson. On behalf of a large number of the delegation from 
Michigan, without any other remark, I desire to say we second the nomi¬ 
nation of Mr. Bradley. 

The Presiding Officer. Does the Chair hear a further second to the 
nomination of Mr. Bradley? [After a pause.l If not, the Clerk will proceed 
with the calling of the roll of States. 

When New Jersey was called: 

Mr. Sewell of New Jersey. Mr. President — 

The Presiding Officer. The gentleman from New Jersey. 

Mr. Sewell. New Jersey desires to present the name of William Walter 
Phelps, and there will be several presentation speeches. I think this con¬ 
vention is in such a tired condition that it is not able to do justice to the sub¬ 
ject; and I therefore move that we take a recess until 5 o’clock. 

The Presiding Officer. The Chair rules that a motion to take a recess 
is not in order during the calling of the roll, except, of course, by unanimous 
consent. [Cries of “No, no.”] To that the Chair hears objection. Mr. 
Sewell has the floor. 

Mr. Sewell. Will it be in order for me to move a suspension of the 
rules in order that we may take a recess? 

The Presiding Officer. The convention is simply executing one of its 
rules. No other motion is in order excepting the calling of the roll. 

Mr. Sewell. A motion to suspend ought to be in order. I move, Mr. 
Chairman, to suspend the rules. In the ordinary sense of the term “calling 
the roll” is for a vote. The Chair will recollect that we are simply calling the 
roll for nominations. 

Mr. Hiscock of New York. I suggest that we can afford to finish the 
further labor of this convention with deliberation. There seems to be a 
prevailing sentiment that a recess should be taken, and I hope that unani- 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 215 

mous consent will be given, that the gentleman from New Jersey may make 
nis motion. 

The Presiding Officer. The Chair hears no objection. 

A Delegate. I object. 

The Presiding Officer. The question is upon the motion to take a re¬ 
cess until 5 o’clock this afternoon. 

A Delegate. Make it 7. 

Mr. Hiscock. The gentleman moves to amend by making it 7 this even- 
mg. [Cries of “No, no,” and “Question.”] 

The Presiding Officer. The question is on the amendment; shall the 
convention take a recess until 7 o’clock? 

The amendment was not agreed to. 

I he Presiding Officer. The question now is upon the original motion 
to take a recess until 5 o’clock. 

Mr. Boutelle of Maine. Mr. President— 

The Presiding Officer. The question is not debatable. 

Mr. Boutelle. I move to amend by making it 6 o’clock. [Cries of “5.”] 

The Presiding Officer. The question is on the amendment of the gen¬ 
tleman from Maine to take a recess until 6 o’clock this evening. 

Mr. Marine of Maryland. The motion was lost, and an amendment is 
not in order. It was so declared by the Chairman. 

The Presiding Officer. Further amendment is of course in order. 

The amendment of Mr. Boutelle was agreed to. 

The Presiding Officer. I am requested to announce that the new Na¬ 
tional Committee will meet at room 44, the Grand Pacific Hotel, at 4 o’clock. 

Thereupon at 3 109 p. m. the convention took a recess until 6 o’clock. 


EVENING SESSION. 

The convention reassembled pursuant to adjournment, and was called to 
order at 6:10 p. m. 

The President. The convention will come to order. We have two or 
three communications important to members of the convention, and if the 
delegates will be seated the communications will be read. 

Reading Clerk Martin read the following: 

Chicago June 25, 1888. —To the Chairman National Republican Nom¬ 
inating Convention —Dear Sir: With regard to the excursion tickets expir¬ 
ing by time limitation on June 25, you are hereby authorized and requested 
to announce in the convention that the railway lines of the West, North 
and Southwest will honor such tickets for return passage by trains starting 
from Chicago up to and including the day following the final adjournment 
of the convention. The announcement is made in behalf of the Chicago & 
Alton, the Chicago, Santa Fe & California, the Chicago. Rock Island & 
Pacific, the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy, the Chicago & Northwestern, the 
Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul, the Chicago, St. Paul & Kansas City, the Illi¬ 
nois Central, and the Wisconsin Central Railways. Yours trulv, 

John N. Abbott, 

Chairman Western States Passenger Association. 



216 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The President. There is another announcement to which the convention 
will please give attention. 

Reading Clerk Martin made this announcement: 

The members of the Republican National Committee will meet at Room 
44, Grand Pacific Hotel, at 9 o’clock this evening, or immediately after ad¬ 
journment. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: At the time of taking the 
recess the convention had reached the State of New Jersey in announcing the 
candidates for the position of Vice-President, and the gentleman from that 
State, Senator Sewell, had the floor. Senator Sewell of New Jersey is en¬ 
titled to the floor. 

Mr. Sewell of New Jersey. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from New Jersey. 


NAMING OF WILLIAM WALTER PHELPS. 

Mr. Sewell. I yield the floor to Mr. John W. Griggs, who on behalf 
of this delegation, will present the name of New Jersey’s choice for Vice- 
President, William Walter Phelps. 

The President. Mr. Sewell yields the floor to Mr. Griggs of the New 
Jersey delegation, who will present the name of Mr. Phelps. 

Mr. Griggs. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Griggs of New Jersey. 

Mr. Griggs. Gentlemen of the Convention: New Jersey desires to .en¬ 
gage the business attention of these delegates. Well known as a doubtful 
State, closely associated by neighborhood with the doubtful States of New 
York and Connecticut, supremelv concerned in the great issue that now vexes 
and divides the country, New Jersey submits to the judgment of this conven¬ 
tion that policy and expediency dictate that the candidate for the Vice- 
Presidency should be taken from that State. We remember with pride that 
in two of the most memorable political contests ever waged in this country 
New Jersey furnished a candidate to aid as well as to adorn the ticket that 
then upheld the same principle that the Republican party now upholds. In 
1844 Henry Clav of Kentucky, and Theodore Frelinghuysen of New Jersey 
bore the standard of the American system in a contest that is still remem¬ 
bered as unexampled in interest and enthusiasm. In 1856 when the new party 
of freedom—devoted to free soil, free men, but not to free trade—first flung 
its political banner to the breeze, that banner bore the names of John C. 
Fremont of Illinois, “the pathfinder,” and William L. Dayton of New Jersey, 
the statesman. Again New Jersey presents a name honored and well known 
for a position on the ticket. By a statement that I hold in my hand, it 
appears that those States that are classed as surely Republican, will give 
to the ticket that you nominate 182 electoral votes. By your action to-day 
you have added to that list the fifteen electoral votes of the State of Indi¬ 
ana. Therefore, if you can add to that 197 the electoral votes of the State 
of New Jersey, you have elected your ticket and redeemed the country. The 
candidate we name is equally strong in the three doubtful States of Con¬ 
necticut, New York and New Jersey. Born in Connecticut, educated there, 
by adoption and by public service he is a citizen and son of New Jersey. His 
large business interests, his large personal acquaintance, embrace the citi¬ 
zens of these three States. Representing for four terms in Congress one 
of the most influential and powerful manufacturing districts of the country, 
he has secured by unexampled popularity the support of men of all parties, 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 217 

and of all nationalities. He is a vote winner. He is a successful candi¬ 
date. Whenever he leads the ticket in New Jersey, William Walter Phelps 
stands ten per cent, in Democratic votes above every other name upon the 
ticket. He is the young men’s candidate. His face is not turned toward 
the Last where the star eyed goddess thinks she sees the rising sun of free 
trade but is turned everywhere here about us in our great land, where the 
noonday sun of prosperity is shining. He is not one that proposes first to 
notify the occupants and then to take the roof off of the house, but he is 
one in favor of a system that proposes to put a roof over every laboring 
man in the United States, and to make him the owner of his house tree. 
In this contest it is desirable that we should have men that represent the 
issues of to-day. Our candidate, while he is proud of the glorious past of 
this great party, still lives not in it, but his thought dwells upon the new 
issues, the new interests, the new matters that now confront this great Re¬ 
public, where the next century already beckons us forward, and where the 
young men who are strong are waited for to carry on the great progress of 
this country, and to work out our great destiny in the time to come. Our 
candidate is for American ideas, for American labor, for American wages, 
for American homes, for the American svstem of Henry Clay and James G. 
Blaine. It may well be that New York is important; it may well be that 
Kentucky is important; it is equally true that New Jersey is important, and 
with the nomination of William Walter Phelps you have secured the nine 
electoral votes of New Jersey. You have perhaps also secured the electoral 
votes of New York and Connecticut, but you had better make sure of the 
nine than to strive for others that some unfortunate person with a baneful 
habit of alliteration may lose for us by 1,100 votes. In this campaign we 
are to assault the enemy’s line; heretofore we have been used to meet their 
assaults, and to hold our own line. What we want is to be so formed and 
so led that it will not be necessary to halt and dress the line. You remem¬ 
ber that day in October, 1864, down in the Shenandoah Valley; in the gray 
dawn, the Confederate army stealthily, and by unknown paths, had crept 
forward and surprised the union army, driven it from its camp, and started 
it in rout down the Shenandoah, but to that routed, driven army comes 
riding from Winchester, twenty miles away, Sheridan, its absent commander. 
He halts the lines; he faces them the other way, and as he rides down along 
the column he cheers their courage and revives their drooping spirits as 
he cries, “Never mind boys, we will whip them yet. We will sleep in our 
old camp to-night;” and as the column returned and assaulted the rebels 
engaged in that occupation of plunder and spoils which is so congenial to 
them, they did what their leader promised, and the army that had swept 
over the field in triumph at dawn, at night was a mass of straggling fugi¬ 
tives. So, now, while the Democracy, after twenty-four years of hunger and 
deprivation, gorge themselves with the plunder and spoils of office, we wait 
for our leader to come and say: “Never mind, boys, we will whip them yet. 
We will be in our old quarters next March.” The ticket that shall do this— 
the leaders that shall so achieve, are those that New Jersey would have 

you name. The ticket we believe in is Harrison and Phelps. We will set 

Harrison against Cleveland, the New York fetich of the Democracy; and 
against Thurman, the reminiscence of dead political heresies, we will set 

Phelps, the live, active, aggressive man of to-day; and against the old ban¬ 

dana we will set the starry flag of America. 

The President. Is there a second to the nomination of William Walter 
Phelps of New Jersey, for the position of Vice-President? 

Mr. Butterworth of Ohio. Gen. Gibson of Ohio, will second the nom¬ 
ination. 

Mr. Gibson of Ohio. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Ohio. 


218 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Gibson. Gentlemen of the Convention. I am a Renublican. I 
was present when that party was born, and I doubt if there be in this pres¬ 
ence another man who was in La Fayette Hall, Pittsburg, in February, 
1856, when this party adopted its first platform and address, and entered 
upon the grand career that has written the proudest pages of American 
history. I am more. I am a survivor of eleven Presidential campaigns, and 
I am wild for the twelfth. I commenced my political shouting for “Tippe¬ 
canoe and Tyler, too,” and I am as good as new to-day. We have nomi¬ 
nated the great grandson of a man who 112 years ago sent circling around 
the globe that immortal Declaration of Independence. We have nominated 
the grandson of William Henry Harrison, whose sword gleamed at Tippe¬ 
canoe, flashed on the slopes of Fort Meigs, and swept in glorious triumph 
on the Thames. We have nominated Gen. Harrison of Indiana, a states¬ 
man, a soldier, and a gentleman; and I second the nomination of that ac¬ 
complished gentleman, that tried statesman, that polished scholar, William 
Walter Phelps of New Jersev for Vice-President. And now I want to tell you 
what will happen if this is the ticket. We can carry Indiana and New Tersev 
dead sure. And I will take the word of Mr. Depew that we can carry New 
York. In short, I propose that we shall carry the solid North, in favor of the 
ticket, and pluck from the solid Democracy Kentucky, Tennessee and West 
Virginia—bring them all in. Gentlemen of the convention, let us have a 
grand campaign. Put on Phelps, the man who led New Jersey to its first 
Republican victory in 1872—the young man; I am young myself, and there¬ 
fore I like him. I don’t know how much longer I am going to live, but 
I want some stout, grand fellow to stand by, and while I go up like an 
ascending Elijah, I want some young man to pick up my mantle and wear 
it in the forefront of the battle until protection to American labor, to 
American homes, to the American ballot, and to all that is American shall 
be the common birthright and heritage of all. Vote for William Walter 
Phelps. 

Mr. Henderson of Iowa. Iowa also seconds the nomination of Mr. 
Phelps. 

Mr. Egan of Nebraska. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Egan of Nebraska. 

Mr. Egan. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: At our 
convention here to-day we nominated for the head of the National ticket 
a man of whose brave deeds as a soldier, of whose high character as a 
patriot and a statesman all America feels proud. We nominated a man— 
a man— 

The President. Take your time, Mr. Egan, we have got more time to¬ 
night than anything else. 

Mr. Egan. Let us complete the good work so auspiciously begun, by 
nominating for the high office of Vice-President a man whose ability and 
patriotism will add, if possible, additional luster to the ticket. Let us indorse 
the nomination of New Jersey, and with Harrison and Phelps in the van 
the success of the Republican party next November will be assured. I 
heartily second the nomination of William Walter Phelps. 

Mr. J. P. Dolliver of Iowa. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Iowa. 

Mr. Dolliver. Gentlemen > of the Convention: Coming from a State 
that will give every Republican vote in it for any man who is nominated for 
the office of Vice-President, I find a special pleasure, on the part of members 
of the delegation from Iowa, in seconding the nomination of Mr. Phelps of 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 219 

New Jersey. As I looked for days upon the noise and storm of these pro¬ 
ceedings, upon the warfare of opinion and prejudice and ambition, I have 
more than once recalled the favorite maxim that considered with how little 
wisdom mankind get themselves governed; but as I have seen the develop- 
ment of your proceedings, and the magnificent triumph of common sense 
that has crowned them all, I find here an evidence that there is a providence 
of God with the Republican party, guiding us to a sure and certain triumph 
in November. We have already guarded our strategic point in this cam¬ 
paign. I hope the convention will have the wisdom to guard another 
strategic point of our politics by the nomination of Mr. Phelps of New Jer¬ 
sey. With that combination we are in excellent shape to make away with 
our ancient enemy. They are in worse position to-day than they were four 
years ago; for more than a thousand of their promissory notes have come 
due in the four years, and not one of them has been paid, not one. It was 
a saying of Abraham Lincoln that you could fool all the people some of the 
time, you could fool some of the people all the time, but you could not fool 
all of the people all of the time. That profound element of wisdom is the 
thing that has produced the reaction against the false pretences which car¬ 
ried the Democratic party into power; and with a ticket popular at two of 
the points where the fight of the campaign is to be made, there can be no 
possible doubt of the final success of the Republican party. Therefore, com¬ 
ing from a State that more than thirty years ago laid the Democratic party 
away, and since that time has not even looked in to see how the corpse was 
coming on, I second the nomination of Mr. Phelps of New Jersey. 

Mr. A. J. Rosenthal of Texas. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Texas. 

Mr. Rosenthal. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: It 
may seem to you impertinent upon the part of the State of Texas—a State 
which cannot furnish or promise you a single electoral vote, to come here 
before you for the purpose of seconding the nomination of any gentleman. 
But I take it that I am not only a citizen of Texas, but I claim to be a 
citizen of these United States and a true and faithful Republican, and as 
such I take the liberty to speak here not only as a citizen of these United 
States by accident, but, gentlemen of the convention, a citizen of these United 
States, by choice—a naturalized citizen; and it is for these foreign born 
citizens that I want to speak to you. The German-Americans, to which 
class I belong, have for long years idolized and adored the honorable gentle¬ 
man and statesman from New Jersey, William Walter Phelps, and it is to 
him, on behalf of these German-Americans, that I want to pay my tribute. 
We recognize in him a statesman, a typical American, a protectionist per¬ 
sonified, a scholar and an orator, and last, but not least, my fellow citizens, 
we recognize in him the bosom friend of that honored statesman from 
Maine, James G. Blaine. With a soldier and statesman like Gen. Harrison 
at the head of our ticket, with a statesman like William Walter Phelps in 
the second place, with the idea of protection, which by the way, my fellow 
citizens, is taking hold now in the South, for wherever you establish among 
us a manufactory, you plant a protectionist colony; with such men, with 
such representatives of the American idea of protection, victory will surely 
be ours. I thank you for your attention. 

The President. Does the Chair hear a further second to the nomina¬ 
tion- of Mr. Phelps? If not, the Clerk will call the next State. 

Mr. Bulla of North Carolina. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from North Carolina. 

Mr. Bulla. I am not going to make a speech of any length, Mr. Presi¬ 
dent, and can say satisfactorily to myself and this convention all that I want 
to say standing right here. We of North Carolina for two weeks have 


220 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


thought that the American flag, the glorious stars and stripes, would suc¬ 
cessfully do up the red bandana. We know, Mr. President, William Walter 
Phelps will fight the battle against the red bandana, and there is no ques¬ 
tion as to what the result will be: and in the name of the young and pro¬ 
gressive Republicans of North Carolina, it gives me great pleasure to second 
the nomination of the Hon. William Walter Phelps of New Jersey. 

The President. Does the Chair hear a further second to the nomina¬ 
tion of Mr. Phelps? 

Mr. Boutelle of Maine. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Boutelle of Maine. 

Mr. Boutelle. My only excuse for a reappearance upon this platform 
is a sense of duty which I feel to add my tribute of personal regard and ad¬ 
miration for the abilities, the patriotism, and the tried and proved Republi¬ 
canism of William Walter Phelps of New Jersey. It has been well said here 
to-day that one of the strategical points of this campaign upon which we 
are about to enter is that great hive of industry amid which Mr. Phelps 
has his residence. Although I cannot claim citizenship in the State of 
New Jersey, I can say to this intelligent and earnest gathering of Repub¬ 
licans that it has been my fortune to face the Republican audiences of that 
State in several of its most important campaigns, and I am able to assure 
you without a moment of hesitation, that no man in the Republican party 
to-day holds so large a share of the confidence, the affection, the respect 
of the Republicans of New Jersey, and no man known to me can com¬ 
mand so large a vote among the Republicans of New Jersey as William 
Walter Phelps. He is a statesman, he is a scholar, a skilled diplomatist, 
a brilliant orator; a forcible champion of protection, an eloquent advocate 
of a free ballot and a fair count; a Republican from the crown of his head 
to the sole of his feet; the most liberal and kind-hearted and democratic rich 
man I have ever known; a man beloved of the people, a friend of the work¬ 
ing man, a sympathizer with the citizenship of his country. William Walter 
Phelps of New Jersey, can carry the banner of the Republican party to vic¬ 
tory in that State this year if any man, living on the American continent 
can do it. 

The President. Does the Chair hear a further second to the nomina¬ 
tion of Mr. Phelps? If not, the Clerk will proceed to call the roll of 
States. 

NAMING OF LEVI P. MORTON. 

When New York was called: 

Mr. Miller of New York. Mr. President — 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention. Senator Warner Miller 
of New York. 

Mr. Miller. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: The 
time for platitudes and encomiums has passed. We have been here for 
nearly a week, during which time we have given to the Republican party 
and to the American people a platform of principles upon which every 
loyal lover of America can stand. It is an American platform from top to 
bottom. We have to-day put in nomination a representative American, one 
whom we can all support without any hesitation or reservation. New York 
came here, sir, and sought the suffrages of this convention for its most 
gifted and brilliant son. It came bringing you assurances of victory in the 
Empire State, if you would name our candidate for President. But when 
we learned that this convention was not likely to ratify our choice, we with¬ 
drew him from its consideration. We did it in sorrow but not in anger. 


221 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 

For many years the Republican party in the State of New York has been 
rent by factional fights in its ranks. For the first time in almost a genera¬ 
tion the delegation from the State of New York, representing thirty-six 
electoral votes, have come to this convention and have been able to act in 
absolute harmony and accord. The harmony you have witnessed on the 
part of the delegation of the State of New York shall not cease here, gen¬ 
tlemen of the convention. We propose to carry it home with us and to 
carry it into the contest. The gentleman whom I am instructed to name 
as the unanimous choice of our delegation for Vice-President is a man with 
whom I have crossed swords in partisan strife; but I assure you here now, 
gentlemen, that if you concede to our wish and give us this man as our 
candidate for Vice-President, our swords shall be drawn only in the 
common cause. And I can give you the same pledge for every section and 
faction of the party in our State or represented here to-dav. By your 
action you have made it possible for the Republicans to carry the State 
of Indiana. By your further action you may make it possible to carry 
the State of New York. There is no time to talk about friendships. There 
is no time to talk about the brilliant qualities of candidates. We have be¬ 
gun to organize victory here to-day, and if you will aid the State of New 
York in the efforts which it has been making of late, and which have 
so far succeeded as to bring us absolutely together—I say, if you will aid 
us here in this convention to-day by taking our candidate for Vice-Presi¬ 
dent, I give you our word, one and all. that from this day forward there 
shall be no stopping of our onward march for victory in that State. Do 
not forget the situation, gentlemen, wherever you may come from, whether 
from Texas, or Iowa, or California. Do not forget that this great battle 
is to be fought out in New York, Mr. President, and gentlemen. The 
Democratic party has thrown down the gauge of battle there, and they 
challenge us to lift it. Do not forget that the present Executive of the 
United States, and the candidate for re-election come from our State. Do 
not forget either that the two most important Secretaryships that of the 
Treasury and of the Navy, are to-day held by New York Democrats; and 
you know what that means in this contest. Do not forget that the city 
government of our great metropolis is in the hands of the enemy; do not for¬ 
get that the State government is in the hands of the enemy; aye, it requires 
the courage of giants to take up the fight in New York. But we propose 
to lift the gauge of battle, and if you will help us here to-day as you only 
can help us, we will carry the fight to a successful conclusion. Refuse us 
that boon, gentlemen, and we will still go home and do all that mortal men 
can, but we shall go home sick at heart and discouraged. If you love the 
party, if you want to see success above other things, I appeal to you in the 
name of your loyalty to the party, and of its future success, that you will at 
least, in this matter, hear the voice of New York. I shall spend no time in 
dwelling upon the virtues or the qualifications of our candidate. He is a 
man who has achieved great success as a business man. He has made an 
honorable record in the House of Representatives, and he has been one of 
our foremost representatives in a foreign country. He is known for his lib¬ 
erality by all of our people. If you will here to-night name, by substantial 
unanimity, our choice, we will go home, and we will inscribe upon our ban¬ 
ner, “American wages for American workmen, American markets for Amer¬ 
ican people, and protection for American homes,” and in that sign we can¬ 
not be defeated. In behalf of the united delegation from the State of New 
York—aye, Mr. President, in behalf of the united Republican party of the 
State of New York—I name the Hon. Levi P. Morton. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: The name of Levi P. 
Morton of New York, is placed in nomination. Is there a second? 

Mr. Gage of California. Mr. President— 


222 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The President. The gentleman from California. 

Mr. Gage. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: California 
came here not solely in the interest of any one man, not solely in the interest 
of any one locality, but we came here in the interest of this whole land. 
We came here in the interest of the Republican party, and, sir, from the very 
moment we arrived we have been governed and guided by that idea in all 
our deliberations, and we are disposed to concede that and believe in that, 
so far as this whole convention is concerned. Mr. President, we believe it 
was the outgrowth of that idea—that that is what actuated you all this morn¬ 
ing in the nomination of the great statesman and patriot, Benjamin Harri¬ 
son. Gentlemen, one of the shrewdest and greatest Democratic politicians of 
the country said a few days ago, that if the Republican party were wise 
enough to select candidates who could carry Indiana and New York, we 
could defeat Cleveland and Thurman. I believe that in the selection which 
you made this morning, you have accomplished one of those results—that 
the battle in Indiana is practically won—that she is ours politically to-day. 
Now, let us not lose sight of that same proposition in our future delibera¬ 
tions. I think I see before me an opportunity to secure the electoral vote of 
New York for the Republican party. Governed by that idea, on behalf of 
California, I rise to second the nomination of that distinguished citizen of 
the Empire State, Levi P. Morton, a man who is better loved, and can poll 
more votes on the far-off Pacific shores, than any other man living upon this 
earth, save and except the great American commoner, James G. Blaine. Gen¬ 
tleman, I hope you will give us the opportunity to champion his cause, as 
well as that of Benjamin Harrison. 

Mr. Foster of Ohio. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Ohio, Mr. Foster. 

Mr. Foster. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: Ohio 
came to this Convention with a candidate, as we thought, entitled to this 
nomination. Our fondest hopes have been broken, but we are willing to con¬ 
cede, aye, I am certain that it is true, that this Convention has begun well, 
and that the nomination of Benjamin Harrison is sure to carry the State of 
Indiana, and I believe the entire country, but let us make it absolutely cer¬ 
tain. In 1880 a distinguished son of Ohio was nominated for President, 
and we thought it would be wise to give the Vice-Presidency at that time 
to the State of New York. We gave is to the State of New York. Does 
any man here to-day doubt that the nomination of Arthur of New York, 
gave us victory in November, 1880? So I say to you, gentlemen, in the interest 
of good politics, of the good sense of this situation, give this nomination to Levi 
P. Morton of New York. I know Mr. Morton personally, and can assure you 
that he is in every sense of the words worthy and capable. I may mention 
an incident, I think with great propriety on this occasion, in relation to 
him. Years ago, during the Irish famine, he sent at his own expense, a load 
of provisions to the famished Irishmen and refused to have the fact made 
public. So I say, gentlemen of this Convention, on the part of a portion of 
the delegation of Ohio, that we second the nomination of Levi P. Morton, 
believing that the best politics requires the giving to him of this nomina¬ 
tion. 

Mr. Hallowell of Kansas. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Kansas has the floor. 

Mr. Hallowell. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: For 
four years nearly all the Republicans of this Union have constantly looked 
toward the Empire State for the purpose of determining who would be most 
satisfactory to them to unite the great Republican party of that State in 
this contest, and they have to-day made a choice, in connection with other 
members of this Convention, and nominated that fearless statesman, that 




223 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 

great and gallant soldier, that eminent gentleman, Benjamin Harrison. Kan¬ 
sas, the home of John Brown, with her 18,000 majority, came here looking 
to the doubtful States to know with whom we could succeed, and they have 
selected my old comrade-in-arms, General Harrison. Now, fellow dele¬ 
gates, entwine in that wreath the name of Levi P. Morton, and victory is 
ours. We have provided for Indiana. New York is here united; New 
Jersey and Connecticut will stand by, and we will teach the Democracy that 
there is punishment after death. 

Mr. Hastings of Pennsylvania. Mr. President — 

1 he President. Gen. Hastings of Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Hastings. Mr. President and Gentlemen: Pennsylvania, with fifty- 
two votes, instructs me to say to you that she believes that the battle ground 
in this campaign will be in the State of New York. She instructs me to say 
that the second State in the Union should now reach out her hands to the 
great, the first, the Empire State of the Union, and give her help. She 
believes that the gallant people of New Jersey can win anyhow. And with 
that ticket as true as liberty and God lives, Harrison and Morton will be 
victorious. 

Mr. P. F. Oliver of South Carolina. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from South Carolina. 

Mr. Oliver. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: Coming 
from South • Carolina, as I do, a State that is Republican to the core, and 
which has a majority of 35,000, but which has not been able to roll up that 
majority since 1876, and as it is necessary that the Republican party gain 
absolute control of this government again, that all of the citizens under the 
stars and stripes may exercise their rights and privileges, it is essential that 
this convention put at the head of the ticket and in the second place, such 
men as will sweep this country from these great lakes here at the North 
to the gulf in the South, and from the Pacific to the Atlantic. And as we 
have selected to-dav the Hon. Benjamin Harrison who will on his part 
sweep the country, if we select now for the second place the Hon. Levi P. 
Morton of New York, I feel satisfied that upon the Ides of November we will 
succeed in getting the country into the hands of Republicans again. On behalf 
of the delegation from South Carolina, I second the nomination of the Hon. 
Levi P. Morton. 

Mr. Wm. E. Sims of Virginia. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Virginia. 

Mr. Sims. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the! Convention: I regret 
that I have to appear before you to-night; and I only do it because Virginia 
has occupied no time in this convention, and I do not want you to forget 
that there is a State of Virginia. She has proved herself first in war, like 
her citizen George Washington, and I hope I can promise you that she will 
prove herself first in peace, also like him. Gentlemen of the Convention, it' 
has been thirty-one years—and I hate to think it has been so long—since I 
met William Walter Phelps on the Yale College campus in New Haven, 
Conn. I was a green Southern boy from the State of Mississippi, and he 
hailed then, I believe, from the grand old State of New York. I admired 
him from the first time I saw him for his ability. I respected him for his 
manhood, I loved him for himself. The boy was father to the man. William 
Walter Phelps to-day is what William Walter Phelps was then in all that 
makes up nobility of soul and true manhood. I have watched his career, 
though a great gulf separated us—I in the South and he in the North. I 
watched his career, though oceans separated us. when he was in Austria 
and I was here. I watched his career as a member of Congress. I watched 
his career when he aided in wrestling the grand State of New Jersey from 
the hands of the enemv. I watched him four years ago when he gave his 


224 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


time, his means and his labors to the Republican party in the Presidential 
canvass of 1884. Why, the distinguished gentleman from New York, Mr. 
Miller, tells you that he wants you to nominate a man for his generosity. 
I ask, where will you find a more generous man that William Walter Phelps? 
Where else will you find a man who gave a whole town to the State of 
Texas; who would not stand on quibbles and technicalities, but gave up to 
the people of a town, in the State of Texas, his land, for worthless prairie 
on the outside. I see many bald heads and many gray heads around me— 
I cannot appeal to this convention as young men, because if I did I should 
get left by a large majority; but there is a young element in our party, which 
demands some sort of recognition, and William Walter Phelps is put for¬ 
ward as the representative of this younger element. When he combines 
everything that is necessary to fill the office of Vice-President, or President 
either, we ask you to give to the people of Virginia, the people of the East, 
a man that we feel can carry these Eastern States. And why can’t he carry 
New York? He is a New Yorker as much as my distinguished friend [Mr. 
Miller]. He was born, I believe, and raised in that State, and New York 
asks you to give her the Vice-Presidency as a boon. Why, we gave New 
York the boon she asked. She cast seventy-two votes for Harrison, and 
we voted for him, and she got her boon. Now, give the East one little boon. 
Give us William ^Walter Phelps. 

Mr. B. F. Marsh of Illinois. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Illinois. 

Mr. Marsh. Gentlemen of the Convention: The State of Illinois, which 
I in part represent upon this floor, remembering well the support that Indiana 
gave in the memorable contest in this State in i860, remembering how Indi¬ 
ana in that year seconded the nomination of Abraham Lincoln, and learn¬ 
ing, as we had learned, that Indiana had a candidate for the Presidency for 
the nomination of this convention—knowing and remembering these things, 
the Republicans of the Prairie State everywhere came forth in the advo¬ 
cacy of an Indiana man for the nomination for President. It is true that 
when the Illinois delegates arrived here in Chicago they were a little mixed 
about which Indiana man we should really take, but upon the eighth ballot 
we all got there right. Illinois came here to assist in the nomination of a 
man who would be acceptable to the Republican party of this whole country, 
a man who could unite every faction in the broad land in support of the 
Republican ticket, and looking upon the doubtful State of Indiana we stood 
by an Indiana nominee from the beginning to the end. Now, gentlemen, 
having taken care of Indiana, having taken her out of the doubtful ranks, 
having placed her among the Republican States of this country, Illinois 
now looks to the doubtful State of New York. We propose to do by you 
in New York, and for the Republican party of this country what we did 
for Indiana, and I rise, gentlemen, for the purpose of seconding the nomina¬ 
tion of that magnificent man, Levi P. Morton. You have placed at the 
head of your column a great soldier, a great citizen and a great statesman. 
Now, place as second in command that man who is not only a statesman, 
but a magnificent representative of the business interests of this great coun¬ 
try. I thank you for your attention. 

Mr. James R. Chalmers of Mississippi. Mr. President — 

The President. Gen. Chalmers of Mississippi. 

Mr. Chalmers. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: We 
have Scriptural authority for saying that there is more joy in heaven over 
one sinner that repenteth than over ninety and nine just men that are per¬ 
fect. I, Mr. President, was born a Democrat. I was reared a Democrat. 
I was one of those who belonged to the Confederate army, who, when the 
first bugle sounded calling men to arms, went to the front, and I staid there 



REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 225 

until the fight was ended, the flag was furled in surrender, and the muf¬ 
fled drums were heard to beat the last sad requiem over a lost cause. [Ap¬ 
plause.] When the war was over I was still a Democrat. I went to the 
American Congress as a Democrat. I went there, though, chiefly seeking to 
build up the waste places of the South, and I remember that when first the 
scourge of yellow fever went sweeping over the land, and we of the South 
were asking for help, I found the Republican party, under the leadership 
of that great man, James A. Garfield, standing up and helping us there. 
Again, when the wild waste of waters came, when the Mississippi was devas¬ 
tating our country, when our people were camping on the house-tops and 
upon the tree-tops, and we were asking for help from the National Gov¬ 
ernment, the Republican party came and stretched forth its hand to assist 
a suffering people. [Applause.] But my Democratic brethren stood there 
talking about the resolutions of ’98 and ’ 99 . [Laughter and applause.] 
Again, when I looked at our country and saw that lighthouses were built 
from one end of the Mississippi to the other, those lamps by which the pilot 
can guide his vessel ; when I saw that the mouth of the Mississippi River 
itself was open, and jetties were built, and great vessels from the ocean came 
floating right up to the wharf at New Orleans, I saw that this, too, had been 
done by that hated (?) Republican party which I had been taught to despise. 
[Applause.] I remembered again that when the floods came the first Presi¬ 
dent of the United States who ever dared to send a message to Congress 
asking fon aid for the Mississippi levees was Chester A. Arthur, the Presi¬ 
dent from New York. [Applause.] When that was done I left the Demo¬ 
cratic party. I went into the opposition six years ago as an Independent, 
but I found that fighting between the lines was as bad a thing in politics 
as it was in war. [Laughter and applause.] A man can’t afford to be shot 
at by both sides. [Laughter.] For that reason, when this canvass came up, 
I said I will go square over into the Republican party, and I am here to 
declare my alliance to it to-night. I come now to take up my alignment 
with the great army of Republicans. I come to bear aloft the flag you are 
fighting under, and I hope to keep step to the music of the Union. [Cheers.] 

I loved the South in my childhood, and love her no less to-day; and I 
come here because I love her, and because I find that the Democratic party, 
in its hide-bound notions, is opposed to everything like progress [Cheers], 
and that the Republican party stands ready, always moving on, always'pitch¬ 
ing its guidon still to the front, and then moving its alignment up. I find 
the Republican party to be willing not only to build up its own section, not 
only to give protection to manufactories in the North, but, sirs, the genial 
influence of that protection is now being felt in the South. We are begin¬ 
ning to have our manufactories. We are beginning to see that what you 
call the “hot-house plants” of the United States are beginning to grow in 
the Southern land, and my love for the South, that once made me a Dem¬ 
ocrat, now makes me a Republican. [Cheers.] For this reason I stand 
here to say to you, gentlemen, that I do not coincide with those friends 
from my section who have talked about having a Southern man nominated 
for Vice-President. It might be a compliment; it might be well in some 
respects, but in my judgment it would be like the charge of the Light Bri¬ 
gade at Balaklava. It might be grand, but it wouldn’t be politics. [Cheers.] 
You are called on now to make a terrible struggle. You don’t know it. You 
seem scarcely to realize it, but we, in the Southern States, who live under 
an oligarchy, know what you have to meet. There is no more chance in 
the State of Mississippi for my vote to be counted than for that of the most 
ignorant negro who undertakes to vote against the Democratic party. 
[Laughter and applause.] Ballot-box stuffing has got to be one of the fine 
arts in that country. [Laughter.] And the remarkable change that comes 
over a Republican ballot when it is placed in a Democratic ballot-box and 
manipulated by Democratic hands is as great as the change that happened 


226 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


when the rod of Aaron swallowed up the rods of the magician, in the olden 
time. [Loud laughter and applause.] You have to fight then, against the 
solid Democratic South. If you are to win there must be a solid Repub¬ 
lican North. [Loud applause.] How are you to get it? You must go on 
as you have begun. With great wisdom and foresight, with that foresight 
which always marks a great commander, you have found a strategic point, 
and occupied it. The enemy overlooked it. They marched by it. The enemy 
would not camp on Indiana. But the Republicans have planted their banner 
there, and thus was taken one strategic point. [Loud applause and cries of 
“Good,” “Good.”] Now, then you want another. It won’t do to send our 
cavalry to charge against an enemy that is in entrenchments. The Democ¬ 
racy are entrenched in the South. They are to-day entrenched in New York. 
They have the Governor. They have the President. They have the city 
government. They are behind entrenchments. It won’t do to charge them 
with cavalry. You must send the old guard if you desire to succeed. I say, 
then, that wisdom demands, that policy demands, and the best interests of a 
suffering people in the South demand that you shall nominate a man from 
New York to stand by the man from Indiana. [Applause.] I speak, gentle¬ 
men, not only for myself, but for that delegation [pointing to Mississippi 
delegation], which is half and half to-day, one-half freedmen, made free by 
the action of the Republican party, the other half confederate soldiers. 
[Cheers.] We recognize that the war is over; that your flag is now our 
flag [Applause and cries of “Good”], and we who have attempted to carry 
out the doctrines of the Republican narty, and to secure a fair vote and a 
fair count for the colored man in the South, have lost our own votes. [Laugh¬ 
ter, and cries of “That’s true.”] We are waiting anxiously for you, men of 
the North, to carry this election, and when you do carry it we shall have 
some hope, because in this platform that you adopted for the first time, as 
I understand it, you have not only declared in general terms, in platitudes, 
in favor of a fair election, but you have put down in black and white that 
henceforth and forever you are in favor of effective legislation to secure fair 
elections in the South. [Great applause.] 

Mr. Charles H. Treat of Delaware. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Delaware. 

Mr. Treat. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: We have 
heard the Macedonian cry from the Empire State of New York, the battle 
ground of political giants in the coming campaign. Delaware’s little heart 
has been made glad that she has brought her little bundle of political sheaves 
and placed them at the feet of the eminent soldier and distinguished states¬ 
man, General Harrison. We have done it more with a purpose and more with a 
feeling than perhaps is known to this Convention. We are renowned sim¬ 
ply as being the State owned as a pocket borough by distinguished gentle¬ 
men in the Democratic party, and to-day we feel that our existence is seri¬ 
ously threatened when we think of the treaty with Great Britain on the 
fishery question, that what little we have left Queen Victoria will appropri¬ 
ate for her Canadian friends. I tell you, gentlemen, we want a man in the 
White House that will care not only for the interests of the little diamond 
State, but we want one with patriotism so large that he will expand from 
the golden shores of the Pacific to the mighty commercial emporium of 
New York. We wish you to understand that we have come here and fought 
steadily for the man of our choice, and we did it with a protest and with 
an earnest desire that the man that is in the White House shall have no 
truckling with Great Britain. Why, I tell you the fisheries that border our 
little State are in danger from the Canadian fishhook, against the protest 
of the millions in the swarming sea. They will take all we have, our fish, 
our oysters, our terrapin [Laughter], and we ask for a man there that will 
respect and cherish the commercial rights of our little State. You all well 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 227 

know that it is a common saying of the Democratic party that Mr. Cleveland 
is greater than his party, and Mr. Ihurman is better than his party. The 
grand old Republican party of to-day, with its great nurseries .of states¬ 
men and distinguished patriots knows no" man greater or better than the 
sublime principles of its choice, and we ask that you put in nomination a 
man representing the most gigantic political interests that confront us, so 
that the victory that we ought to win shall not be endangered. I have 
heard the encomiums of the distinguished gentlemen from New Jersey and 
Kentucky, and my heart goes out in sympathy and respect for the loyal 
attitude, for the magnificent service they have rendered our party, but I 
know, if William Walter Phelps lives, that little State of New Jersey will 
still bubble in her exuberance on the sand, and will send back the loudest 
tones of victory on the eve of November; but we want you to take a man 
that I have known since the campaign of 1876—a gentleman that will fill with 
distinguished honor the post of Vice-President; a gentleman who will 
gather in, in all its fulness, the confidence and the following of the gentle¬ 
men from New \ork. I want you to know that we shall follow this ban¬ 
ner, and by and by we will ask this grand old party to take us out of tlje 
bondage of Bayard and Salisbury. We want you to remember that it will 
take something more than Senator Thurman, with all the benefits of his 
experience, to wipe out the pestiferous cry of free trade. 

The President. The Clerk will proceed with the call of the roll of the 
States. 


NAMING OF WILLIAM R. MOORE. 

When Tennessee was called: 

Mr, Samuel A. McElwee of Tennessee. Mr. President — 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: Mr. McElwee of Ten¬ 
nessee. 

Mr. McElwee. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: On 
behalf of Tennessee I rise for the purpose of presenting to this convention 
for your consideration for the Vice-Presidency a patriot, a statesman, a gen¬ 
tleman whose name is synonymous with victory. The gentleman whom I 
shall propose comes from the South, a section of the country, it is true, that 
has not had an electoral vote counted for the nominees of the Republican 
party since 1876. Oppressed by Southern Democrats, and forsaken by the 
Republicans of the North, we have stood firm and remained true and loyal 
to the cause of the party we regard as the grandest that ever existed on the 
American continent. Tennessee is ready to-day to lead in the break of the 
solid South, and thereby assist in wresting this government from the hands 
of the Democratic party; and if this convention, in its wisdom, shall nom¬ 
inate the gentleman whose name I propose, Tennessee, with the grandeur 
and glory of her past history and her hopes of the future, will be forever 
redeemed from the hands of the Democratic party, and claced on the roll of 
the Republican States of the Union. Our candidate is sound on all of the 
great issues, and the peer of any gentleman before this convention. I pre¬ 
sent the name of the Hon. William R. Moore of Tennessee. 

The President. Is there a second to the nomination of Mr. Moore? 

Mr. O. J. Spears of North Carolina. Mr. President: I rise to a ques¬ 
tion of privilege. 

The President. The gentleman from North Carolina rises to a question 
of privilege. Will he state his point of privilege? 

Mr. Spears. North Carolina was passed without being called. 

The President. That is a highly privileged question. 


228 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Spears. Yes. 

The President. The Chair is informed by the Clerk that North Carolina 
was called. 

Mr. Spears. You are mistaken, it was not called. 

The President. If that is the point of privilege it is sustained, and North 
Carolina will be called. 

Reading Clerk Martin. North Carolina. 

Mr. Spears. Now, Mr. President— 

The President. The Chair did not succeed in getting the gentleman’s 
name. Is it Spear, of North Carolina? 

Mr. Spears. No, sir. Spears. [Laughter.] 

The President. Mr. Spears of North Carolina. 

Mr. Spears. Mr. President: My district in North Carolina, the Cape 
Fear district, is settled largely by people from Scotland. [Laughter.] There 
is an old man there, a member of the Presbyterian Church, by the name of 
McGregor, who is an elder in our church. [Laughter.] Whenever the 
Christmas holidays come, and they get some of our good brandy and take 
their eggnog, and the fiddle begins to play [Great laughter]— 

The President. The convention will come to order. 

Mr. Spears. I am going to get to the point. I mean business. [Great 
laughter.] 

The President. The gentleman will please come to the point. 

Mr. Spears. I am coming to the point. Now, Mr. President, I say that 
when the Christmas holidays come, and the fiddle starts up, McGregor is 
sure to dance. I have succeeded at last in doing what he did. After being 
“sessioned” and “sessioned” for dancing and promising that he would not, 
when the fiddle started up one Christmas holiday he jumped out and said, 
“ ‘Session’ and ‘session,’ but McGregor has got the floor,” and I have got it 
at last. [Great laughter.] Now soberly, Mr, President—[Cries of “Plat¬ 
form.”] I cannot get to the platform. [Exhibiting a pair of crutches.] 

The President. The convention will come to order until the gentleman 
stops talking. 

Mr. Spears. I hope it will. [Laughter.] Mr. President, this is the 
proudest hour of my life. [Laughter.] Mr. President, is this a reality, gen¬ 
tlemen, or is it a delusion? [Laughter.] 

The President. Wait one moment. 

Mr. Spears. Am I talking to a thousand Republicans, and white ones 
at that? [Laughter. A voice, “Not all white,” and applause.] Now, I ask 
you to be quiet. I didn’t come here to tell a joke, but to talk business. [A 
voice, “Well, go on.”]. Mr. President and delegates, when I behold on this 
floor the magnanimous magnanimity of the Empire State [Laughter.]—I 
see that one of the prominent delegates—[Disorder.] 

The President. One moment. Does the gentleman rise to place— 

Mr. Spears. Oh, if you will just let me go on I will get to the point. 

The President. Does the gentleman rise to second a nomination? 

Mr. Spears. I will do it if you will just give me a chance. [Laughter.] 

The President. Does the gentleman rise to second a nomination? 

Mr. Spears. Yes, sir. 

The President. The gentleman will proceed, then. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 229 

Mr. Spears. When I see the gentleman from New York [Mr. Depewl 
who was nominated on this floor as our standard bearer, but withdrew, so 
amused at my using the words “magnanimous magnanimity,” I presume he 
wanted me to say “magnificent magnanimity.” [Renewed laughter and 
cheers.] But, Mr. President, when I remember that Pennsylvania has sec¬ 
onded this nomination with her 100,000 majority for the Republican ticket; 
when I remember, too, Mr. President, that New York, in 1868 gave her 
electoral vote to the Democratic ticket; when I remember that in 1872 she 
gave here electoral vote to the Democratic ticket; when I remember that 
m 1876, while she did not do that, still in 1880 she did,—I say, then, Mr. 
President, with all this in view, it is the duty of this convention to nominate 
Levi P. Morton of New York. New York will be gained, Connecticut will 
be saBsfied, New Jersev will be satisfied, Indiana will be satisfied, and Ohio 
will be satisfied. And with this grand old banner [the American flag] we 
will down the bandana. This flag in the hands of Levi P. Morton and 
Gen. Harrison will win victory. Nominate him. I wish it were proper 
to move that he [Mr. Morton] be nominated by acclamation. 

Mr. G. C. Chandler of Mississippi. Mr. President— 

The President. The gentleman from Mississippi. 

Mr. Chandler. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: There 
being no possibility of the Republicans of Mississippi being able to cast an 
electoral vote this year, I came to this convention believing it to be my 
duty to aid the doubtful States in selecting a candidate for President under 
whose banner they could best make battle. Having discharged that duty to 
my own satisfaction and to the satisfaction of this convention, I may express 
a choice for the second place on the ticket. While Gen. Harrison is popu¬ 
lar in the South, as he deserves to be everywhere, those who tell you that 
with his popularity it is possible to carry a Southern State for him—[Dis¬ 
order.] 

The President. One moment, Mr. Chandler. Do not proceed until the 
convention comes to order. The Sergeant-at-Arms will see that gentlemen 
in the aisles take their seats. Give that matter your immediate attention, 
Mr. Sergeant-at-Arms. Gentlemen in the aisles will take their seats. [Great 
confusion and cries of “Call the roll.”] Mr. Chandler of Mississippi has 
the floor. Proceed, Mr. Chandler. 

Mr. Chandler, I will not detain you long. I will cut it short. While 
Gen. Harrison is popular in Mississippi, as he is throughout the whole coun¬ 
try, those who tell you that it is possible to carry a State in the South are 
mistaken. My advice to you is, do your level best to carry them all; but 
be careful to make your arrangements to do without any of them. And while 
this is true, there is much ground in the South for Republicans to cultivate. 
Old ideas and notions are giving place to new ones. The antebellum plan 
of raising a single staple with which to buy supplies in the market supposed 
to be made cheap by free trade is a delusion of the past. Diversified indus¬ 
tries and pursuits in the South are now regarded as better policy. Nowhere 
is this more true than in the State of Tennessee, unless it be in the Old 
Dominion of Wise and Mahone. Tennessee is the State of John Bell, to 
whom indeed it gave its electoral vote at the election preceding the war, and 
upon the very principles propounded by this convention. Tennessee is the 
State that always voted for Henry Clay, the champion of good money and 
protection, their ablest advocate until the great and incomparable Blaine 
took up the argument—a State where thousands of old Whigs are true to 
their first love, and where many Democrats are satisfied that they can never 
develop their resources except under Republican auspices, and who are ready 
at an opportune moment to turn the large Republican minority there into 
an absolute majority. [Cries of “Time.”] I beg you to be patient. 


230 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The President. The galleries will keep quiet. 

Mr. Chandler. Tennessee is the State that only a few years ago elected 
a Republican Governor, and expects to elect another one in the near future; 
a State where there is more tolerance of opinion, more law and order and 
cleaner elections than anywhere in the South. My choice for Vice-President 
hails from this magnificent State. He is a typical Southern Republican, and 
true as steel to the Republican party—like all of his class who have been 
tried by fire. Now you have given assurance to the country in the great 
chieftain whom you have selected to head the ticket, that we shall have an 
administration pure and grand and brilliant. Give also the assurance that it 
shall be conducted on the best business principles by completing the ticket 
with one of the greatest business men in the Southwest, a man who began 
business under unfavorable circumstances, among a people who despise his 
politics, and yet, by dint of industry, strict integrity, and a clear conception 
of business principles, he easily surpassed all rivals in securing a compe¬ 
tency, and without a stain upon his good name. When the war ended in the 
bankruptcy of all of his customers, he was one of the few who said, “Oppress 
no debtor.” You need not fear his ability to fill the great office. Numerous 
men all over this great audience, who served with him in Congress, can 
vouch for his fitness. He will make an able and dignified President of the 
Senate, and in behalf of the Mississippi Republicans, and at their request, 
I second the nomination of William R. Moore. 

The President. The Clerk will proceed with the call of the roll. 

Reading Clerk Martin. Alabama 20 votes. 

The President. Wait a moment. The candidates before the convention 
for Vice-President are Levi P. Morton of New York; William Walter Phelps 
of New Jersey; William R. Moore of Tennessee, and William O. Bradley of 
Kentucky. 


MR. MOORE WITHDRAWS HIS NAME. 

Mr. William R. Moore of Tennessee. Mr. President: Before the vote 
is taken— 

The President. The gentleman from Tennessee. 

Mr. Moore. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: Profound¬ 
ly grateful as I am to the great State of Tennessee for the presentation of my 
name in connection with the Vice-Presidency of the United States, I beg 
permission, having no desire for any office on earth, to withdraw it from the 
consideration of the convention. I am not here for the purpose of seeking 
any official place, but for the sole and single purpose of lending my feeble 
mite to the removal from the White House on the fourth of March next of 
its present political incubus. I want to retire that great Jumbo of British 
free trade; that beneficiary of, and sympathizer with, fraudulent and dis¬ 
honest ballots. I want the country to be as free as possible of that flabby, 
hypocritical and tough-skinned hippopotamus of civil service reform. [Ap¬ 
plause.] I want the Nation to be rid of that ugly, awkward and clumsy 
behemoth of Bourbon Democracy. I, therefore, Mr. President, thanking this 
great National Convention, and especially my too partial friends from Ten¬ 
nessee and the South, for the distinguished honor they would confer upon 
me, beg respectfully to withdraw my name from the consideration of the con¬ 
vention. 

The President. Mr. Moore of Tennessee withdraws his name as a can¬ 
didate for the position of Vice-President. The Clerk will call the roll of 
States. 

When North Carolina was called: 


/ 

REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 231 

Mr. Jas. H. Harris of North Carolina. We are unable to agree in North 
Carolina so that I can announce the vote with accuracy. 

The President. The gentleman from North Carolina. 

Mr. Harris. Phelps 5, Bradley 3, Morton 15. 

The vote was not questioned. 

When Tennessee was called: 

Mr. Maney. Mr. President: A question of privilege. 

The President. The gentleman will state his point of privilege. 

Mr. Maney. I wish to name on behalf of this delegation W. W. Mur¬ 
ray as member of the National Committee, and J. C. Dougherty as member 
of the Committee on Notification. 

The President. That is not now the order of business. There will be 
a motion made after this vote is declared affecting that question. The Clerk 
will proceed with the call of the roll. 

When Virginia was called: 

Mr. Wise of Virginia. Phelos 5, Bradley 1, Morton 18. 

Mr. Wm. A. French of Virginia. Mr. President: I challenge the vote. 
[Cries of “Oh, no,”] and ask for a call of the roll. 

The President. Does the gentleman state to the convention that he 
doubts the correctness of the announcement? 

Mr. French. I do. 

The President. Does the gentleman state that the announcement is not 
correct. 

Mr. French. I do. 

The President. Mr. Clerk, call the roll of Virginia. 

When the name of D. F. Houston was.called, there was no response. 

Mr. Wise. His alternate is here. 

Reading Clerk Martin. J. W. Wright. 

Mr. Wright. Morton. 

When the name of H. W. Williams was called, there was no response. 
Mr. Wise. His alternate is Mr. Bryant. 

Reading Clerk Martin. J. W. C. Bryant. 

Mr. Bryant. Morton. 

At the conclusion of the call: 

Reading Clerk Martin. Morton 15, Bradley 2, Phelps 5. 

Mr. French. My name has not been called nor that of my colleague 
from tne Ninth District. 

Reading Clerk Martin. What is the gentleman’s name? 

Mr. French. French. 

The President. It was an oversight of the Clerk if the names were 
omitted. The Clerk will call the names. 

Reading Clerk Martin. M. B. Wood. 

Mr. Wood. Morton. 

Reading Clerk Martin. Wm. A. French. 

Mr. French. Morton. 

The result of the poll was as follows: 


232 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Morton —Wm. Mahone, John G. Watts, S. Brown Allen, A. W. Harris. 
O. D. Foster, F. D. Lee, Charles Gee, John M. Langston, Harry Libby, John 
S Wise, Morgan Treat, J. W. Wright, Y. T. Brown, J. A. Frazier, J. W. C. 
Bryant, M. B. Wood, Wm. A. French—17. 

Phelps —Winfield Scott, J. H. Pedigo, George W. Jackson, H. H. Riddle- 
berger, John F. Lewis—5. 

Bradley —Patrick O’Connor, O. E. Hine—2. 

A Delegate. Now announce the vote, please. 

Reading Clerk Martin. Morton 17, Bradley 2, Phelps 5. 

At the conclusion of the call of States: 

Mr. Farwell of Illinois. Mr. President — 

The President. One moment. The vote will be announced in a mo¬ 
ment, and then other matters will be in order. [Confusion.] The conven¬ 
tion will come to order. The Clerk will make the announcement of the vote 
for nomination for Vice-President. 

Reading Clerk Martin announced the result as follows: 


Whole number . 826 

Necessary to a choice . 414 

Morton . 592 

Phelps . 119 

Bradley . 103 

Blanche Bruce . 11 

Walter S. Thomas . 1 


the first ballot. 


The ballot in detail was as follows: 


States and Territories 

w 

0 

> 

20 

14 

16 

6 

12 

6 

8 

24 

44 

30 

26 

18 

26 

K 

(J 

0 

< 

X 

£C 

5 

”i 

18 

2 

"2 

1 

25 

z 

0 

H 

X 

O 

S 

15 

14 

13 

6 

12 

6 

4 

1 

27 

30 

10 

17 

cn 

p- 

►J 

w 

X 

ou 

Id 

U 

X 

X 

ca 

c n 

< 

S 

0 

X 

H 

Alabama . 

Arkansas . 




California . 

3 



Colorado . 



Connecticut . 




Delaware . 




"Florida. . 




Georgia ... 

’i5 

4_ 


Illinois . 

Indiana . 



Iowa . 

14 



Kansas . 



Kentucky . 




Louisiana . 

16 

1 3 

11 

2 



Maine . 

12 

1 0 

7 

5 



Maryland . 

16 

i 

12 

3 



Massachusetts . 

28 


28 




Michigan . 

26 

’ ‘9 

15 

’ *2 


. 

Minnesota . 

14 


14 




Mississippi. 

18 

3 

5| 

3 

* 


Missouri . 

32 

5 

25 

2 



Nebraska . 

10 


51 

5 



Nevada . 

6 


g 




New Hampshire . 

8 

* * * | 


1 



New Jersey . 

18 

:::i 


18 







































































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


233 


States and Territories 

Votes 

Bradley 

Morton 

Phelps 

Bruce 

Thomas 

New York . 

72 


72 




North Carolina . 

22 

3 

14 

5 



Ohio . 

46 

8 

30 

8 



Oregon ... 

6 


6 




Pennsylvania . 

60 


52 

8' 



Rhode Island . 

8 


8 




South Carolina . 

18 


17 

1 



Tennessee . 

24 

ii 

9 




Texas . 

26 


10 

15 


1 

Vermont . 

8 


8 




Virginia . 

24 

* 2 

17 

5 



"West Virginia . 

12 


12 




"Wisconsin . 

22 

i 

18 

3 



Arizona . 

2 


2 




Dakota . 

10 


10 




District of Columbia. 

2 


2 




Tdflho . 

2 


2 




Montana . 

2 


2 




New Mexico . 

2 


2 




Utah . 

2 


2 




"Washington . 

6 


5 

1 



V^voming 1 . 

2 


2 




Totals . 

832 

103 

592 

119 

1 H 

1 


MR. LEVI P. MORTON NOMINATED. 

The President. Mr. Levi P. Morton having received a majority—[Dis¬ 
order.] If the convention will come to order, and keep order, the delegates 
can hear the announcement. Mr. Clerk, make the announcement again. 

Reading Clerk Martin announced the result as directed. 

MADE UNANIMOUS. 

The President. Mr. Levi P. Morton having received a majority of all 
the votes of this convention for the position of Vice-President, the question 
now is. Shall the nomination be made unanimous? 

Mr. Denny of Kentucky. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Con¬ 
vention: On behalf of the Kentucky delegation, I desire to return to those 
gentlemen from other States her sincere thanks for the votes they gave to 
her candidate, and I desire further to say that in the coming contest Mr. 
Bradley will be found in the thickest of the fight. [Cheers.] I desire now, 
on behalf of Kentucky, as a friend of Mr. Bradley, to move that the nomi¬ 
nation of Levi P. Morton be made unanimous. 

The President. Those in favor of making the nomination— 

Mr. Sewell of New Jersey. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from New Jersey. 

Mr. Sewell. New Jersey presented to this convention the name of one 
of her favorite sons, a Republican, pure and without guile, one who has been 
so since he came to the age of manhood, and we had hopes that this con¬ 
vention would have recognized New Jersey on this ticket. But we are Re¬ 
publicans, first and all the time. [Cheers.] While we have not a place on 
the National ticket we will go to our homes, and I pledge the efforts not alone 
of myself, but of William Walter Phelps from now until election for the 


























































234 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


ticket. [Applause.] We have the highest respect and admiration for the 
character, standing, and the Republicanism of the gentleman you have 
named from New York, and we cordially indorse his nomination. [Ap¬ 
plause.] 

The President. Shall the nomination of Levi P. Morton be made unan¬ 
imous? 

The motion was agreed to. 

The President. The ayes have it, and the nomination of Levi P. Mor¬ 
ton for the position of Vice-President is made unanimous. 

committee on notification. 

Mr. Farwell of Illinois. I am informed that it is usual to appoint a 
committee of one from each State to inform the candidates of their nomi¬ 
nation, and that that has not been done. I move that it be now done. 

The President. It has been moved that a committee of one from each 
State and Territory be selected by the respective States and Territories for 
the purpose of notifying the nominees for President and Vice-President of 
their nomination. 

Mr. Farwell. I move you, sir, that the President of this convention be 
Chairman of that committee. 

The President. That is but of order. 

Mr. Farwell. Gentlemen, you have heard the motion. 

The motion was unanimously agreed to. 

The President. Gentlemen of the Convention: The question is on the 
adoption of the original motion. 

It was unanimouslv agreed to. 

The President. The ayes have it, and the Secretary will call the roll of 
the States and Territories, and each State and Territory as it is called will 
give the name of its committeeman to serve on this committee. 

Mr. Husted of New York. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from New York. 

Mr. Husted. Before the Clerk calls the roll I desire to make a motion 
to this effect: That the National Committee be directed in their call four 
years hence to provide that the Territory of Alaska shall have two delegates 
in the convention. 

The President. It has been moved and seconded that in the call four 
years from now made by the National Committee for a National convention 
the Territory of Alaska be embodied in the call, and that it be allowed two 
delegates. 

The motion was agreed to. 

Mr. Boutelle of Maine. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Maine. 

Mr. Boutelle. Would it be in order— 

Mr. Hoar of Massachusetts. I merely rise— 

The President. Does the gentleman [Mr. Boutelle] give way? 

Mr. Boutelle. I yield a moment to the Senator from Massachusetts. 

The President. The gentleman from Massachusetts. 



235 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


Mr. Hoar. I want to suggest that instead of calling the roll the con¬ 
vention unanimously consent that the names may be handed to the Secretary 
by the respective Chairmen of the delegations. 

The President. It has been suggested by the gentleman from Massa¬ 
chusetts that the Chairman of the delegation from each State and Territory 
hand to the Secretary the name of the committeeman that may be selected 
by that delegation. 


This suggestion was adopted, and the following is the committee selected: 


M. M. Estee, California, Chairman. 


Alabama... 

Arkansas. 

California. 

Colorado. 

Connecticut. 

Delaware. 

Florida. 

Georgia. 

Illinois. 

Indiana. 

Iowa. 

Kansas. 

Kentucky. 

Louisiana. .... 

Maine. 

Maryland. 

Massachusetts. 

Michigan.. 

Minnesota. 

Mississippi. 

Missouri. 

Nebraska. 

Nevada. 

New Hampshire. 

New Jersey. 

New York. 

North Carolina. 

Ohio. 

Oregon. 

Pennsylvania. 

Rhode Island. 

South Carolina. 

Tennessee.... 

Texas. 

Vermont. 

Virginia. 

West Virginia. 

Wisconsin. 

Arizona. 

Dakota. 

District of Columbia 

Idaho. 

Montana. 

New Mexico. 

Utah. 

Washington. 

Wyoming. 


.A. H. Hendricks. 
Logan H. Roots. 
Paris Kilburn. 

Henry R. Wolcott. 
,E Stevens Henry. 
Joseph R. Whitaker. 
.F. M. Wicker. 

.W. W. Brown. 
Thomas W. Scott. 
.James N. Huston. 
Thomas Updegraff. 
Henry L. Alden. 
.George Denny. 
.Andrew Hero, Jr. 
Samuel H. Allen. 
.William M. Marine. 
Frederick L. Burden. 
William McPherson. 
R. B. Langdon. 

T. W. Stringer. 

.A. W. Mullins. 

.R. S. Norval. 

.S. E. Hamilton. 
Person C. Cheney. 
.Henry A. Potter. 
Obed Wheeler. 

D. C. Pearson. 
Charles Foster. 

. F. P. Mays. 

Frank Reeder. 

. Benj. M. Bosworth. 
.Paris Simpkins. 

John C: Dougherty. 

E. H. Terrell. 
Redfield Proctor. 
Harry Libby. 

Charles B. Smith. 
Charles A. Chapin. 

L. F. Eggers. 

George W. Hopp. 
.Perry H. Carson. 
George A. Black. 
George O. Eaton. 

.J F. Chavez. 

J. J. Daly. 

.Thomas H. Minor. 
.C. D. Clark. 

















































236 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


AN AMENDMENT TO THE PLATFORM. 

Mr. Boutelle of Maine. At the request [Disorder and confusion.] 

The President. Gentlemen will be seated. There is much business 
to do. 

Mr. Boutelle. I hope the audience will be requested to keep quiet. 

The President. The audience will please keep quiet, and the delegates 
will be seated and keep quiet. 

Mr. Boutelle. Mr. President: On behalf of a large number of the 
delegates of this convention, by their request, and in accordance with their 
wishes, I desire to move to suspend the rules and adopt a resolution to be 
added to the Republican platform. The Republican party stands before the 
country for the protection of the ballot, for the protection of American indus¬ 
try, and for the protection of the purity of the home. [Applause.] The 
altars of Republicanism in this country stand by the firesides of the Ameri¬ 
can people. [Applause.] The very foundation of this grand organization 
of ours is in the sobriety, the morality, and the virtue of the common people 
[Applause.] The Republican party sprang into existence as the champion 
of moral reform in the United States of America. [Applause.] It stands 
to-day, if it stands for anything, as the standard bearer of every principle 
that tends to elevate our. common humanity, and eradicate the evils which 
threaten the body politic. 

Mr. Henry W. Oliver of Pennsylvania. I rise to a point of order. 

The President. The gentleman from Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Oliver. I will state my point of order. It is this: That under the 
rule adopted by this convention— 

Mr. Boutelle. The motion is to suspend the rules. 

Mr. Oliver. I say that under the rules established for the government of 
this convention— 

The President. One moment. Will the gentleman quietly state what 
his point of order is? 

Mr. Oliver. I can state it quietly if you want it. 

The President. So that we can hear it. The Chair could not hear it. 

Mr. Oliver. It is that under the rules established by ourselves, I claim 
that all resolutions should be referred, and were referred, to the Committee 
on Resolutions, without debate. 

Mr. Boutelle. Mr. President — 

Mr. Oliver. And I claim, moreover, Mr. President, that there was ample 
time—there were three days to consider every subject of importance to the 
Republican party. 

The President. The gentleman is debating the merits. Let the Chair 
rule upon the point of order. 

Mr. Oliver. I make that point of order, and ask for a decision. 

The President. The gentleman from Maine moves a suspension of the 
rules in order to present a resolution. That request will have to be seconded 
by two States, and, after having been so seconded, it will require a two-thirds 
vote of this convention to suspend the rules. 

Mr. Oliver. I ask if it is in order upon the original proposition until the 
rules are suspended. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 237 

The President. Debate is not in order until the question of granting 
leave to present the resolution is passed upon by the convention. 

Mr. Boutelle. Very good, Mr. President. The gentleman from Pennsyl¬ 
vania, I know, will permit me to say in regard to the matter of fact, that 
three members of the Committee on Resolutions— 

Mr. Oliver. I will not permit you to say anything in regard to the mat¬ 
ter. [Disorder.] 

Mr. Boutelle. You don’t want it said— 

The President. The gentlemen are not in order. They will not debate 
the question. [Disorder.] The gentlemen will come to order. 

Mr. Boutelle. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman will read the resolution for the informa¬ 
tion of the convention and then if it receives a second from two States— 

A Delegate from New York. No, no; don’t let it be read. 

The President. If it receives a second from two States the convention 
can vote upon the question, and by a two-thirds vote suspend the rules. 
[Great disorder.] 

Mr. Oliver. You have made your platform; stick to it. Stick to the 
platform. 

. Mr. Boutelle. Mr. President — 

Mr. Oliver. Don’t take it back. We want no other platform. [Disorder.] 
You have made your platform; stick to it. 

The President. The gentleman from Pennsylvania will sit down. If 
he does not, the Sergeant-at-Arms will take him into custody; there must be 
order here. It is a direct violation of all rules of order for the gentleman to 
rise and debate a question until it is before the convention for discussion. 

Mr. Oliver. I claim that—[More disorder]. 

The President. The gentleman from Pennsylvania will be seated. 

Mr. George A. Neal of Missouri. Mr. President — 

The President. One moment. We will come to order first. The gentle¬ 
man will be seated until we have order. 

Mr. Neal. I move we adjourn sine die. 

The President. The gentleman has not the floor for that purpose, and is 
out of order. 

Mr. Boutelle. Mr. President — 

The President. One moment. The gentleman from Maine cannot de¬ 
bate the question at,all. He can read the resolution for information, and then 
if it receives—[Cries of “No, no.”] 

A Delegate. Mr. President: I— 

The President. One moment. The Chair was not through. He [Mr. 
Boutelle] can read it for information, and then, if two States second the mo¬ 
tion to suspend, the question will come upon the suspension of the rules. 

Mr. Boutelle. What vote will pass it? 

The President. Upon which motion it will take a two-thirds vote. 

Mr. Oliver. I move you, sir, that the motion to suspend the rules—[Dis¬ 
order.] 


238 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Mr. Johnson of New York. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Sergeant-at-Arms, attend to your duty. The gen¬ 
tleman from Pennsylvania will be seated. 

Mr. Oliver. I rise, sir— 

The President. Mr. Sergeant-at-Arms, the gentleman from Pennsyl¬ 
vania [Mr. Oliver] must be seated. 

Mr. Johnson. Mr. President — 

The President. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York. 
For what purpose? 

Mr. Husted of New York. Mr. President — 

The President. Mr. Johnson has the floor. 

Mr. Husted. I rise to a point of order. 

The President. State your point of order. 

Mr. Husted. My point of order is that no person has a right to speak 
unless Mr. Boutelle has that right. 

The President. The point of order is well taken. 

Mr. Johnson. The point of order I make is that the only question be¬ 
fore the convention is on the suspension of the rules and the presentation of 
the resolution. 

The President. The gentleman is right, but the resolution has not yet 
been presented to Mr. Boutelle. 

Mr. Johnson. Mr. President —[Disorder.] 

The President. Gentlemen will be seated. They must come to order. 

Mr. Johnson. Mr. President —[Continued disorder.] 

The President. The gentleman from New York will be seated. 

Mr. Johnson. Mr. President: Can I make a point of order or not? 

The President. One moment. Gentlemen of the convention will please 
be seated and come to order. 

Mr. Green of Nebraska. I desire to appeal from the decision of the 
Chair on the proposition. The only proposition before the convention is— 

Mr. Husted. I rise to a point of order. An appeal from a decision of 
the Chair is not debatable. 

The President. The point of order made by the gentleman from New 
York [Mr. Husted] is well taken. The gentleman [Mr. Green] will state on 
what point he appeals. 

Mr. Green. Upon this point. That the gentleman rase in his place and 
asked for a suspension of the rules and until the rules are suspended you 
♦cannot, either by written resolution or debate, proceed further. 

Mr. Hiscock of New York. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from New York. 

Mr. Hiscock. It is absolutely necessary that that resolution should be 
read, that the convention may know what the question is upon which the 
motion to suspend the rules is made. And I appeal to this convention to be 
in order and allow it to be read. We are not afraid to meet any question 
here and dispose of it. [Cries of “Read, read.”] 


239 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 

I he President. Will gentlemen listen to the resolution proposed by the 
gentleman from Maine, Mr. Boutelle? rCries of “read it.”] 

Mr. Boutelle read as follows: 

The first concern of all good government is the virtue and sobriety of 
the people and the purity of the home. The Republican party cordially sym¬ 
pathizes with all wise and well directed efforts for the promotion of temper¬ 
ance and morality. [Applause.] 

Mr. Boutelle. Mr. President — 

The President. One moment. 

Mr. Hoar of Massachusetts: Massachusetts seconds the motion for the 
suspension of the rules. 

The President. Does any other State? 

Mr. Hiscock of New York. New York seconds it. 

Mr. Horr of Michigan. Michigan seconds it. 

Mr. Hiscock. I second it on the part of the delegation from New York. 

Mr. Foster of Ohio. Ohio seconds the motion. 

A Delegate from Maryland. Maryland does also. 

The President. A sufficient number have seconded the motion. 

Mr. Henderson of Iowa. I rise in behalf of my State, unanimously in¬ 
structed to second the motion of the gentleman from Maine. 

Mr. Willson of Kentucky. Mr. President — 

Mr. Buck of Georgia. Mr. President — 

The President. One at a time. 

Mr. Willson. I am instructed by the delegation from Kentucky to 
second the motion. 

Mr. Buck. I am instructed by the delegation from Georgia to second 
the resolution. 

Mr. President. The Georgia delegation seconds the resolution. 

Mr. King of Maryland. I am instructed by the delegation from Mary¬ 
land to second the motion to suspend the rules. 

Mr. Porter of Indiana. I am instructed in behalf of the delegation from 
Indiana to second the motion. 

Mr. Oliver of Pennsylvania. I wish to say that Pennsylvania has no 
objection to that resolution. 

The President. Does the gentleman second the motion? 

Mr. Oliver. I wish to say that Pennsylvania is in full accord with the 
spirit of that resolution. 

The President. It is not debatable. 

Mr. Oliver. I take— 

The President. The gentleman will be seated. It is not debatable at 
present. 

Mr. Oliver. Pennsylvania seconds— 

The President. The gentleman will be seated. It is not debatable at 
present. 

Mr. Hill of Mississippi. We want to know why you do not recognize 
Mississippi to second that resolution. 


240 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The President. The gentleman from Mississippi. 

Mr. Hill. Mississippi unanimously seconds the motion. 

Mr. Osborn of Kansas. Kansas, which is ever to the front on moral 
questions, instructs me to second that. 

Mr. R. B. Langdon of Minnesota. I am instructed to second the motion 

also. 

The President. The question is on the— 

Mr. Funk of Illinois. On behalf of Illinois I desire to second the mo¬ 
tion. 

Mr. Clayton of Arkansas. I am instructed by my delegation to second 
the motion. 

Mr. Warner of Alabama. On behalf of Alabama I second the motion. 

Mr. Green of Nebraska. Mr. President — [Cries of “Question.”] 

The President. The gentleman from Nebraska. 

Mr. Green. At the request of the delegation from Nebraska, I second 
the motion. 

Mr. Bradford of Delaware. At the request of the Delaware delegation, 
I beg leave to second that motion. 

Mr. Redfield Proctor of Vermont. Vermont seconds the motion. 

Mr. Moody of Dakota. That is a motion which Dakota will second. 

The President. The Territory of Dakota seconds the proposition. 

Mr. Spears of North Carolina. Mr. President — [Disorder.] 

The President. The convention must come to order. 

Mr. Spears. I move to amend the motion to suspend the rules by mov¬ 
ing the adoption of the resolution. 

The President. It is not amendable. 

Mr. Gallinger of New Hampshire. In behalf of the delegation from 
New Hampshire, I rise to second the motion to suspend the rules. 

Mr. Boutelle. Mr. President — 

The President. The gentleman from Maine. 

Mr. Boutelle. I modify my motion by asking unanimous consent that 
this resolution be unanimously passed by a rising vote. 

The President. The Chair hears no objection. There being none— 

Mr. Wellington of Maryland. There is objection. [Cries of “Oh, no.”] 

Mr. Boutelle. I withdraw the request. 

Mr. Hiscock of New York. Wait a moment. I desire to suggest that it 
is in order for you to modify your motion, and move to suspend the rule and 
pass the resolution. 

Mr. Boutelle. That is what I moved originally. 

Mr. Hiscock. Very well then, let us have the question on that. 

The President. The question is on the suspension of the rules and the 
passage of the resolution; and on the suspension of the rules the roll will be 
called by States if demanded. 

Mr. Hiscock. Oh, by a viva voce vote. 

The President. As many as are in favor of suspending the rules and 
adopting this resolution, rise and stand until thqy are counted. [After a 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888 . 241 

pause.] The ayes will be seated. Those opposed will rise and stand until 
they are counted. [One man arose.] 

Reading Clerk Martin. Ayes 828. Noes 1. 

The President. It is adopted. [Applause.] 

Mr. Hiscock of New York. I move this convention adjourn without 

day. 

A Delegate from Pennsylvania. I second the motion on the part of 
Pennsylvania. 

The President. Those in favor of the motion— 

Mr. Hoar of Massachusetts. Mr. President — 

Mr. Hiscock. I will withdraw the motion. 

Mr. Hoar. I move that the thanks of this convention be presented to 
the President of this convention, and also to the temporary Chairman for the 
ability, fairness and vigor with which they have presided over the deliber¬ 
ations of this convention. 

Mr. Hiscock. Put the motion. 

Mr. Hoar did so, and it was unanimously agreed to. 

Mr. Hiscock. I renew my motion that the convention adjourn without 

day. 

The President. If the gentleman will wait a moment, there are two or 
three announcements for the Clerk to make. 

Secretary Clisbee made the following announcements: 

The Washington correspondents’ special train will leave the Union Sta¬ 
tion at 10 a. m. to-morrow. 

The Republican League of the United States desires to announce that a 
ratification meeting will be held by the 4,000 Republican clubs in this organ¬ 
ization on the evening of June 28. The National League requests all dele¬ 
gates and Republicans present to participate in this National ratification of 
the ticket by the Republican clubs of the country. 

James C. Foster, President. 

The President. It has been moved that this convention now adjourn 
without day. 

Mr. Husted of New York. A question of privilege. 

Mr. Hiscock. I will withhold the motion for one purpose only, and that 
is to allow a motion to be made by the gentleman from New York. 

Mr. Husted. I move that the thanks of this convention be tendered to 
the Secretaries and other officers for the faithful discharge of their duties. 

The President. It has been moved that the thanks of this convention be 
tendered to its Secretaries and other officers. 

The motion was agreed to. [Applause.] 

Mr. Husted. Now I move that we adjourn. 

The President. It has been moved that this convention do now ad¬ 
journ. [After stating the question.] This convention is now adjourned 
sine die. 

So at 8:58 p. m., Monday, June 25, 1888, the convention adjourned with¬ 
out day. 


242 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


NOTIFICATION OF THE NOMINEES. 

The Committee to notify the nominees met in Indianapolis, July 4, and at 
half-past 10 o’clock in the morning, went to the residence of General Harri¬ 
son to advise him of his nomination. 

The Hon. M. M. Estee, Chairman of the Committee, said: 

Gen. Harrison :—We are commissioned by the National Republican 
Convention to officially notify you of your nomination as the Republican 
candidate for President of the United States. In doing this we may be per¬ 
mitted to remind you that your selection met the hearty approval of the 
whole Convention. It left no embittered feelings or lukewarm supporters, 
and its action voiced the average and the best judgment of the Convention. 
It is true, distinguished gentlemen well known to the people, who were ex¬ 
perienced in public affairs, illustrious in character and worthy of the peo¬ 
ple’s confidence and support, were before the Convention, as candidates, yet 
you were chosen. Nor was your nomination due to accident or the result 
of hasty or inconsiderate deliberation. It indicated rather that you possessed 
in a more eminent degree those peculiar qualities which commended you to 
the people’s favor. In the hour of our country’s peril, you cheerfully accepted 
an humble position in the army, went where your country most needed you, 
and by long and faithful service rose to higher commands, and assumed 
graver responsibilities. Elected to the United States Senate, your enlight¬ 
ened and conservative statesmanship commanded the respect and inspired 
the confidence of the American people. Added to this, the purity of your past 
life and your exalted private virtues are an earnest that as a candidate or as 
President, the honor of the Republican party and the glory of our country 
will be safe in your keeping. 

The platform adopted by the National Republican Convention marks 
out with clearness and precision the creed of the party. The American system 
of protection to American labor and American products in American mar¬ 
kets, the sacredness and purity of the ballot, the protection of American 
citizens, native and adopted, at home and abroad, on land and sea, the pro¬ 
hibition of Chinese immigration, the building up of our navy, the erection 
of coast defences, and the special care of the old soldiers and sailors of 
the Republic, are questions which occupy a conspicuous place in our plat¬ 
form. These and other subjects referred to in the platform, will doubtless 
receive your careful consideration. In conclusion we beg to express our per¬ 
sonal satisfaction at your nomination, and we indulge the belief that your 
election is already assured. 

To this General Harrison replied as follows: 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee: The official notice 
which you have brought of the nomination conferred upon me by the Re¬ 
publican National Convention recently in session at Chicago, excites emo¬ 
tions of a profound, though of somewhat conflicting character. That after 
full deliberation and free consultation, the representatives of the Republican 
party of the United States should have concluded that the great principles 
enunciated in the platform adopted by the Convention could be in some 
measure safely confided to my care, is an honor of which I am deeply sensi¬ 
ble, and for which I am very grateful. I do not assume or believe that this 
choice implies that the Convention found in me any pre-eminent fitness or 
exceptional fidelity to the principles of government to which we are mutu- 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


243 


ally pledged. My satisfaction with the result would be altogether spoiled if 
that result had been reached by any unworthy methods, or by a disparage¬ 
ment of the more eminent men who divided with me the suffrages of the 
Convention. 

I accept the nomination with so deep a sense of the dignity of the office 
and of the gravity of its duties and responsibilities as altogether to exclude 
any feeling of exultation or pride. The principles of government and the 
practices in administration upon which issues are now fortunately so clearly 
made are so important in their relations to the National and to individual 
prosperity that we may expect an unusual popular interest in the campaign. 
Relying wholly upon the considerate judgment of our fellow-citizens and 
the gracious favor of God, we will confidently submit our cause to the 
arbitrament of a free ballot. 

The day you have chosen for this visit suggests no thoughts that are 
not in harmony with the occasion. The Republican party has walked in 
the light of the Declaration of Independence. It has lifted the shaft of 
patriotism upon the foundation laid at Bunker Hill. It has made the more 
perfect union secure by making all men free. Washington and Lincoln, 
Yorktown and Appomattox, the Declaration of Independence and the Procla¬ 
mation of Emancipation are naturally and worthily associated in our thoughts 
to-day. 

As soon as may be possible I shall by letter communicate to your Chair¬ 
man a more formal acceptance of the nomination, but it may be proper for 
me now to say that I have already examined the platform with some care, 
and that its declarations, to some of which your Chairman has alluded, are 
in harmony with my views. It gives me pleasure, gentlemen, to receive you 
in my home, and to thank you for the cordial manner in which you have con¬ 
veyed your official message. 

The Committee met in New York July 7 , and went to the home of Mr. 
Morton at Rhinecliff to notify him. 

Chairman Estee said: 

Mr. Morton: The National Convention of the Republican party, recent¬ 
ly assembled in Chicago, nominated as its candidate for President, General 
Harrison, and with equal unanimity, selected you as its nominee for Vice- 
President. By order of that Convention, we were appointed a committee 
to notify the nominees of their selection. This pleasant duty has been in 
part performed by giving General Harrison, your associate upon the ticket, 
that notification. It only remains for us to discharge the further duty con¬ 
ferred upon us by this official notice to you. The country has already passed 
judgment upon your selection, and it has met such universal approval that 
it is only left for this committee to add its own expression of their high 
appreciation of your personal qualities, as well as their confidence in your 
eminent fitness for the position to which the deliberate judgment of the 
Convention assigned you. In conclusion, we believe that this notification 
to you will not be a meaningless formality, but that your nomination will 
result in a triumphant election. 

Mr. Morton replied as follows: 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee: I am profoundly sensi¬ 
ble of the high honor which has been conferred upon me by the National 
Republican Convention recently in session at Chicago, and thank you, gen¬ 
tlemen, for the courteous and complimentary terms in which you have offi¬ 
cially announced my nomination as the candidate of the Republican party for 
the Vice-Presidency. I am also deeply sensible of the honor conferred upon 
the State of New York, in the selection of a citizen of this State as one of 
the standard-bearers in the approaching peaceful conflict of the two great 
political parties of this country for supremacy and governmental control. 


244 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


New York represents in a large degree the business interests of those ever¬ 
growing and wide-spreading communities of various interests and indus¬ 
tries, which it is the mission of the Republican party to foster and protect. 
The platform so wisely adopted at Chicago has this mission boldly in view, 
and by its enunciation of these principles, makes the issue of the coming 
campaign clear and district. I accept the position tendered by the Conven¬ 
tion, of which you are the honored representatives, and will in due time 
express to you, Mr. Chairman, an official communication to that effect. 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


245 


BENJAMIN HARRISON’S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. 

Indianapolis, Ind., Sept. n.— The Hon. M. M. Estee and others, Com¬ 
mittee — Gentlemen : When your committee visited me the Fourth of July 
last and presented the official announcement of my nomination for the 
Presidency of the United State by the Republican National Convention, I 
promised as soon as practicable to communicate to you a more formal ac¬ 
ceptance of the nomination. Since that time the work of receiving and ad¬ 
dressing, almost daily, large delegations of my fellow citizens has not only 
occupied all of my time, but has in some measure rendered it unnecessary 
for me to use this letter in communicating to the public my views upon the 
questions involved in the campaign. I appreciate highly the confidence and 
respect manifested by the Convention, and accept the nomination with a feel¬ 
ing of gratitude, and a full sense of the responsibilities which accompany it. 

It is a matter of congratulation that the declaration of the Chicago 
Convention upon the questions that now attract the interest of our people 
are so clear and emphatic. There is further cause of congratulation in the 
fact that the Convention utterances of the.Democratic party, if in any degree 
uncertain or contradictory, can now be judged and interpreted by Executive 
acts and messages, and by definite propositions in legislation. This is espe¬ 
cially true of what is popularly known as the tariff question. The issue can¬ 
not now be obscured. It is not a contest between schedules, but between 
wide-apart principles. The foreign competitors of our market have, with 
quick instinct, seen how one issue of this contest may bring them advantage, 
and our own people are not so dull as to miss or neglect the grave inter¬ 
ests that are involved for them. The assault upon our protective system 
is open and defiant. Protection is assailed as unconstitutional in the law, 
or as vicious in principle, and those who hold such views sincerely cannot 
stop short of an absolute elimination from our tariff laws of the principle of 
protection. The Mills hill is only a step, hut it is toward an object that the 
leaders of Democratic thought and legislation have clearly in mind. 

The important question is not so much the length of the step as the 
direction of it. Judged by the Executive message of December last, by the 
Mills bill, by the debates in Congress, and by the St. Louis platform, the 
Democratic party will, if supported by the country, place the tariff laws 
upon a purely revenue basis. This is practically free trade—free trade in 
the English sense. The legend upon the banner may not be “free trade”— 
it may be the more obscure motto, “tariff reform”—but neither the banner 
nor the inscription is conclusive, or indeed important. The assault itself is 
the important fact. 

Those who teach that the import duty upon foreign goods sold in our 
market is paid by the consumer, and that the price of the domestic compet¬ 
ing article is enhanced to the amount of the duty on imported articles—that 
every million of dollars collected for customs duties represents many mil¬ 
lions more which do not reach the Treasury, but are paid by our citizens 
as the increased cost of domestic productions resulting from the tariff 
laws— ma y not intend to discredit in the minds of others our systems of 
levying duties on competing foreign products, but it is clearly already dis¬ 
credited in their own. We cannot doubt, without impugning their integrity, 
that if free to act upon their convictions they would so revise our laws as to 
lay the burden of the customs revenue upon articles that are not produced 
in this country, and to place upon the free list all competing foreign products. 

I do not stop to refute this theory as to the effect of our tariff duties. 


246 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Those who advance it are students of maxims and not of the markets. They 
may be safely allowed to call their project “tariff reform” if the people un¬ 
derstand that in the end the argument compels free trade in all competing 
products. The end may not be reached abruptly, and its approach may 
be accompanied with some expressions of sympathy for our protected indus¬ 
tries and our working people, but it will certainly come if these early steps 
do not arouse the people to effective resistance. 

The Republican party holds that a protective tariff is constitutional, 
wholesome and necessary. We do not offer a fixed schedule, but a principle. 
We will revise the schedule, modify rates, but always with an intelligent 
provision as to the effect upon domestic production and the wages of oiir 
working people. We believe it to be one of the worthy objects of tariff 
legislation to preserve the American market for American producers, and to 
maintain the American scale of wages, by adequate, discriminating duties 
upon foreign competing products. The effect of lower rates and larger im¬ 
portations upon the public revenues is contingent and doubtful, but not so 
the effect upon American production and American wages. Less work and 
lower wages must be accepted as the inevitable result of the increased 
offering of foreign goods in our market. By way of recompense for this 
reduction in his wages, and the loss of the American market, it is suggested 
that the diminished wages of the working man will have an undiminished 
purchasing power, and that he will be able to make up for the loss of the 
home market by an enlarged foreign market. Our working men have the 
settlement of the question in their own hands. They now obtain higher 
wages and live more comfortably than those of any other country. They 
will make a choice between the substantial advantages they have in hand 
and the deceptive promises and forecasts of these theorizing reformers. 
They will decide for themselves and for the country whether the protective 
system shall be continued or destroyed. 

The fact of a Treasury surplus, the amount of which is variously stated, 
has directed public attention to a consideration of the methods by which 
the National income may best be reduced to the level of a wise and neces¬ 
sary expenditure. This condition has been seized upon by those who are 
hostile to protective custom duties as an advantageous base of attack upon 
our tariff laws. They have magnified and nursed the surplus which they 
affect to deprecate, seemingly for the purpose of exaggerating the evil in 
order to reconcile the people to the extreme remedy they propose. A proper 
reduction of the revenue does not necessitate, and should not suggest, the aban¬ 
donment or impairment of the protective system. The methods suggested 
by our Convention will not need to be exhausted in order to effect the nec¬ 
essary reduction. We are not likely to be called upon, I think, to make a 
present choice between the surrender of our nrotective system and the 
entire repeal of the internal taxes. Such a contingency, in view of the present 
relation of expenditures to revenues, is remote. The inspection and reg¬ 
ulation of the manufacture and sale of oleomargarine are important, and the 
revenue derived from it is not so great that the repeal of the law need enter 
into any plan of revenue reduction. The surplus now in the Treasury should 
be used in the purchase of bonds. The law authorizes this use of it, and if it 
is not needed for current or deficiency appropriations the people, and not 
the banks in which it has been deposited, should have the advantage of its 
use by stopping interest upon the public debt. At least those who needlessly 
hoard it should not be allowed to use the fear of a monetary stringency 
thus produced, to coerce public sentiment upon other questions. 

Closely connected with the subject of the tariff is that of the importation 
of foreign laborers under contracts of service to be performed here. The 
law now in force prohibiting such contracts received my cordial support 
in the Senate, and such amendments as may be found necessary effectively 
to deliver our working men and women from this most inequitable form 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 247 

of competition will have my sincere advocacy. Legislation prohibiting the 
importation of laborers under contracts to serve here will, however, afford 
in adequate relief to our working people if the system of protective duties 
is broken down. If the products of American shops must compete in the 
American market, without favoring duties, with products of cheap foreign 
labor, the effect will be different, if at all, only in degree, whether the cheap 
laborer is across the street or over the sea. Such competition will soon 
reduce wages here to the level of those abroad, and when that condition is 
reached we will not need any laws forbidding the importation of laborers 
under contract—they will have no inducement to come, and the employer 
no inducement to send for them. 

In the earlier years of our history public agencies to promote immigra¬ 
tion were common. The pioneer wanted a neighbor with more friendly 
instincts than the Indian. Labor was scarce, and fully employed. But the 
day of the immigration bureau has gone by. While our doors will continue 
open to proper immigration, we do not need to issue special invitations to the 
inhabitants of other countries to come to our shores or to share our citi¬ 
zenship. Indeed, the necessity of some inspection and limitation is obvious. 
We should resolutely refuse to oermit foreign government to send their 
paupers and criminals to our ports. We are also clearly under a duty to 
defend our civilization by excluding alien races whose ultimate assimila¬ 
tion with our people is neither possible nor desirable. The family has been 
the nucleus of our best immigration, and the home the most potent assim¬ 
ilating force in our civilization. 

The objections to Chinese immigration are distinct and conclusive, and 
are now so generally accepted as such that the question has passed entirely 
beyond the stage of argument. The laws relating to this subject would, 
if I should be charged with their enforcement, be faithfully executed. Such 
amendments or further legislation as may be necessary and proper to pre¬ 
vent evasions of the laws and to stop further Chinese immigration would 
also meet my approval. The expression of the Convention upon this sub¬ 
ject is in entire harmony with my views. 

Our civil compact is a government by majorities, and the law loses its 
sanction and the magistrate our respect when this compact is broken. The 
evil results of election frauds do not expend themselves upon the voters who 
are robbed of their rightful influence in public affairs. The individual, or 
community, or party that practices or connives at election frauds has suf¬ 
fered irreparable injury, and will*sooner or later realize that to exchange 
the American system of majority rule for minority control is not only un¬ 
lawful and unpatriotic, but unsafe for those who promote it. The disfran¬ 
chisement of a single legal elector by fraud or intimidation is a crime too 
grave to be regarded lightly. The right of every qualified elector to cast 
one free ballot and to have it honestly counted, must not be questioned. 
Every constitutional power should be used to make this right secure and 
punish frauds upon the ballot. 

Our colored people do not ask special legislation in their interest, but 
only to be made secure in the common rights of American citizenship. They 
will, however, naturally mistrust the sincerity of those party leaders who 
appeal to their race for support only in those localities where the suffrage 
is free and election results doubtful, and compass their disfranchisement 
where their votes would be controlling and their choice cannot be coerced. 

The Nation, not less than the States, is dependent for prosperity and 
security upon the intelligence and morality of the people. This common 
interest early suggested National aid in the establishment and endowment 
of schools and colleges in the new States. There is, I believe, a present 
exigency that calls for still more liberal and direct appropriations in aid of 
common school education in the States. 


248 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


The territorial form of government is a temporary expedient, not a per¬ 
manent civil condition. It is adapted to the exigency that suggested it, but 
becomes inadequate and even oppressive when applied to fixed and populous 
communities. Several Territories are well able to bear the burdens and 
discharge the duties of free Commonwealths in the American Union. To 
exclude them is to deny the just rights of their people, and may well excite 
their indignant protest. No question of the political preference of the peo¬ 
ple of a Territory should close against them the hospitable door which has 
opened to two-thirds of the existing States. But admission should be reso¬ 
lutely refused to any Territory a majority of whose people cherish institu¬ 
tions that are repugnant to our civilization or inconsistent with a Republican 
form of government. 

The declaration of the Convention against “all combinations of capital, 
organized in trusts or otherwise, to control arbitrarily the condition of trade 
among our citizens,” is in harmony with the views entertained and publicly 
expressed by me long before the assembling of the convention. Ordinarily, 
capital shares the losses of idleness with labor; but under the operation 
of the trust, in some of its forms, the wage worker alone suffers loss, while 
idle capital receives its dividends from a trust fund. Producers who refuse 
to join the combination are destroyed, and competition as an element of 
prices is eliminated. It cannot be doubted that the legislative authority 
should and will find a method of dealing fairly and effectively with these 
and other abuses connected with this subject. 

It can hardly be necessary for me to say that I am heartily in sympathy 
with the declaration of the Convention upon the subject of pensions to our 
soldiers and sailors. What they gave and what they suffered I had some 
opportunity to observe, and, in a small measure, to experience. They gave 
ungrudgingly; it was not a trade but an offering. The measure was heaped 
up, running over. What they achieved only a distant generation can ade¬ 
quately tell. Without attempting to discuss particular propositions, I may 
add that measures in behalf of the surviving veterans of the war and of the 
families of their dead comrades should be conceived and executed in a spirit 
of justice and of the most grateful liberality, and that in the competition 
for civil appointment honorable military service should have appropriate 
recognition. 

The law regulating appointments to the classified civil service received 
my support in the Senate in the belief that it opened the way to a much 
needed reform. I still think so, and therefore cordially approve the clear 
and forcible expression of the Convention upon this subject. The law should 
have the aid of a friendly interpretation, and be faithfully and vigorously 
enforced. All appointments under it should be absolutely free from parti¬ 
san considerations and influence. Some extensions of the classified list are 
practicable and desirable, and further legislation extending the reform to 
other branches of the service to which it is applicable, would receive my 
approval. In appointments to every grade and department fitness and not 
party service should be the essential and discriminating test, and fidelity 
and efficiency the only sure tenure of office. Only the interests of the pub¬ 
lic service should suggest removals from office. I know the practical diffi¬ 
culties attending the attempt to apply the spirit of civil service rules to all 
appointments or removals. It will, however, be my sincere purpose, if elect¬ 
ed, to advance the reform. 

I notice with pleasure that the Convention did not omit to express its 
solicitude for the promotion of virtue and temperance among our people. 
The Republican party has always been friendly to everything that tended 
to make the home life of our people free, pure and prosperous, and will in 
the future be true to its history in this respect. 

Our relations with foreign powers should be characterized by friendli¬ 
ness and respect. The right of our people and our ships to hospitable treat- 


REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 249 

ment should be insisted upon with dignity and firmness. Our Nation is too 
great, both in material strength and in moral power, to indulge in bluster 
or to be suspected of timorousness. Vacillation and inconsistency are as 
™ COm ? atl i Ie with successful diplomacy as they are with the National dignity. 
We should especially cultivate and extend our diplomatic and commercial 
relations with the Central and South American States. Our fisheries should 
be fostered and protested. The hardships and risks that are the neces¬ 
sary incidents of the business should not be increased by an inhospitable 
exclusion from the near-lying ports. The resources of a firm, dignified 
and consistent diplomacy under undoubtedly equal to the prompt and peace¬ 
ful solution of the difficulties that now exist. Our neighbors will surely 
not expect in our ports a commercial hospitality they deny to us in theirs. 

I cannot extend this letter by special reference to other subjects upon 
which the Convention gave an expression. In respect to them, as well as to 

those I have noticed, I am in entire agreement with the declaration of the 

Convention. The resolutions relating to the coinage, to the rebuilding of 
the navy, to coast defences, and to public lands, express conclusions to all 
of which I gave my support in the Senate. 

Inviting a calm and thoughtful consideration of these public questions, 
we submit them to the people. Their intelligent patriotism and the good 
Providence that made and has kept us a Nation will lead them to wise and 

safe conclusions. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

BENJAMIN HARRISON. 


LEVI P. MORTON’S LETTER OF ACCEPTANCE. 

Rhinecliff, N. Y., Oct. 2. 

To Hon. M. M. Estee and Others, Committee — Gentlemen: In making 
formal acceptance of my nomination as the Republican candidate for the 
Vice-Presidency, I desire to express my grateful appreciation of the confi¬ 
dence reposed in me by the Convention. 

The duties devolving upon the Vice-President as presiding officer of the 
Senate, and in certain contingencies a participant in the legislation of Con¬ 
gress, make is proper that the people should know distinctly and unreservedly 
the political views of the candidate who may be presented for their suffrages. 

It fortunately happens that this duty, for myself, is easily discharged 
by referring to the principles embodied in the resolutions unanimously 
adopted by the National Convention. These resolutions, unequivocal and 
comprehensive in character, reflect my personal convictions, and have my 
hearty approval. 

It is difficult, however, in a political campaign to fix popular attention 
on more than one issue, and in the pending election every voter in the Unitea 
States clearly sees that the controlling question is whether the protective 
tariff duties now in force shall be so reduced as to destroy their efficiency, 
or whether these duties shall be retained with such modifications and ad¬ 
justments as shall better adapt them to the great end of protecting the vast 
and important industries of the whole country. 

The Republican platform, while recognizing the necessity of reducing 
the revenue, declares that this reduction must not be made at the expense 
of these industries and of American labor. 

The American people have now enjoyed the protective system for a 
longer continuous period than ever before in the history of the National 



250 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


government. The result is that for more than a quarter of a century they 
have realized a degree of industrial and financial prosperity unprecedented 
in this country, and never equaled in any other. 

The pressing reason given for once again trying the old experiment of 
a revenue tariff, without protection as a motive or end, is that the present 
tariff has produced and is producing a surplus in the Treasury. But is it 
not easily within the wisdom of Congress to adjust the National income to 
the National expenditure without sacrificing or even imperiling an indus¬ 
trial system which has brought untold advantages to the entire country? 
Admitting that the present tariff, by lapse of time and the large expansion 
of trade which it has stimulated, needs revision, is it not wiser and more patri¬ 
otic to revise it with a careful regard to the interests of protection than 
with the purpose of lessening its protective feature? 

These are some of the questions which must be answered at the National 
polls in November. For myself, as a citizen and a candidate, I do not hesitate 
to declare that from long observation I am an unwavering friend of the 
protective system. In a business life now extending over forty years, I 
have witnessed and compared the effect upon the country of a revenue tariff 
tending to free trade, with a protective tariff encouraging home industries. 
Under the former the development of the country has always been arrested, 
while under the latter it has uniformly been promoted. 

To the men who earn their bread by the sweat of their brows, the dif¬ 
ference between the two systems is that of narrowing chances on the one 
hand, and expanding opportunities on the other. Free trade would open 
America to competition with the whole world. Protection reserves America 
for Americans, native and adopted. 

The industrial system of a country is as sensitive as its public credit. 
A hostile movement creates distrust in the public mind, and confidence, the 
only basis of successful trade, becomes impaired. New enterprises wither in 
the bud, capital grows timid, the field of labor is contracted, and pressure 
for employment inevitably reduces the wages of all working men. 

With the views of the convention so frankly expressed in its resolu¬ 
tions upon all other questions of public interest, I find myself in hearty 
accord. In relation to silver and its important bearing upon the National 
currency, as well as its connection with and influence on the prosperity of 
large sections of our common country; in its advocacy of a judicious set¬ 
tlement of the public lands policy; in urging the necessity for better coast 
defences, and the duty we owe to the shipping interests of the country, the 
platform but repeats the approved principles of the Republican party. 

The Republican platform proposes a distinctly American policy; not one 
of narrowness and bigotry, but one broad and philanthropic—a policy that 
best helps the whole world by the example of a great, growing, powerful 
Nation, founded upon the equality of every man before the law. 

It is for the American people to develop and cultivate the continent to 
which, in the Providence of God, they have fallen heirs. They should adopt 
a policy which looks steadily to this great end. With no spirit of narrow¬ 
ness toward other peonies, but rather in the highest interest of all, they 
should find under their own flag a field of limitless advance in the direction 
of the improvement, the prosperity, and the haopiness of man. 

Very respectfully yours, 

LEVI P. MORTON. 


INDEX 


A 

Abbott, Hon. John N., communication of. 215 

Acceptance, Gen. Harrison’s letter of. 245 

Gov. Morton’s letter of. 249 

Adjourn, call of roll on motion to. 171 

vote to . Igl 

Alger, Hon. Russell A., presentation of, for president by Hon. R. G. 

Horr . 132 

presented for president by Hon. Mr. Fraser. 133-135 

nomination of seconded by Patrick Egan. 137 

by Hon. L. F. Eggers. 138 

Hon. L. G. Estee. 138 

vote for president.160-163-166-178-180-190-193-199 

telegram from, thanking the convention. 203 

Allison, Hon. William B., presentation of, for president Hon. David 

B. Henderson . 128-131 

seconding of nomination by Hon. Benj. M. Bosworth. 131 

vote for president.160-163-166-178-180-190-193 

Arthur, Chester A., resolution relative to death of. 59 

B 

Ballard, Henry, appointed temporary reading clerk. 14 

Bayne, Mr., report of the Committee on Rules, made by...., . 43 

Remarks by . 45 

Bingham, Hon. H. A., motion for adoption of temporary rules by. 16 

Bixby, Tams, appointed assistant secretary. 14 

Blaine, Hon. James G., telegram from.. 186 

Edinburg telegram from. 187 

vote for president.160-163-166-178-180-190-193-199 

Bosworth, Hon. Benj. M., seconding nomination of Hon. William B. 

Allison for president by. 131 

Boutelle, Hon. Charles A., remarks by. 54 

remarks by, relative to candidacy of Hon. James G. Blaine. 187 

seconding nomination of Gen. Harrison. 200 

seconding the nomination of Wm. Walter Phelps. 220 

resolution of . 236 

Bradley, Hon. W. O., address by. 60 

seconding unanimous nomination of Gen. Harrison. 206 

presentation of, for vice president. 209 

Brinkerhoff, George M., appointed temporary reading clerk. 14 

Brogan, Thomas J., appointed assistant secretary. 14 

Buller, Hon. Mr., endorsing the nomination of Mr. Phelps. 219 

Butterworth, Hon. Ben., remarks by, on Virginia contest. 30 

debate on rules by. 47 

seconding nomination of Hon. Wm. Walter Phelps. 217 










































252 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 

C 

Call, official ... 8 

Chairman, temporary . 14 

Chalmers, Hon. James R., seconding nomination of Hon. L. P. Morton.. 226 

Chandler, Hon. G. C., seconding nomination of Wm. R. Moore. 230 

Charlton, James C., communication relative to railroad tickets. 186 

Chicago, selection of, for meeting of convention . iii 

resolution of thanks to. iv 

Chisbee, Hon. Charles W., appointed temporary secretary. 14 

Committees, appointment of. 10 

on Permanent Organization. 23 

on Resolutions . 25 

on Rules, report of the, by Mr. Bayne. 43 

Bocal . iii 

National, resolution of thanks by. iv 

the National . 106-107 

on Notification . 234-235 

Convention, called to order by Hon. B. F. Jones, chairman. ii 

official call of. 8 

Cooper, Hon. Henry M., appointed assistant secretary. 14 

Credentials, Committee on. 24 

report of committee on. 64 

minority report on. 66 

D 

Dakota, increase of delegation from. 15 

Daniels, George H., communication of, relative to railroad tickets. 186 

Darcey, Hon. John C., seconding the nomination of Hon. John Sherman 

for president . 146 

Davis, Hon. Frank F., seconding nomination of Hon. Walter Q. Gresham 

for president . 117 

address of, pledging Minnesota to Gen. Harrison.*. 203 

Hon. Geo. R., resolution by. 19 

Denny, address presenting Hon. W. O. Bradley for vice president. 208 

Depew, Hon. Chauncey M., presented for president by Hon. Frank 

Hiscock . 139 

nomination for president seconded by Hon. G. G. Hartley. 139 

vote for president.160-163-166 

remarks of, withdrawing from the candidacy for president. 168 

unanimous nomination of Gen. Harrison moved by. 209 

Division . 81 

Dixon, David D., resolution relative to death of John A. Logan and 

Chester A. Arthur. 59 

Dolliver, Hon. J. P., seconding the nomination of Wm. Walter Phelps.. 218 

Douglass, Hon. Frederick, address of. 21 

Hon. Frederick, vote for president. 178 

E 

Edwards, Rev. Dr. Arthur, prayer by. 185 

Egan, Hon. Patrick, seconding of nomination of Hon. Russell A. Alger by 137 

endorsing Harrison and Phelps. 218 

Eggers, Hon. L. F., Gen. R. A. Alger’s name seconded by. 138 

English, Gustavus P., appointed official stenographer. 14 

Estee, Hon. Morris M., made permanent president. 39 

address of. 41 

Estee, Hon. L. G., Gen. R. A. Alger’s name seconded by. 138; 

Estee, Hon. Morris M., chairman Committee on Notification. 235 
















































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


253 


F 

Fallows, Rt. Rev. Samuel, D. D., prayer by. 172 

Farwell, Hon. C. B., address of. 200 

Fessenden, Hon. Samuel, reading of the call by. 8 

Fitler, Edwin H., presentation of, for president by Hon. Charles Emory 

Smith . 147 

vote for president. 160 

Fitz Simons, Gen. Charles, appointed sergeant-at-arms. iv 

Foraker, Hon. Jos. B., address of. 62 

Hon. Jos. B., presentation of Hon. John Sherman for president by 143-145 

Hon. Jos. B., vote for president. 178-190 

vote . 193 

motion of, to make Harrison’s nomination unanimous. 199 

Foster, Hon. Charles, report on permanent organization made by. 41 

seconding nomination of Hon. L. P. Morton. 222 

Foster, Hon. James C., communication from. 241 

Fraser, Hon. Mr., presentation of Hon. Russell A. Alger for president by 133-135 

Fremont, Gen. John C., address of. 20 

introduction of . 19-21 


G 

Gage, Hon. Mr., of California, seconding nomination of Hon. Levi P. 


Morton . 222 

Gallinger, Hon. J. H., seconding nomination of Hon. Benjamin Harri¬ 
son by . 126 

Gavel, presentation of.. 15-42 

Germany, Emperor of, resolution relative to the death of. 58 

Gibson, Hon. Mr., seconding nomination of Hon. Wm. Walter Phelps_ 218 

Grant, Gen. U. S., vote for president. 190 

Green, Charles, address of, introducing Gen. John C. Fremont. 20 

Green, Rev. Thomas E., prayer by. 106 

Gresham, Hon. Walter Q., presentation of, for president by Hon. Leonard 

Swett . 114 

nomination of, seconded by Hon. Frank F. Davis. 117 

by Hon. John R. Lynch. 118-119 

by Mr. McCall, of Mass. 120 

by Mr. Rector, of Texas. 120 

Gresham, vote for president.160-163-166-178-180-190-193-199 

Griffin, Hon. Albert, address seconding the nomination of Hon. W. O. 

Bradley for vice president. f . 212 

Griffin, Michael, appointed temporary secretary... 14 

Griggs, Hon. John W., address of, presenting Hon. Wm. Walter Phelps 

for vice president. 216 

Gunsaulus, Rev. Frank W., opening prayer. ii 


H 

Hallowell, Hon. James R., resolution of sympathy for Gen. Sheridan of¬ 
fered by . 17 

Harris, Hon. James H., seconding unanimous nomination of Gen. Har¬ 
rison . 205 

Hallowell, Hon. Mr., seconding nomination of Hon. L. P. Morton. 223 

Harrison, Hon. Benjamin, presentation of, for president. 121-124 

nomination seconded by Hon. E. H. Terrell. 125 

by Hon. J. H. Gallinger. 126 

vote for president.160-163-166-178-180-190-193-199 

declared nominated for president. 199 

notification of . 242 

letter of acceptance of. 245 












































254 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Hartley, Hon. G. G., seconding nomination of Hon. Chauncey M. Depew 139 
Hastings, Governor D. H., seconding unanimous nomination of Gen. 

Harrison . 200 

endorsing nomination of Harrison and Morton. 223 

Hawley, General Joseph R., presentation of for president. 114 

vote for president. 160-163 

Haymond, Col., vote for president. 193 

seconding Harrison’s unanimous nomination on behalf of California 202 
Henderson, Hon. David B., presentation of Hon. Wm. B. Allison for pres¬ 
ident by . 128-131 

seconding unanimous nomination of Gen. Harrison. 200 

Hepburn, Hon. Wm. P., report of Committee on Credentials made by.... 64 

Hiscock, Hon. Frank, presenting name of Hon. Chauncey M. Depew for 

president by . 139 

presiding officer . 152 

Hoar, Hon. Geo. F., remarks by, on Va. contest. 28 

debate on rules by. 46 

resolution of thanks to president of the convention. 241 

Houk, Hon. Mr., seconding Hon. W. O. Bradley’s nomination for vice 

president . 212 

Horr, Hon. R. G., presentation of gavel by. 15 

presentation of Hon. Russell A. Alger for president by. 132 

address seconding unanimous nomination of Gen. Harrison. 200 


J 

Jones, Hon. B. F., chairman National Committee, convention called to 


order by . jj 

Jones, Hon. B. F., opening address by. 9-11 


L 

Langston, Hon. John M., seconding the nomination of Hon. John Sher¬ 
man . 145 

Banning, David, appointed temporary reading clerk. 14 

League, Republican ratification, meeting by. 24 

Lewis, John W., petition in behalf of veterans offered by. 17 

Lincoln, Hon. Robert, vote for president.160-163-166-178-193 

Locke, Hon. R. D., seconding Hon. W. O. Bradley’s nomination. 212 

Logan, Gen. John A., resolution relative to death of. 59 

Lynch, Hon. John R., seconding the nomination of Hon. Walter Q. 

Gresham . 118-119 

address of, supporting Foraker’s motion to make Gen. Harrison’s 

nomination unanimous . 204 


M 

Mahone, address of, in behalf of Virginia. 

Marsh, Hon. B. F., endorsing nomination of Hon. L. P. Morton. 


204 

224 

120 


McCall, Hon. Mr., seconding nomination of Hon. Walter Q. Gresham.. 
McElwee, Hon. Samuel A., presenting name of Hon. Wm. R. Moore for 

vice president . 

McKinley, Hon. William, platform reported by. 

vote for president .160-163-166-178-180-190-193-199 

remarks withdrawing his own name as candidate for president.. 173 
Miller, Hon. Samuel F., vote for president. 167 


227 

108 




































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


255 


Miller, Hon. Warner, presiding officer. 172 

Hon. Warner, address by, presenting the name of Hon. Levi P. 

Morton for vice president. 220 

Minor, John L., appointed assistant secretary. 14 

Monroe, A. H., appointed assistant secretary. 14 

Moody, Hon. G. C.. resolution of. 15 

Moore, Hon. Wm. R., presentation of, for vice president. 227 

address of withdrawing his name. 231 

Morton, Hon. Levi P., presentation of, for vice president by Hon. Warner 

Miller . 220 

unanimous nomination of. 233-243 

reply of, to address of notification. 243 

letter of acceptance by. 249 


N 


Nelson, William, appointed assistant secretary. 14 

Northrup, Stephen A., prayer by. 36 

Notification Committee on. 234 

address of Hon. M. M. Estee on.. 242 


O 


Officers, temporary . 14 

Oliver, Hon. P. F,. seconding nomination of Hon. L. P. Morton. 223 

Organization, temporary . 15 

Committee on Permanent. 23 

permanent, report of committee. 39 

report of committee on permanent. 40 

Osborn, Thomas A., protest by. 11 


P 

Phelps, Hon. Wm. Walter, vote for president.160-163-166 

Platform, report of committee on. 108-112 

Previous Question . 80 

on adoption of platform. 113 

President, presentation of candidates for. 113 

Hon. Benjamin Harrison presented for. 121 

presentation of Hon. William B. Allison for.. 128 

presentation for president by Hdn. R. G. Horr. 132 

presentation of Hon. Chauncey M. Depew for, by Hon. Frank 

Hiscock . 

presented for president. 141 

presentation of Hon. John Sherman for, by Hon. D. H. Hastings.. 141-143 
presentation of Hon. Edwin H. Fitler for, by Hon. Charles Emory 

Smith . 147 

Hon. Jeremiah Rusk presented for, by Hon. John C. Spooner-148-151 

Proctor, Hon. Redfield, pledging Vermont to Harrison . 204 


R 

Railroad tickets, communication relative to. 

Reading clerks . 

Reconsideration . 

Rector, Hon. Mr., seconding the nomination of Hon. W. Q. Gresham... 
Rules, report of the committee on, by Mr. Bayne... 








































256 


OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE 


Resolutions, committee on. 25 

to tender sympathy to Germany on the death of their ruler, King 

Frederick of Germany, by Mr. Wellington. 58 

report of committee on. 108 

Roche, Hon., presentation of gavel by. J . 42 

of delegates and alternates..'89-96-106 

Roll, call of, on the nomination for president. 153-156 

Rosenthal, Hon. A. J., endorsing the nomination of Wm. Walter Phelps 219 

Rules, adoption of temporary. 16 

report of committee on. 43 

Rules, debate on.44-45-46-53-55 

Rusk, Hon. Jeremiah, presentation of, for president, by Hon. John C. 

Spooner . 148 

vote for president.160-163-166 

Russell, Hon. D. L., minority report on credentials made by. 66 


S 


Secretary of the convention, Mon. Charles W. Clisbee appointed. 14 

Secretaries, honorary . 40 

Secretaries, assistant . 41 

Sheridan, Gen. Philip, resolution of sympathy for. 17 

Sherman, Hon. John, presentation of, for president by Hon. D. H. 

Hastings . .n. 141-143 

by Hon. Jos. B. Foraker.. 143-145 

by Hon. Jos. B. Foraker. 143-145 

nomination of, seconded by Hon. John M. Langston. 145 

by Hon. John C. Darcey. 146 

Sherman, vote for president.160-163-166-178-180-190-193-199 

Shinn, C. M., appointed assistant secretary. 14 

Sims, Hon. Wm. E., seconding nomination of Wm. Walter Phelps. 

Smith, Hon. Charles Emory, presentation of Hon. Edwin H. Fitler for 

president by . 147 

Spears, Hon. O. J., seconding nomination of Hon. L. P. Morton. 229 

Spooner, Hon. John C., presentation of Hon. Jeremiah Rusk for presi¬ 
dent by. 148-151 

Stone, James H., appointed temporary reading clerk. 14 

Swett, Hon. Leonard, presentation of Hon. Walter Q. Gresham for presi 

dent by ...’. 114-116 


T 


Telegram, reading of, by Secretary Clisbee. 57 

Terrell, Hon. E. H., seconding of nomination of Hon. Benjamin Har¬ 
rison by . 125 

Thanks to the president of the convention. 241 

Thompson, Hon. Richard, presentation of Hon. Benjamin Harrison for 

president by. 121-124 

Thurston, Hon. John M., appointed temporary chairman. 11 

opening address by. 11-14 

decision by, in Virginia contest. 27 

seconding the unanimous nomination of Gen. Harrison. 205 

Tickets, veterans’ . 17 

Treat, Hon. Charles H., seconding nomination of Hon. L. P. Morton. 226 









































REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION 1888. 


257 


V 

Virginia contest, decision by the chair on. 27 

remarks by Hon. John S. Wise, on. 27-29 

ren arks by Hon. William Mahone on. 28 

debate on . 27-35 

remarks by Hon. Ben. Butterworth on. 30 

previous question on the. 80 

decision on the ninth district of. 84 

vote on minority report, committee on credentials on Va. 88 

Veterans, tickets for. 17 

petition of debate on. 17-18 

Vice president, proceedings relative to nomination of. 209 

Hon Levi P. Morton presented for. 220 

announcement of nomination of Hon. L. P. Morton for. 223 

Vote, on nomination for president. 153-156 

on president made unanimous by a rising. 207 

on vice president . 232 


W 

Warner, Hon. Samuel L., presentation of General Jos. R. Hawley for 

president by. 114 

Warner, Hon. Mr., address seconding nomination of Hon. W. O. Bradley 212 

Wellington, Hon. Jno., remarks by, on Germany. 58 

resolution by, relative to death of Emperor of Germany. 58 

Wiley, J. E., appointed assistant secretary. 14 

Williams, Hon. John A., seconding the unanimous nomination of Gen. 

Harrison . 206 

Wise, Hon. John S., remarks by, on Virginia contest. 27 

address of, in behalf of Virginia. 203 

Worcester, Rev. John H., prayer by. 152 

Works, Hon. Charles A., address by. 42 

Charles A., presentation of gavel by. 42 





























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